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Brad Bradford, the millennial planner-turned-councillor, makes his second bid for Toronto mayor, vowing to tackle crime, congestion and soaring costs while challenging Olivia Chow's record. (Photo: DAVE GORDON)

A little more than three weeks from Toronto’s municipal election, Brad Bradford is closing on incumbent mayor, Olivia Chow.

Chow holds an edge at 38.1 per cent of voters, according to Mainstreet Research . Bradford follows with 32.2 per cent among the voters.

The other candidates trail far behind. Chris Alexander sits at 7.2 per cent, Sarah McVie at 2 per cent, then Odessa Paloma Parker at 1.8 per cent, and finally the other candidates deemed by Mainstreet as “someone else” (2.7 per cent) rounding out the field.

With 16% undecided and 14% of voters reporting they might change their minds, including more than a quarter of Chris Alexander voters, the race is close.

Chow leads more comfortably among voters under 55 years-old, with a lead of 7 points among those under 35. She leads by 11 points among voters between 35 and 44, and 17 points among those between 45 and 54.

Among older voters, however, Bradford leads Chow by 7 per cent with voters between 55 and 64. He trails by just 2 per cent among voters over 65, which Mainstreet says is a statistical tie.

With turnout expected to be higher among older voters, Bradford’s edge could be a significant factor in the final outcome.

With regard to election issues, over three quarters of voters point to affordability as extremely or somewhat important (78 per cent). The affordability concerns for almost 3 in 10 include spending on public and transit safety (29.8 per cent). A plurality of voters said any tax increases should go toward paying for affordable housing and fighting homelessness (23.9 per cent).

“The race remains Olivia Chow’s to lose,” said Quito Maggi, President & CEO of Mainstreet Research. “With 16 per cent remaining undecided and another 14 per cent saying they might change their minds on how to vote, the next Mayor of Toronto is far from certain at this point” he added.

“We will keep a close eye on this important race and other as we approach election day” he concluded.

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Brazil's President and presidential candidate Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva waves next to (L to R) his candidate for Sao Paulo's governor, Fernando Haddad, Vice-President Geraldo Alckmin, and the Minister of the Environment Marina Silva during a campaign rally on the eve of the general election, in Sao Paulo, Brazil on October 3, 2026.

Brazil’s President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva and Flavio Bolsonaro will make a final pitch to voters Saturday with rallies in the pivotal state of Sao Paulo ahead of a nail-biter election that has been marred by scandals and mudslinging.

The 80-year-old veteran leftist is seeking a fourth and final term in office, warning voters that Brazil’s sovereignty is at stake in the face of pressure from US President Donald Trump.

Lula is locked in a tight battle against right-wing senator Flavio Bolsonaro, 45, the son of former president Jair Bolsonaro, a close ally of Trump who is serving a 27-year sentence for attempting a coup after his failed 2022 re-election bid.

Opinion polls show neither candidate is likely to win in the first-round election Sunday, and the two are in a statistical tie for an October 25 runoff.

After criss-crossing the vast nation in recent weeks, the two men are making a final push for votes in the key southeastern battlegrounds of Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro.

Lula will hold his final rally in the megacity Sao Paulo, where supporters were decked out in the red of his Workers’ Party, wearing caps and T-shirts declaring: “Make Lula President Again” or “Brazil belongs to Brazilians.”

Adriana Lima, 44, an early childhood educator clad all in red, told AFP that Lula was “the only president who cared about the people.”

“We also have an issue with Trump wanting to treat Brazil like their backyard, so we absolutely cannot let that happen. It’s a very important election.”

Another Lula supporter, accountant Tiago Lorureto, 35, said the election was “a choice between democracy and barbarism.”

Never any money

Flavio Bolsonaro was taking part in a motorcycle rally about 400km away in Sao Paulo state.

If he wins the election, Brazil will join a growing number of Latin American nations that have swung to the right in recent months.

His rallies have featured massive US flags and giant inflatable balloons of Trump, who has not endorsed the senator, but has said he is “very closely” watching the election.

