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Lloyd Robertson at the CTV News studio for his final newscast on Sept. 1, 2011.

Longtime CTV News anchor Lloyd Robertson has died at the age of 92, the network is reporting.

Robertson died Tuesday night, according to his family, the network said. No cause of death was given.

“A true giant. Canada has lost a broadcast legend,” said Lisa LaFlamme, his successor as CTV National News anchor, said on Instagram. “This truly is the end of an era.”

Robertson retired in 2016, after a long career that began at a radio station in Stratford, Ont,, his hometown, in 1952. He spent about 20 years at CBC before moving to CTV in 1976. He became solo anchor in 1984, and kept the job until 2011.

“In 1984, to me, it was the equivalent of being knighted,” he said later, according to CTV. “I was made senior editor of the newscast.”

Then-prime minister Stephen Harper called in “the end of an era” when Robertson signed off as anchor in 2011. He continued as a host of W5 until 2016, CTV reported.

Tributes to Robertson flooded social media Tuesday night from fellow journalists, politicians and ordinary Canadians.

“His passing truly marks the end of an era for Canadians from all walks of life,” Senator Leo Housakos said in a widely shared sentiment.

“There was no one like Lloyd,” Evan Solomon, the federal minister of artificial intelligence and digital innovation, and a former CTV and CBC broadcaster, said on the X social media site.

“He was the consummate journalist and broadcaster, always hardworking, fearless and fair. I once asked him for his advice, and what made his CTV newscast so trusted and popular. He said his motto was always: “be first and be friendly.” He was both. He was also trusted. He was a mentor to many, and a true friend to the country. RIP to the ultimate broadcaster, a leader and a gentleman.”

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Minister of Finance and National Revenue François-Philippe Champagne attends the 2026 pre-budget consultations, and hold a roundtable discussion with the Canadian Chamber of Commerce in Ottawa on Monday, July 6, 2026.

OTTAWA — For the past six months, Luke Elias, the president at Muskoka Cabinet Company Inc., says his workers have been working only two or three days a week.

The company based in Eastern Ontario, which has been making custom wood cabinetry for nearly four decades, is one of the thousands of companies in the kitchen cabinet industry that have been crippled by cheap imports coming from primarily southeast Asian countries.

Elias said his company, like many others, has been working at less than half of its capacity, and he has had to lay off 30 out of 70 workers.

“Not only is our survival at stake, but we can’t even think about investing and growing because of the imports,” he said in an interview with National Post.

“This is just unfair trading — below fair market value pricing. It’s just predatory, and we’re just asking for a level playing field,” he said.

On Friday, Minister of Finance François-Philippe Champagne announced a 25 per cent surtax on imports of certain wood cabinets and vanities, effective immediately, to remain in place for a maximum of 200 days. That tariff will not apply to products manufactured in the United States, Mexico, Israel and other developing countries.

The surtax is meant to be a temporary measure to help stabilize Canadian businesses while the Canadian International Trade Tribunal (CITT) completes its inquiry into the trade conditions that are impacting Canadian manufacturers of wood products, including wood cabinets, hardwood flooring and storage furniture.

The tribunal has until January 15, 2027, to submit its findings.

Dan Kelly, president and CEO of the Canadian Federation of Independent Business, said the surtax is a very important first step in helping address dumping.

“Freer trade is better trade, but tariffs are an absolutely important part of trade policy when unfair trading practices are engaged in, and every country, including Canada, has used them on and off over decades to try to address problems in the system,” he said.

The Canadian Wood Products Alliance (CWPA), which represents manufacturers like Muskoka Cabinet Company Inc. that produce finished wood products including cabinets, furniture, flooring, and panels, said in an unattributed statement this surtax was “very welcome news” and a “much-needed step in the right direction.”

But the organization said it remained concerned on two main fronts.

First, the CWPA said that several types of wood products, such as flooring and furniture other than cabinets and vanities, have been excluded from the tariff while many manufacturers are also struggling. Second, it said the 25 per cent tariff should be considered a starting point if the government wants to stop the flow of cheap imports.

Kelly said the federal government faces a balancing act, noting that Canadian consumers may be in favour of lower costs.

“It’s not that anybody should be discouraged from taking advantage of lower prices,” said Kelly. “It’s just that are we being fair to all players, including our domestic manufacturers.”

Elias, who is not only a member of the CWPA but also the president of the Canadian Kitchen Cabinet Association, said these provisional tariffs, while welcome by the industry, are arriving too late for many businesses which have already closed shop.

“If (the government) had acted when the application for this investigation was first accepted, it would have made a huge difference,” he said.

He however insisted that the industry is “very appreciative” of these tariffs.

“We could have used them six months ago, but we’re very thankful.”

Elias said the difficulties for the wood industry started in 2019 when the United States imposed tariffs on China for kitchen cabinets, so they started to divert their stock to Canada which was an “easy target.” The situation has only worsened as the Trump administration, in its second term, started putting more and more tariffs worldwide.

Kelly said Canada is getting “sideswiped” by U.S. tariffs on other countries.

“U.S. tariffs are causing other countries to see their U.S. market share decline, and therefore they’ve got all this extra product and they’re selling it into the Canadian marketplace, perhaps below cost, just to get rid of it,” he said.