The younger Bolsonaro has run on a platform of hardline security policies and fiscal austerity, slamming Lula as “incompetent” and highlighting the high cost of living.

Marcelo Peressim, 50, who owns a packaging company, came out to Flavio Bolsonaro’s rally with a portrait of the candidate’s father.

“We work almost 24 hours a day to have a good life and provide a good life for our families… yet there’s never any money left over for us to do anything,” he said.

Homemaker Eliane Boscolo, 47, said Trump would not need to take an interest in Brazil’s elections “if the country were doing well.”

“We need things to improve here. If his intervention is necessary, I’m all for it,” she added.

Scandals and insults

While the presidential election is in the spotlight, Brazil’s nearly 160 million registered voters are also electing lawmakers, governors, and some senators.

It has been a bitter campaign in the deeply divided nation. Policies and promises have been overshadowed by a barrage of scandals and personal attacks as candidates jockey for every undecided voter.

It emerged during the campaign that Flavio Bolsonaro was under investigation for corruption over the financing of the biopic “Dark Horse” about his father, bankrolled by jailed banker Daniel Vorcaro.

Vorcaro is under investigation in one of the country’s biggest financial scandals that has ensnared many in power.

The scandal also led to a public feud in the Supreme Court, where some justices have been linked to Vorcaro.

A massive online campaign by both sides saw rivals seize on every gaffe, accusation and rumor, quickly turning them into slick videos or AI-generated images on social media.

The day before the election, Patricia Catherina de Sousa, 35, an elderly care companion in Rio de Janeiro, told AFP she was still trying to decide which candidate would get her vote.

“It’s a really hard decision to make because it involves our country, our future, you know?”

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University College at University of Toronto in Toronto, Ontario on Wednesday, September 23, 2026.

An anti-Israel event intended to “honour martyrs” at the University of Toronto on Oct. 7 will no longer be permitted.

A spokesperson for the university told National Post that it has told the recognized student groups involved in organizing the event — one of several planned on Canadian campuses — that it “cannot proceed because of significant safety and operational concerns.”

“These concerns include physical safety risks to participants and to members of the broader university community due to the unsuitability of the space for large gatherings and the online promotion of counter-protests to take place at the same time,” the spokesperson said.

Oct. 7 marks the third anniversary of the Hamas terrorist attack in which 1,200 Israelis were murdered. It was the deadliest attack on Jewish people since the Holocaust. Canadian leaders and Jewish advocacy groups called on U of T and other universities to shut down anti-Israel Oct. 7 events.

“On some Canadian campuses, the third anniversary of October 7 will be marked by protests glorifying the heinous attacks, honouring the terrorists as ‘martyrs’ and calling for intifada — which many of Canada’s allies consider incitement to violence against Jews,” the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs said in a statement shared with National Post.

“This glorification of violence and terrorism has no place on campuses and administrations have a responsibility to ensure safe places for learning free from hate, particularly when such events are organized or supported by student groups and unions.”

Dr. David Jacobs, part of U of T’s governing council and president of the Ontario Association of Radiologists, posted his concern about the now-cancelled event on X .

“Choosing October 7th as a date for ‘honouring our martyrs’ isn’t random. It’s purposefully provocative,” he wrote.

Radio host Ben Mulroney said in a post on X that the U of T event was “f—ing disgusting.”

The U of T event was expected to take place at 5:30 p.m. at the steps of Sidney Smith Hall, located at the university’s St. George campus. The university will “act swiftly to enforce its policies should it become aware of potential violations,” said the U of T spokesperson.

Other events are still planned across Canada, including a “gathering” at the University of British Columbia in Vancouver and a rally at McGill University in Montreal.

A UBC spokesperson told National Post it was aware of a “range of activities on the Vancouver campus” being hosted by “Jewish and Palestinian student groups” on Oct. 7. None of them are “official” UBC events.

“UBC is committed to free inquiry, the free exchange of ideas and opinion, and the ability of all members of our community to engage in peaceful expression,” the spokesperson said. “We expect everyone exercising these freedoms to do so respectfully and within the boundaries of university policy and the law. Hate and intolerance have no place at UBC.”

An Oct. 7 rally is set for 2 p.m. at McGill’s Roddick Gates.

A McGill spokesperson said the university “denounces all forms of antisemitism and anti-Jewish hatred and reaffirms its dedication to preventing and combating such discrimination.”

“Every member of our campus community deserves to work and learn in a respectful, inclusive, and supportive environment,” said the spokesperson. “At the same time, McGill is committed to freedom of expression and has no issue with lawful activism and protest that ensure campus access remains unobstructed and academic activities continue without disruption.”

The concern from the Jewish community about the safety of such events stems largely from recent antisemitic incidents, including a hate-motivated, targeted shooting at a Belleville, Ont. synagogue and the arrest of two individuals in Ontario for making antisemitic threats online.

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LONDON, ENGLAND - OCTOBER 24: Shortlisted author Madeleine Thien attends a photocall for the 2016 Man Booker Prize for Fiction at the Royal Festival Hall on October 24, 2016 in London, England.

Excerpted from David Staines’ keynote address to Universität Trier marking 50 years of Canadian studies at the German university, where he was awarded an honorary degree in May. Staines’ lecture was titled, Fifty Years on: Canadian Fiction Then and Now

In 1976 I was putting the finishing touches on my first book, The Canadian Imagination: Dimensions of a Literary Culture. My favourite cousin, a PhD in the sciences, dropped by and examined what I was writing. I told him what I was doing, and he looked at me with disgust. “Whenever I go into the library and see a maple leaf on the side of a book, that means I avoid it because it is Canadian,” he remarked. His observation was indicative of the times when Canadian fiction was not a dominant piece of our country’s fiction.

When I moved to the University of Ottawa as a medievalist in 1978, a senior colleague, himself a Canadian, scolded me at our first departmental meeting, “I did not know you were a member of the Maple Leaf mafia.” I did not know how to respond. I kept silent.

In the winter of 1982 — on my first lecture trip to Sweden — I happened to meet Per Gedin, the owner and publisher of Wahlstrom and Widstand, Sweden’s major publisher of major fiction, Swedish fiction and English fiction that had been translated into Swedish. Their authors include Kasuo Ishiguro, Gabriel García Marquez, José Saramago, and Jeanette Winterson. Gedin became the owner and publisher of this fabled company in 1961, a position he held for 25 years, until he became director for 12 years of Gedin publications.

I still remember our dinner conversation, he, an astute judge of the literary scene, I, a young and naïve listener. He informed me that his agents always used to fan out to New York or London to know what was happening there, he said. Those days are in the past. Now he sent his people to Australia, South Africa, and Canada. When I asked him why, he explained. Australia had come alive in a literary sense because Patrick White had won the Nobel Prize; now Australia and its literature were being “discovered.” South Africa had the horrid stranglehold of apartheid, which led to such preeminent writers as Nadine Gordimer speaking out. And then he reflected on Canada, which had not won any major international awards, had no history of intense warfare or major breakups inside the country, and might well be accomplishing incredible literary feats, which would escape the notice of the world outside of Canada. Canada, therefore, had no defining interest to the outside world. It was a safe place for fiction to grow and develop without the steady gaze of the outside world.

And what has been happening since our conversation that evening 45 years ago? Margaret Atwood has won the Booker Prize twice, once for The Blind Assassin in 2000 and once for The Testaments in 2019, in addition to being a finalist on three other occasions. Alice Munro won the Nobel Prize in 2013 for the body of her fiction; her book, The Beggar Maid, was shortlisted for the Booker in 1979, and afterwards the authorities for the Booker decreed that the award henceforth was only open to submissions of novels. And Michael Ondaatje won the Golden Man Booker Prize for The English Patient as the best of the first 51 Booker Prize winners.

Canada has not suffered the ravages of external wars or internal devastations. We have had steady calls for separation from Quebec and then from Alberta. We have the ongoing struggles to find accommodation with the First Nations, though these take place primarily at negotiation tables. There is no sense of brutal wars raging within the country.