The imports of cheap product are coupled with the ongoing U.S. tariffs of 25 per cent on Canadian kitchen cabinets and vanities, which are set to increase to 50 per cent in 2027. Even more wood products could be struck with an additional 50 per cent tariffs on August 19 if the federal government does not come to an agreement with the U.S.

Elias said Canadians don’t often hear about the wood product industry as much as the steel and aluminum industries, for instance, but he said having more wood factories shut down or partially shut down are already having an impact in rural communities across Canada.

“It just affects the local economy. It affects our suppliers. It affects all the businesses that are around us that we purchase from and our employees purchase from,” he said.

Elias said that while his company stopped exporting to the U.S. right after COVID hit, the industry as a whole could be impacted by additional U.S. tariffs on wood products.

“The more the exporters are having a tougher time selling into the United States, they’re going to try and ramp up their efforts in Canada,” he said.

“So, we’ll all be fighting for the same shrinking pie in Canada.”

National Post

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The U.S. Embassy in Ottawa, alongside six U.S. consulates across Canada, will remain open.

The U.S. State Department plans to close five foreign missions, including a consulate in Winnipeg, according to sources cited by Reuters .

On Monday, the news agency reported that the department has filed notice of the impending closures to Congress, in a move that will see the United States reduce its number of consulates in Canada to six from seven.

The remaining U.S. consulates in Canada are located in Toronto, Montreal, Vancouver, Calgary, Halifax and Quebec City. The U.S. Embassy in Canada is located in Ottawa.

The mission in Winnipeg is what’s known as an American Presence Post (APP), which is a type of consulate that operates with limited staffing and responsibilities. According to the U.S. Embassy website , the consulate in Winnipeg does not provide full consular services, only emergency assistance to Americans in distress. Manitoba-related consular matters such as visas, passports, and notarials are handled at other U.S. consulates, primarily in Calgary.

As well as the consulate in Winnipeg, the State Department said it plans to close its posts in St. George’s, Grenada; Nagoya, Japan; Medan, Indonesia; and Douala, Cameroon.

The U.S. mission in St. George’s is an ⁠embassy, while the posts in Medan and Nagoya are consulates, and the post in Douala is an “embassy branch office.”

Reuters reports that the closures are a “rare” example of the U.S. downsizing its geopolitical footprint.

It follows reports that the State Department was preparing to close nearly a dozen foreign missions early last year , as part of U.S. President Donald Trump’s “America First” agenda.

U.S. missions around the world had been asked to look into reducing both American and locally employed staff by at least 10 per cent as part of a cost-cutting effort across the U.S. federal workforce.

The State Department did not confirm the planned closures, but said in a statement to Reuters on Sunday that it was ​focused on ensuring the ⁠nation’s diplomatic footprint was efficient and effective. The department added that it was committed to following congressional notification procedures.

Elsewhere, the U.S. State Department announced the resumption of operations at the long-closed embassy in Caracas, Venezuela , earlier this year, while the Trump administration in February informed Congress of potential plans to reopen the U.S. Embassy in Damascus, Syria , which has been closed since 2012.

Meanwhile, the reports of closures come days after the State Department caused a stir among attendees at a global conference in Brazil, where a U.S. government map of Africa mislabelled every country during a presentation by the department.

A Reuters analysis also found that the map contained a watermark that signalled it was made using AI.

The State Department said ​it took “full responsibility” for the confusion and that the map had been produced by a team member who ​had hastily changed the slide deck before the event.

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The Public Service Pay Centre in Miramichi, N.B.

The federal government gave pay raises to more than 330,000 bureaucrats last year, according to recently published information obtained by the Canadian Taxpayers Federation (CTF) under an access-to-information request.

The numbers show that 78 per cent of federal workers received a pay raise in 2025, and that fewer than one seventh of one per cent saw their wages drop, a figure the CTF says amounts to the government having “rubber stamped” those increases.

Meanwhile, the government’s own figures show that almost a third of its departments did not meet their performance targets in 2025, while almost 10 per cent did not have data available on whether or not they did.

“Taxpayers have every reason to question why the vast majority of bureaucrats are taking bigger paycheques when departments can barely pass their own test,” said Franco Terrazzano, CTF’s federal director. “Federal bureaucrats shouldn’t feel entitled to more money every year just because they’re on the taxpayer payroll.”

According to the data received by the CTF, the federal government employed 432,566 people during the 2025 calendar year. Of those, 18,041 were classified as executives and 414,525 as non-executives.

Of those people, 320,347 non-executives received a pay raise, or just over 77 per cent of the group. Raises included pay revisions, progression within their classification and retroactive pay from new collective agreements. It did not include pay increases from promotions or billable overtime payments.

Of the executive group, 15,831 people received pay raises, amounting to more than 87 per cent of that group.

Of the smaller group of public servants who received pay cuts, 580 were non-executives and just 16 were executives. Pay cuts were the result of demotion and did not include employees who left their jobs entirely. The figures for pay cuts amounted to less than one per cent for both groups: 0.14 per cent for the non-executives, and just 0.089 for the executives.