So, why, then, is Canada’s story, the story of a remarkable rise in the growth of fiction, so little known both outside the country and, alas, within the country? I would like to point out the immense wealth that is our fiction, the amazing quality of this fiction, and then posit some of the negative forces undercutting this amazing tale.

Early Indigenous fiction

The realm of Indigenous fiction came to a sudden halt with Pauline Johnson’s effective short stories about the need for Native-White coexistence and harmony. In “A Red Girl’s Reasoning” (1893), a Native woman reveals to a society hostess that her parents were married in a traditional Native rather than a Christian ceremony. When her husband later accuses her of publicly humiliating him, she wonders to him, “Why should I be ashamed of the rites of my people any more than you should be ashamed of the customs of yours — of a marriage more sacred and holy than half of your white man’s mockeries?” That evening, she leaves her marriage and her home. After months of searching for her, he finds her working at embroidery. Contrite, he wants her to return to their marriage. She cannot, telling him, “I have no love for you now. You forfeited me and my heart months ago.”

Johnson’s optimistic outlook on Native peoples and their interchanges with Euro-Canadians fell on deaf ears. Her death in 1913 coincided with the appointment of Duncan Campbell Scott as the head of Indian Affairs. Scott was an advocate for the assimilation of Canada’s Indigenous populations. And after Johnson’s passing, 60 years would go by before any Indigenous writer would again be published in Canada. And that breakthrough came with Maria Campbell’s Halfbreed in 1973. And since that time, there have been many Indigenous fiction writers who have followed Johnson’s lead, now surveying their own landscapes.

One of the best is the late Richard Wagamese (1955-2017). In his novel Medicine Walk (2015), an Ojibway teenager is summoned by his estranged and sadly declining father to conduct him into the British Columbian interior where he wants to be buried in the way of his ancestors, sitting up, facing east, “in the warrior way.” For the son, this final journey leads to an acceptance, if not forgiveness, of his father.

Wagamese writes with deep compassion of the trials and the sufferings of the Ojibway people, reaching out to the love that ultimately connects them and highlighting the healing power of family, of tradition, and of the landscape that engulfs them. The land is salvation for its people. His books capture the Ojibway mind in scenes that speak to the Ojibway and to all peoples who find themselves reflected on its pages.

A more recent writer is the Métis poet, Katherena Vermette, whose first novel, The Break (2016), became a national bestseller. An intergenerational saga about life in Winnipeg’s North End, it features 10 people offering their perspectives on a scene of rape, trying to make some sense of the tragic event and of their own lives. Her first three novels form a trilogy. And in her fourth novel, Real Ones (2024), two sisters confront the fact that their mother is called out for false claims to Indigenous identity. This fact becomes the source of their anxiety and their fraught conclusions.

Their Métis heritage has been passed down paternally; their mother, who produces art, is white. The novel catalogues the fallout and media storm surrounding the mother after she is exposed as a false Indigenous. The daughters explore their right to the label Métis: what it means to them in a white world that looks at them differently and what the term means more generally for an entire people.

Vermette seems to be saying that — with the public exposure of the pretend Indigenous person — the pain it causes people closest to them is the hurt that happens behind closed doors. Writing within her closely defined Indigenous world, in her afterword Vermette names her host of authors, all Indigenous and all from the last 50 years, for her heartbreaking tale, and she is writing to Indigenous and non-Indigenous readers, mapping out her own territory as part of a continuum with earlier works in her fiction world.

Recent rise of mainstream fiction

While Indigenous fiction is a recent dimension of Canadian fiction, the more mainstream dimension, that of the white Canadian world, is also comparatively recent. After all, Morley Callaghan would not name his settings in his short stories and novels until 1948. Mordecai Richler set his first novel, The Acrobats (1954), in Europe. Yet Margaret Laurence maintained in 1972: “We still had for many, many years a kind of colonial mentality, a great many people felt that a book written by a Canadian couldn’t possibly be good … This whole cultural climate has changed incredibly, and particularly in the last decade … Very few Canadian writers of any seriousness or worth do not find readership in their own country.” And the time between Richler’s early fiction and 1972, the period of the ’60s, saw the first fictional endeavours of, among others, Margaret Atwood, Timothy Findley, Robert Kroetsch, Margaret Laurence, and Alice Munro.