The figures obtained by the CTF also show that 142,269 of non-executive public servants (34 per cent) received a bonus or other form of performance incentives, as did 15,898 (88 per cent) of the executive group.

However, on the delivery side of the equation, a government summary shows that fewer goals were being met by the public service, compared to pay increases.

An infographic page run by the federal government tracks departmental results and program outcomes across the public service for each fiscal year.

The numbers for 2024-25 tracked 1,249 indicators for departmental results, and 1,335 for program outcomes. Eliminating those for which the target was after the end of the fiscal year or with no fixed date, it found that between 60 and 63 per cent of results and outcomes had been met, while between nine and 10 per cent had no available data.

That left 30.3 per cent of departmental results and 26.4 per cent of program outcomes unmet for the most recent year.

“What’s really insulting and unacceptable is how much the bureaucracy costs taxpayers and how little it delivers,” Terrazzano said. “Prime Minister Mark Carney needs to shrink the federal bureaucracy to stop borrowing money and provide Canadians with the tax relief they need.”

When Prime Minister Mark Carney’s government released its first budget last November, it promised the federal public service would see “a decline of about 40,000” jobs by the end of the 2028-29 fiscal year. That included jobs that had been shed since the size of the public service peaked in 2023-24.

The plan is to bring numbers down further, to about 330,000 by 2028-29. In June, the Treasury Board of Canada Secretariat said the past year had seen a drop of 12,683 positions, or just over 3.5 per cent.

Terrazzano also pointed to another study by the Fraser Institute that found that government employees are now taking larger salaries than their counterparts working outside of government.

That study found that, after controlling for factors including gender, age, marital status, education and size of firm, Canadian workers at the three levels of government saw a 4.8 per cent wage premium, on average, compared to their private-sector counterparts in 2024. Even taking into account the wage difference between unionized and non-unionized workers, the premium was three per cent.

“This reality isn’t stopping government unions from demanding more money from taxpayers,” the CTF said in a release. “The Public Service Alliance of Canada is negotiating new contracts for its members and has already called the federal government’s wage offers ‘insulting’ and ‘unacceptable.’”

The CTF recently launched a court challenge against the Bank of Canada, demanding that it release records disclosing the compensation it pays to its senior officials.

“Taxpayers are on the hook for another wage hike, but the government won’t tell Canadians the price tag,” said Devin Drover, CTF’s general counsel. “That’s another failure of Canada’s broken access-to-information system. Taxpayers pay these wages and they have a right to know the bill.”

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U.S. President Donald Trump speaks to reporters aboard Air Force One on August 02, 2026.

U.S. President Donald Trump has said he’s decided on a “punishment” for Canada following wildfires that pushed smoke across the border and affected air quality in some areas of the United States. But he hasn’t revealed what it is.

While speaking to reporters on Air Force One on Sunday night, Trump was asked: “On Canada, have you decided on a punishment yet for the wildfire smoke?”

“I have, yeah,” he replied. “You’ll find out about it.”

Though the U.S. President did not elaborate on what this punishment could be, he has previously threatened to impose further tariffs on Canada in response to smoke from wildfires in Northern Ontario, which he called “unacceptable” in a July 17 Truth Social post .

“T he United States is being unnecessarily invaded by filthy, polluted, and unhealthy air, the quality of which is dangerous, and totally unacceptable,” Trump wrote.

He added: “This is Willful Negligence, and becoming a yearly occurrence, costing the United States Billions of Dollars, which cost of this pollution must of necessity be added to the TARIFFS Canada is currently paying.”

While speaking to reporters at an air base in Maryland after attending the FIFA World Cup final on July 19, Trump said he had confronted Prime Minister Mark Carney at the event over the wildfires .

I told him you’ve got to stop these fires from coming in and poisoning our air, our air’s been poisoned,” he said. “I have a good relationship with Mark Carney but, you know, we’ve got to stop the fires up there. If we can help them we’ll help them, but maybe they should pay us some damages or something, or we should do some tariffs?”

Ontario Premier Doug Ford later dismissed the notion of more tariffs as “rubbish” during a press conference the following day.

“Maybe if (Trump) got rid of the tariffs on softwood lumber it might make a difference, until we can harvest these areas and ship them down,” said Ford. “I’ve got to remind President Trump that 33 per cent of the lumber — and we have better quality lumber here in Canada — comes from Canada to build their homes.”

The premier added: “Rather than criticize and threaten Canada, your closest friends, maybe one day you’re going to need our help like you did last year, and we deployed the people. I get frustrated just listening to this bunch of rubbish.”

Canada has sent firefighting crews to California numerous times over the years, most recently in January 2025.

 Smoke from wildfires in Canada and Minnesota engulf the Washington D.C. skyline on July 17, 2026.

Ford’s comments came the same day that Trump announced plans for a new 50 per cent tariff on Canadian goods , citing what the U.S. administration views as discriminatory trade practices by Canada, including Canadian tariffs on American autos, U.S. alcohol bans in some provinces and dairy import limits.

At a first ministers meeting in Charlottetown on July 23, Carney said Canada would not respond to the tariffs, which are set to come into force on Aug. 19, before they take effect.

Trump later trolled Canada with an AI-generated image depicting a giant air filter acting as a border wall between Canada and the U.S., which he shared on social media.

The image included a sign that read: “North American air filter barrier. Clean air. Clean borders.”

Meanwhile, there are 770 active wildfires across Canada as of Tuesday, according to the Canadian Wildland Fire Information System , with several evacuation orders and emergency alerts issued in British Columbia .

And the U.S. is currently dealing with wildfires of its own. There are 531 active wildfires across the U.S., according to American Forests , with fire activity concentrated across the northwest. Large fires near Spokane, Washington state, have forced tens of thousands of people to evacuate their homes.

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CF Montréal goalie Sébastian Breza pushes Dor Turgeman of the New England Revolution after he celebrated a goal in front of the Montreal fans during the first half of the team's game. Some Montreal fans allegedly hurled antisemitic comments and empty beer cans at Turgeman.

Major League Soccer has launched an investigation into antisemitism and discrimination during a match in Montreal on Saturday night.

The New England Revolution said its forward, Dor Turgeman, was subject to “antisemitic and discriminatory abuse” from CF Montréal fans during the teams’ game at Stade Saputo.

While the team and league don’t indicate in their respective statements what was said to the 22-year-old, it’s reported to have included chants of “Death to Israel,” according to the Anti-Defamation League and Stop Antisemitism.

Early in the match, Turgeman notched a goal to put his team up 2-0 and proceeded to celebrate by the Montreal net, gesturing to home side supporters as a couple of beer cans and cups rained down on the pitch around him, as seen in multiple videos on X.

The Revolution said it reported the “antisemitic and discriminatory abuse directed” at Turgeman to the league immediately and fully supports an investigation it hopes will end with those responsible held to account “for their unacceptable actions.”

“There is zero tolerance for abuse, harassment, or discrimination in our game, and this behaviour must be unequivocally condemned,” the organization said in a statement . “The entire Revolution organization stands with Dor. No player should ever be subjected to abuse because of their race, ethnicity, religion or identity.

“Antisemitism and all forms of hate have no place in our sport, our stadiums and our communities.”

The league said it has zero tolerance for “hateful language.” The code of conduct policy for fans states that such behaviour can “result in ejection without refund, loss of ticket privileges for future games and revocation of season tickets” and bans of up to six months for “ extremely disruptive or dangerous” conduct or repeated offences.

In its own statement , CF Montreal said it was aware of the allegations, but didn’t specifically characterize the incident as antisemitism.

“The Club does not tolerate discrimination or hateful behaviour of any kind,” it wrote.

“We take these allegations very seriously and are currently reviewing the matter.”

The ADL said it, too, was in contact with MLS regarding the “incredibly upsetting display” in Montreal.

“Every player deserves to compete free from harassment based on their identity or nationality,” it shared on X. “That’s an easy standard professional sports should uphold.”

Marc Miller, Minister of Canadian Identity and Culture, and Official Languages, also reacted on X.

“Absolutely sickening,” he posted . “I am mildly encouraged that CF Montreal appears to be acting swiftly.”

“The hateful chants from a small group of extremists … were neither acceptable nor representative of Montreal,” CIJA wrote on X , expressing its support for an investigation.

“We will closely monitor developments and hope that those responsible will face the consequences of their actions, in line with the club’s clear commitment: hateful behavior (sic) has no place in its stadium.”

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Participants in an annual ethnic festival parade in Belleville, Ontario reflect a multiplicity of identities. The four-day event included a full lineup of food, dance and song.

Almost two-thirds of Canadians say they are attached to their ethnic origins or ancestry, according to a new survey conducted by Leger for the Association for Canadian Studies (ACS). However, attachment to being Canadian remains considerably stronger, the survey shows.

Attachment to ancestry is widespread across the country. It reaches 67 per cent in Quebec and Atlantic Canada, 66 per cent in British Columbia and 65 per cent in Ontario. In Alberta, and Saskatchewan and Manitoba, 57 per cent said they are attached to their ethnic origins.

The survey found that 64 per cent of Canadians say they are attached to their ancestry, including 28 per cent who described themselves as “very attached.” Quebecers and British Columbians are the most likely to say they are “very attached” to their ancestry, at 33 and 32 per cent respectively.

“British Columbia’s relatively high ‘very attached’ result is more likely connected to its demographic diversity, immigration history and sizeable Asian, European and Indigenous populations,” Jack Jedwab, president of the ACS, told National Post in an email. “Many British Columbians may have relatively recent or clearly identifiable ancestral connections.”

Meanwhile, 82 per cent of Canadians told Leger that they are attached to Canada, including 50 per cent who are very attached. Though, there are significant regional differences. Attachment to Canada climbs to 92 per cent in Atlantic Canada, compared with 73 per cent in Quebec. In Alberta, 84 per cent feel attachment to Canada. It was 88 per cent in B.C., and Saskatchewan and Manitoba.

Only 33 per cent of Quebecers are “very attached” to Canada, compared with 63 per cent in Atlantic Canada, 58 per cent in Alberta, 55 per cent in British Columbia and 49 per cent in Saskatchewan and Manitoba.

The survey reflects some generational differences in that Canadians aged 18 to 24 (36 per cent) and 55 to 64 (34 per cent) are almost equally “very attached” to their ethnic origins and ancestry, while respondents in the age groups in between are less likely to say they are “very attached” (between 22 and 24 per cent).