In 1976, the year Canadian Studies began at Trier (University), Atwood published her third novel, Lady Oracle. And in the following decade, countless authors were basing their writings on their indebtedness to Atwood or to Alice Munro. You can hear Alice Munro on the pages of Fugitive Pieces (1992), Anne Michaels’ first novel, which recounts the travails of a Holocaust survivor who emigrated to Canada and later published several volumes of poetry based on his own experiences. The novel won the Orange Prize in 1997 and has been translated into more than 20 languages.

Then, in 2016, Madeleine Thien published her remarkable novel, Do Not Say We Have Nothing, a Booker finalist, which has been translated into more than 25 languages. It depicts the long periods of Chinese unrest from Mao Zedong’s revolutionary army’s first battles through the Cultural Revolution to the Tienanmen Square massacres to life in contemporary China. Mixing real-life events with her fictional and totally believable characters, she captures brilliantly the recent decades of Chinese history and their terrifying effects on the many people who populate the novel’s pages.

Born in Vancouver to a Chinese mother and a Malaysian father, Thien openly acknowledges Alice Munro as the formidable influence on her writing career. In 2017, a year after Do Not Say We Have Nothing appeared, Thien published a short story about a young immigrant girl from Cambodia who lives in Goderich, Ont. She wanders about the Goderich library, where Alice Munro does her research, and she wonders about the famous local woman who does so much of her research there. The title of the story? “Alice Munro Country.”

Katherena Vermette has a plethora of major writers she is indebted to, which include Atwood and Munro.

And Heather O’Neill’s fifth novel, The Capital of Dreams (2024), follows Atwood in its presentation of an Eastern European country, Elysia, overcome and paralyzed by occupying forces. The narrative pace of the steadily increasing occupation and destruction is riveting. “As long as there is one writer with all the words and ideas of Elysia in her head, this country will flourish.” Although art provides this conscience, it cannot outlive the negative forces now governing the country.

Nowadays fiction writers openly acknowledge their indebtedness to other authors, now including Canadian writers who command attention both nationally and internationally.

Canadian fiction has incorporated some of the finest fiction writers from outside the country too, making the world of Canadian fiction a meeting-place for fiction lovers. In 1976, the same year that Trier launched its Canadian Studies program, Carol Shields published her first novel, Small Ceremonies. Born in Oak Park, Ill., she came to Canada with her husband Don, who took up a position in engineering at the University of Ottawa.

Based on material left over from her master’s thesis on Susanna Moodie, a thesis written for the University of Ottawa, Small Ceremonies recounts the story of Judith Gill, the biographer of Moodie, and her travails in academia. She fashions her worlds in a subtle mixture of Canadian and other settings. Influenced strongly by Atwood in her style and by Munro in her vision, Shields examines contemporary middle-class women and men, especially women, in their lives, making ordinary details and facts absolutely riveting. Later she would win the Pulitzer Prize and be a finalist for the Booker Prize for her novel The Stone Diaries (1993), a story of one normal woman and her journey through her ordinary life.

Naturalized writers

And Carol Shields is one of the artists I have called elsewhere naturalized Canadian writers, Canadians born outside of Canada who embrace the life and the customs of their new country. Before the Second World War, such figures were a relatively uncommon feature in Canada’s landscapes, but after the war and most strikingly in the ’60s, they became frequent arrivals in the country. Canada’s wide open spaces and still sparse population made the country a beacon for immigrants looking for a land of stability and freedom.