“Among those age 18-24, ancestry may be especially relevant because identity is being explored and actively defined,” Jedwab said. “Younger Canadians have also grown up in an environment where ethnic identity, diversity and cultural recognition are openly discussed.” For survey respondents aged 55 to 64, Jedwab said, “attachment may reflect a later-life return to genealogy, inherited traditions and memories of parents or grandparents. Some members of this cohort are also immigrants or children of postwar immigrants for whom ancestral culture remains personally significant.”

The survey also looked at gaps between attachment to Canada and ancestry. For example, among the youngest and oldest cohorts this gap was identical at 22 points. Though, this represents different considerations, says Jedwab. “Among 18–24-year-olds, attachment to both identities is substantial: 85 per cent are attached to Canada and 63 per cent to their ancestry. Their Canadian attachment is broad but comparatively less intense. Only 40 per cent say they are ‘very attached’ to Canada. In effect, young Canadians can value ancestry while still regarding Canada as the larger political and social community to which they belong.”

In contrast, among respondents aged 65 and older, attachment to Canada reaches 89 per cent, compared with 67 per cent for ancestry.

Perhaps unsurprisingly, the survey found immigrants are far more likely than non-immigrants to feel attached to their ethnic background — 78 per cent compared with 62 per cent — but they are also slightly more likely to feel attached to Canada (85 per cent versus 81 per cent). Similarly, noted Jedwab, 75 per cent of racialized respondents report attachment to their ethnic origins, compared with 62 per cent of white respondents, while both groups report the same level of attachment to Canada, at 82 per cent.

The primary language spoken by respondents revealed another important dimension of attachment. For anglophones there is a 22-point gap between attachment to Canada and attachment to their ancestry — 84 per cent compared with 62 per cent. For allophones, attachment is high on both measures: 89 per cent to Canada and 84 per cent to their ethnic origins. Francophones only show a five-point gap, but attachment for them on both measures is lower at 70 per cent to Canada and 65 per cent to ethnic origins.

Jedwab suggests that the lower numbers among francophones is due to their identity “often (being) expressed through attachment to Quebec, the French language and a distinct national or cultural community. A francophone whose family has lived in Quebec for several centuries may not think of France — another ancestral country — as central to their identity. Their principal collective identity may be Québécois or French Canadian.”

Quebec respondents made way for one of the survey’s most counterintuitive findings, Jedwab said. Quebecers aged 18 to 24 are more attached to Canada than Quebecers overall, with 84 per cent of the youngest group reporting attachment to Canada, compared with 71 per cent across Quebec. Although only 37 per cent of young Quebecers say they are very attached, another 47 per cent say they are somewhat attached.

“Younger Quebecers may be more open to holding both identities without feeling required to resolve the constitutional question that preoccupied the others,” he said. “(Even though) the sovereignists have been trying to give the impression that a new generation of Quebecers is now driving independence, despite the data not supporting this observation.”

Leger surveyed 1,505 Canadians online between July 10 and 12. A margin of error cannot be associated with a non-probability sample in a panel survey for comparison purposes. A probability sample of the same size would have a margin of error of plus or minus 2.5%, 19 times out of 20.

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Conservative Party of Canada leader Pierre Poilievre speaks during Question Period in the House of Commons on Parliament Hill in Ottawa June 3, 2026.

OTTAWA — Some Harper-era Conservatives might watch The Odyssey blockbuster this summer and find themselves sympathizing with the tale of a battle-weary warrior returning to a home that is no longer familiar to him.

It’s been accepted wisdom since he became party leader that Pierre Poilievre has reshaped the Conservatives into a very different coalition from the one his predecessors led. What’s more often missed, amid all the media feasting on squabbling this summer among various party factions, is that the Conservative party is undergoing the messy process of reinventing itself.

The quarrelling hasn’t quite reached Trojan War levels, but it’s been flaring up in a way that has attracted exasperating headlines for the party , the most recent being a veiled and public dig by Poilievre at the party’s Calgary Stampede event against Ontario conservative powerbroker Kory Teneycke.

What’s happening isn’t a sign of a threat to the party’s leadership or even a product of some built-in propensity for intellectual combat among conservatives, says Ken Boessenkool, who has worked on policy and strategy for former prime minister Stephen Harper, along with a host of other conservative leaders. It’s a symptom of the violently shifting ground beneath his party’s intellectual movement and voter base.

“The shifting coalition, by definition, is going to require a shift in the ideas that we’re fighting about. So, it’s entirely unsurprising that we’re having these fights,” said Boessenkool.

Under Poilievre, no longer is this the party of older men; it has been remade into a party of younger, more working-class Canadians.

“Older men tend to be more established and want to fix things,” he said. “Younger men are angry and want to break things. So, we’re going from ‘fix things’ to ‘break things’ in a massive part of our coalition.”

Angus Reid Institute polling last spring in the weeks after Mark Carney became Liberal leader on March 9, 2025, shows just how rapidly that change has happened. A poll on March 17, 2025 showed men over 55 preferring Conservatives by eight percentage points. Two weeks later, on March 31, the institute’s polling showed the same demographic preferring Carney’s Liberals by four points .

Yet, even without those men, Poilievre’s Conservatives racked up the most votes in their history in the April election.

“You can’t recognize that if you’re a Stephen Harper person like me. I don’t recognize the coalition that Pierre Poilievre has built,” Boessenkool said.

With a populist message about driving out “gatekeepers” standing in the way of affordable housing, jobs and prosperity, Poilievre yanked the Conservative party in a new direction, pulling in younger voters who want to disrupt the status quo rather than preserve it. It’s a shift that most right-leaning parties across the western world have experienced in the last decade, in some form or another.

Not only are the ideas fuelling the conservative movement changing, but the way they are communicated has also shifted dramatically. Poilievre has not only harnessed influencers to spread his message but also used their tactics .

Boessenkool said it’s forced him to ponder whether any of the lessons the party learned in the Harper government can even be applied to the current environment.

“I’ve had to think hard about how I participate in Conservative politics now, because the Harper formula isn’t the right formula right now,” he said.

 Conservative MP Michelle Rempel Garner speaks during question period in the House of Commons on June 18, 2026. Photo by Hyungcheol Park/Postmedia.

The arguments within the conservative movement have also taken place online and in public, with even elected officials weighing in. Conservative MP Michelle Rempel Garner, in a long social media post last week , blamed the ongoing grief from the 2025 federal election for some of the infighting in her party.

“Judging from the tone of the public discourse that has been taking place between some luminaries of Canada’s political right since the Liberals solidified their majority, not everyone is moving through the stages of grief of this loss on the same timeline,” she wrote.

Rempel Garner doesn’t get into specifics, but there have been several public conflagrations among Tories since last year’s election.

The first was the bunfight that erupted between Poilievre’s team and older-school Conservatives as the party failed to stop the Liberals under Carney from marching to a fourth term. Teneycke, a longtime adviser to Ontario Premier Doug Ford, publicly criticized Poilievre’s campaign during the election. That was followed by MP Jamil Jivani, a young Ontario firebrand, insulting Teneycke and Ford, accusing them of hyping up Carney’s Liberals.

A new round erupted after the B.C. Conservative leadership race earlier this year, which saw Teneycke managing the bid of losing candidate Caroline Elliott, with Poilievre joking that the winner had beaten “liberal lobbyists from out east,” which most people took to mean Teneycke. A few days later, Elliott urged everyone to settle down and asked Poilievre to “unite” Canadian conservatives.

Another simmering quarrel is on policy issues, with some younger conservatives pushing the party to take a hard line on cultural issues , such as immigration, while others want to stay focused on the party’s traditional devotion to small government and fiscal conservatism.

Rempel Garner wrote that she understood the frayed nerves among Conservatives, but said it was extremely counter-productive for the party’s ultimate goal of winning elections.

“And so, the wrong path for our movement to take after this loss is descending into yet another round of prolonged, grief-driven, frustrated and puerile inward tent pissing,” she wrote.

Part of the problem for the party is that social media has all the squabbles happening in full view, where historically they might have played out in backrooms and Ottawa bars.

Ben Woodfinden, Poilievre’s former director of communications, lamented what he described as a poorly timed post on X despairing about the “intellectual poverty” he sees in “all sorts of conservative camps and factions right now.” He regrets it, he wrote in a subsequent online post, “because it ended up being used across media as an example of online conservative infighting.”

But Woodfinden went on to complain about another consequence of duelling in public on social media, which he called the “online-ification of conservative politics.” Not only can everyone now see the party’s fights, but they have taken on a more personal and heated tone, reflecting the online coliseum in which they are being fought.

“Everyone knows social media rewards the dumb fight, the public airing of grievance, the dunk that clears a thousand likes,” he wrote. “This world sorts for engagement, not ideas.”

Woodfinden described some of the extreme voices on the online right as “a cancer on the project of winning.”

Others in the party are more bullish , but it’s hard to find anyone who thinks it will be easy.

Harper kept his coalition together with a healthy combination of winning and compromise. For example, if social conservatives and fiscal conservatives sometimes found themselves at odds, they could agree on Harper’s plan for a generous tax credit for parents, which both lowered the tax burden and promoted families.

“Talented leaders such as Brian Mulroney and Stephen Harper can hold it together for a while, but it is always a difficult balancing act,” said Tom Flanagan, a veteran insider of Harper’s election campaigns and a professor emeritus of political science at the University of Calgary.

But Poilievre’s Conservatives have no hope of winning power any time soon, given that Carney has engineered a majority in the House largely by luring disheartened Conservatives to cross the floor.

Now, Poilievre’s toughest challenge will be not letting internal dissent get out of hand. It might not be easy.

“I’ve said, sort of tongue-in-cheek as a joke, about civil war being our favourite pastime,” said Dan Robertson, a former chief strategist for the Conservative party. “ And, you know, there’s a little bit of truth to that.”

stthomson@postmedia.com
National Post

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People walk on a train platform at the Little Haiti subway station in the Little Haiti neighborhood of Brooklyn, New York, on July 29, 2026. Tens of thousands of Haitians faced the prospect of leaving the United States or being deported, with the special protected status allowing them to live and work legally in the country set to expire on Aug. 3, 2026.