Again, in 1976, the year Trier launched its Canadian program, Michael Ondaatje published his first novel, Coming Through Slaughter. A native of Sri Lanka, he mixes poetry, prose, and fictional documentary for this biography of Buddy Bolden (1877-1931), a cornet player whose band is often credited with what came to be known as jazz. Intrigued by a brief newspaper clipping, “Buddy Bolden who became a legend when he went berserk in a parade” in 1907, the narrator travelled to Louisiana to learn what little there was about Bolden’s life; he used tapes of jazzmen’s memories of him, books about Bolden’s Storyville district in New Orleans, and records of the East Louisiana State Hospital, where he finally lived, mad, until his passing 24 years later in 1931.

Of Ondaatje’s seven novels, only one, In the Skin of a Lion (1987), has a Canadian setting. “We move, drift, climb into, and tunnel from one country to another. It is the central story of our time,“ he observes. And in his Booker Prize-winning novel, The English Patient (1992), the sequel to In the Skin of a Lion, the setting is no longer Toronto but the deserted Villa San Girolamo, north of Florence, Italy. The English Patient went on to become a major motion picture and the eventual winner of the Golden Man Booker Prize in 2018.

Whether the settings of Ondaatje’s fiction are Louisiana or Toronto or Italy, they testify to the learned diversity of his imagination. As he explores each one of them, he provides his intimate and intense knowledge of each. He moves back and forth in time, judging the settings and the people in them from his own Toronto-based perspective.

The only other author I want to mention in this brief survey of Canadian fiction is Rohinton Mistry, who came to Canada from his birthplace of Mumbai after he graduated from college. He enrolled on a part-time basis at the University of Toronto in pursuit of his second bachelor’s degree in English and Philosophy. In his three novels, Such a Long Journey (1991), A Fine Balance (1995), and Family Matters (2002), each one of them a finalist for the Booker Prize, he looks at contemporary India, using his position in Canada at a removed perspective on his other home. Like Ondaatje, he adopts his new country and writes from afar about his former place of residence.

In A Fine Balance, for example, the abuses of political power threaten to destroy the dignity of the individual. Set against the emergency measures imposed by Indira Gandhi in the mid-’70s, the novel’s monumental account of the struggle “to maintain a fine balance between hope and despair” is a powerful and painful examination of a humanity beset by social and political regression. The political realm stands behind the entire book, yet the political realm is also the personal realm; the two are one and the same, and there is no event where the political realm does not infringe upon and even determine it.

The poor and the powerless, the disposed and the forlorn, the most vulnerable members of society, these are Mistry’s people, and theirs is the unending struggle, always through suffering, to affirm human dignity. His books become cogent warnings about the human terrors that await a society without compassion; the books are, at the same time, a testimony to the enduring greatness of the human spirit.

As an aside, in 2002 while Mistry was doing personal appearances in the United States for the publication of his third novel, Family Matters, he became the object of so much racial profiling, being pulled aside at airport security stations or singled out at hotel check-ins, that he ended the tour early, vowing never again to go to the United States. And he has kept his vow almost 25 years later.

Fiction writers in Canada, both native Canadians and naturalized Canadians, look at life here and even more abroad. They wonder about lives inside and outside of Canada. They are all rooted now in Canada, even if their fiction does not exclusively depict Canadian scenes. They stand for multiculturalism, with the number of native-born Canadian writers increasingly augmented by naturalized Canadian voices, who are not frightened to tackle their new Canadian worlds as well as their chosen landscapes from their countries of origin. This is Canada nowadays, home to a diversity of ethnicities, birth countries, languages, and religious faiths unprecedented in our nation’s history and unprecedented in our nation’s fiction. This diversity is a societal experiment not replicated elsewhere in the world. A crossroads of people from every nationality of the world, Canada remains a work in progress, a work both achieved and always to be achieved.

To Per Gedin’s comment 35 years ago about fiction writers in Canada going about their business, not heedful of the rest of the world, this is still remarkably true. Despite the many international awards that have now come their way, fiction writers heed their own times and places.

Avoiding Canadiana

Yet Canadian fiction, though it has a remarkable array of famous authors, does not capture the attention of people both inside and outside the country. Why is this? There are several reasons that inculcate this malaise, which has its roots in my cousin’s comment 50 years ago, “Whenever I go into the library and see a maple leaf on the side of a book, that means I avoid it because it is Canadian.”