WASHINGTON, D.C. — Many Haitians in the United States, having fled environmental disasters, political upheaval, and gang violence at home, are living in fear again, this time in their adopted country.

Nearly 300,000 Haitians have had Temporary Protected Status (TPS), a relief program established by former U.S. president Barack Obama that provided work authorization, protection from deportation and travel documentation to eligible foreigners whose home countries were deemed unsafe.

The program was repeatedly renewed, but in late June, following a push by Republicans to cancel TPS, the Supreme Court allowed the U.S. administration to proceed with ending Haiti TPS — it expired on July 27. Those Haitians affected fear they may soon face deportation and be sent back to a country largely run by gangs.

Activists and immigration lawyers say this is prompting Haitian ex-TPS holders to consider a move north.

Thierry Jean-Baptiste, a community advocate and representative for the Bureau de la Communauté Haïtienne de Montréal (BCHM), said he is getting more calls from Haitian former TPS holders in the U.S. who want to move to Canada, especially over the past two weeks. He said many are desperate and worried about deportation and job loss.

“It’s a nightmare for them,” he said. “They’re very stressed.”

American immigration lawyers, meanwhile, are seeing that nightmare play out from the other side of the border .

“Many people are asking about Canada,” said Marina Shepelsky, a New York-based immigration lawyer who says she hates how this is affecting her clients. “I’m constantly feeling like I’m in some kind of war.”

Official data on Haitian visa requests for Canadian travel, attempted entries and asylum requests in response to this crisis won’t be available until later this year, but immigration professionals in Canada already see signs of an uptick.

Like Jean-Baptiste, Cassandra Fultz, founder of Doherty Fultz Immigration and a regulated Canadian immigration consultant based in Ottawa, says her office has seen an increase in inquiries since the Supreme Court decision.

“It’s inquiries in general for visas, for work permits, for permanent residence. Just options. Even asylum. When we speak with anyone, we evaluate all their options,” she said, noting that calls are up by about 20 per cent in recent weeks.

Before considering a third country, of course, many TPS holders are assessing their options for staying in the U.S., and the options are not great.

The termination is pushing many Haitians into claiming asylum in the U.S. — which many had not done before because TPS protected them. Some are also looking at T-visas (temporary immigration benefit for victims of human trafficking) and SIJ (Special Immigrant Juvenile) options, but those apply to a narrower group. Others can also still pursue a green card through marriage or another qualifying family route, according to Ahmad Yakzan, a Florida-based attorney specializing in immigration. But for many, those paths are blocked because of how they entered the country: without inspection.

That leaves asylum as one of the main remaining legal paths, Yakzan said, cautioning that it is not a good safety net because it is now tougher to meet U.S. asylum standards. The Trump administration has taken a harder line on gang- and private-actor-based claims.

Asylum denials have soared, with the government taking a harder line on claims involving gangs and other private actors, and moving more quickly into removal proceedings.

“They’re denying 99 per cent of cases,” Yakzan said. “They’re not even going to meet you before you get placed in removal proceedings.

“In the long run, there are people who are SOL … we’re trying to look for other relief, but the problem is most of them came without inspection, and we can’t really do anything for them.”

Yakzan and Shepelsky stressed that Haitians who have lost TPS status should first speak with a qualified immigration lawyer to assess their options, but they took different views on whether leaving for Canada might be a good option.

Yakzan says it is better to stay in the U.S.

“It’s much harder to bring them back than fighting here,” he said.

But if, after speaking with a lawyer, one’s options are poor, Shepelsky encouraged a look north.

“Consider Canada. Consider wrapping up your affairs here in America,” she said.

Holding out for political and policy changes — or a reversal — may not be prudent. Legislatively, the U.S. House of Representatives passed a Haiti TPS extension bill in April, and Senate Democrats introduced companion legislation in June. But the Senate has not yet brought it to a vote — and even if it passed, the White House would likely veto it.

“In the States, I think people have run out of road at this point,” said Fultz, noting that Haitians, perhaps more than other nationalities, do have options when it comes to living in Canada.

When asked about realistic Canadian immigration pathways for Haitian TPS holders, she said there are several.

“Honestly, it’s kind of the ultimate silver lining for people who are on TPS and who are Haitian … the door is really wide open for them and any other French speaker.”

The strongest pathway, she said, is Express Entry, especially the French-language category, but Canada also has newer Francophone-focused routes, such as the Francophone Student Pilot and a Francophone Community Immigration Pilot. She also mentioned health-care pathways, noting that many former TPS holders work in the medical field in the U.S.

These economic immigration programs can be applied for from anywhere in the world, but they can take months, if not years, for invitations and processing. Jean-Baptiste said it’s likely too late now for the former TPS holders to apply to such programs, but Fultz said Haitians in fear of being sent back to Haiti could look into options for visa-free travel in the meantime (Haitians can travel visa-free to a limited number of countries). Many, however, have lost their jobs in the U.S. as a result of their status change and may not have the funds for extended visa-free travel.

Being desperate to avoid deportation can prompt migrants to act quickly, and Jean-Baptiste said he has already seen some with family members coming to Canada to claim asylum. But heading to the border comes with risks.

First, many Haitians coming from the U.S. may be ineligible to claim asylum at the Canadian border because of the Safe Third Country Agreement (STCA), and they could be turned back to the U.S. the same day, where they risk being detained — and potentially deported.

Haitians who qualify for an exception to the Canada-U.S. Safe Third Country Agreement — including those with a qualifying family member in Canada — may be able to make a refugee claim at a Canadian port of entry, but proving the family link can be difficult.

For those who don’t qualify for an exception, it may be tempting to try to enter Canada irregularly and later seek asylum. But the Safe Third Country Agreement and Bill C-12 have made the path much harder, and people who cross between ports of entry may face serious legal obstacles, according to Julia Sande, a lawyer with Amnesty International Canada.

Sande warned that those who cross into Canada between ports of entry and wait more than two weeks may end up in legal limbo, which she described as being able to work but not having a realistic path to permanent residence.

“The good news is Canada’s not trying to return you, but the bad news is you’re stuck in legal limbo indefinitely,” she said.

“It’s like a bad board game where no matter what you do, you end up in a bad situation.”

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Suspected tobacco smugglers cross the St. Lawrence River near Akwesasne First Nation in October 2020. RCMP photo

U.S. Federal prosecutors announced arrests Monday in a plot to smuggle methamphetamine from Canada into the United States in exchange for guns.

Three dual Canadian-American citizens from Akwesasne, the Mohawk territory that straddles the Canada-U.S. border between Ontario and Quebec and New York State, were arrested last Thursday, according to a press release from the United States Department of Justice.

“Through a coordinated partnership involving U.S. and Canadian and Tribal law enforcement, investigators initiated a joint investigation into suspected cross-border drug trafficking activity operating through Akwesasne. As the investigation progressed, authorities identified an alleged smuggling network responsible for moving illicit drugs from Canada into the United States. Investigators further determined that the defendants allegedly planned to exchange methamphetamine for multiple firearms,” said the press release issued on Monday.

Basil Lazore, 47, and Michael Arquette, 38, have been charged with conspiracy to possess with intent to distribute and to distribute controlled substances.

“The penalties include at least 10 years and up to life in prison and up to a $10 million fine,” said the release.

Patricia Ransom, 81, was also arrested and charged with conspiracy to distribute and possess with intent to distribute a controlled substance, “for which she faces at least 5 years in prison, and a maximum of 40 years,” it said.

Lazore was taken into custody in Canada, while Arquette and Ransom were arrested in the United States.

None of the allegations have been proven in court.

“The defendants are presumed innocent unless and until proven guilty,” said the release.

The defendants are accused of attempting to exploit areas along the border where tribal lands create unmonitored access points for cross‑border criminal activity.

The new charges reflect “the unprecedented collaboration among our law enforcement partners Federal, State, Local, and Tribal, both in the United States and Canada,” according to First Assistant United States Attorney John A. Sarcone III.

“Their work to identify, investigate, and arrest these individuals underscores our commitment to securing the northern border and stopping the flow of deadly narcotics and dangerous firearms.”

Bryan DiGirolamo, a special agent with the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives in New York, commended special agents, detectives, analysts, prosecutors, as well as federal, state, local, tribal, and international partners “whose tireless dedication brought this investigation to this point,” said the release.

“Protecting our communities requires more than responding to violent crime — it requires identifying, disrupting, and dismantling the criminal networks that drive it,” DiGirolamo said.

“Transnational criminal organizations exploit borders, jurisdictions, and every vulnerability they can find to traffic illegal commodities that threaten public safety. This investigation demonstrates the power of intelligence sharing and the extraordinary partnerships that make complex, cross-border investigations possible.”

Anthony Patrone with Homeland Security Investigations in Buffalo, N.Y., said “transnational criminal organizations exploit borders, waterways, and remote terrain to move narcotics, firearms, and people while putting communities and law enforcement officers at risk.”

The case, according to Patrone, “reflects the strength of coordinated partnerships across federal, state, local, Tribal, and Canadian law enforcement. Together, we are targeting the criminal networks that threaten border security and public safety on both sides of the northern border.”

Ontario Provincial Police supported the joint operation, according to the release. The OPP “will continue to work alongside our partners to combat organized crime, reduce the availability of illegal drugs and weapons and enhance public safety,” Chief Supt. Mike Stoddart said in the release.

Chief Ranatiiostha Swamp of the Akwesasne Mohawk Police Service (AMPS) said “the success of this investigation highlights the importance of collaboration among law enforcement partners across jurisdictions and international borders. AMPS is proud to have contributed to this effort and remains committed to protecting the residents of Akwesasne from the impacts of organized crime in trafficking of humans, drugs, and firearms.”

His force “operates within a unique border community,” Swamp said in the release.

“We have long recognized the need for coordinated and intelligence-driven enforcement strategies. This investigation reinforces the importance of law enforcement partnerships by combining resources to combat organized crime. Through continued collaboration with our law enforcement partners, we will work to ensure that those who engage in criminal activity are held accountable while preserving the safety, integrity, and reputation of our community.”

The RCMP, Sûreté du Québec, Akwesasne Tribal Police and the St Regis Tribal Police were also involved in the investigation.

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