Twenty and 10 years ago, when you perused the Toronto Globe and Mail, for example, there were always articles on writers — there were long profiles of new writers — there were extensive book reviews. I remember doing my research for my history of Canadian fiction — so many interesting articles were in the Globe and Mail, which had its own book section. Now there is almost nothing. Maybe one review, perhaps two at the most. And even some reviews are from foreign or American sources. For the Toronto Star, the same thing has happened — some weekends there is not even one book review. For the other newspapers, it is the same story. Perhaps only the Winnipeg Free Press still caters to a readership that fosters an affection for the written word; the Free Press even boasts of having a book editor.

Book reviews are important for bringing to readers the new works that might command their attention. They are also a means of selling the new books. The absence of book sections in almost all papers suggests strongly the decline in readers’ awareness and the decline in readers’ responsibilities. Our literary culture is disappearing when the worlds of fiction are demanding promotion, or even just awareness.

Recently the Globe and Mail cut out of its printed edition the Saturday listings of the week’s bestsellers. They were reinstated because of the loud human outcry. Sometimes the list of bestsellers is almost the only piece of literary news in the entire weekend paper.

In the world of non-fiction, matters are even worse.

The Canada Council for the Arts, established in 1957, is Canada’s public arts funder, with a mandate to foster and promote the study and enjoyment of, and the production of works in, the arts. Its funding led to the funding of countless books, publishers, and artists. “By the early ’70s,” Margaret Atwood recalls, “The Council had in place a package of programs that sent writers on public reading tours, funded positions in universities, directly supported writers for short periods and assisted in costs of research.”

Yet now the council has expanded while also narrowing its criteria for supporting books. Books on Canadian history, scholarly studies, are no longer eligible for support under new guidelines.

“The Canada Council, the most significant funder of literature in the country, has adopted a new definition of non-fiction for the purposes of grants and awards,” Ken Whyte, the distinguished head of Sutherland Books, observes. “The Council holds that the personal voice of the writer is what makes non-fiction art. So personal memoir is art, as is personal history, personal essay, personal anything. Objective, fact-based journalism is not art, nor are essays, histories, biographies, science writing, etc. These unartistic books are ineligible for grants and awards.”

Narrowing definitions

By defining non-fiction so narrowly, the council is dictating what is being produced, and publishers do heed the dictates of the council. “Canada Council funding,” Whyte concludes, “is so important in the world of Canadian publishing that the withdrawal of support for fact-based non-fiction means that most publishers will choose to release personal writing instead.”

And this predilection for non-fiction becomes relevant to fiction too, for the Canada Council dictates much of the terminology for the publisher. And you can see where this leads. In the United States, on the other hand, prizes (like the Pulitzer and the National Book Award) still entertain non-personal non-fiction.

Then there is a grading system that underlines books that may be published. And this grading system gives points to whether a book is Indigenous, whether a book has a non-white author, and other such matters. Excellence is no longer a consideration.

My friend Roy MacGregor, a distinguished journalist and respected author of many books, was recently approached by a filmmaker who was interested in producing a movie about the late Ken Dryden, the legendary hockey player and multiple book author. Roy had co-authored with Dryden Home Game: Hockey and Life in Canada. What the filmmaker wanted to know was what were Dryden’s Indigenous leanings. Roy explained that Dryden had no Indigeneity in his background nor was he very interested in the subject. Then Roy had to talk about any Black involvement Dryden may have had. All this was preliminary to an application to the Canada Council for funding purposes. How far does this kind of questioning have to go?

Well more than 20 years ago began the prestigious Taylor Prize for Literary Non-Fiction, awarded to such luminaries as Tim Cook and Richard Gwyn. That Prize recently ceased because so many, many books, submitted and endorsed by the Canada Council, were memoirs of the terrible abuses suffered by children of survivors; many were more fictional than true-to-life accounts. One of the jurors for the Taylor Prize confided to me that his jury met and endorsed their confidential verdict that no memoir would be a finalist for the prize. The bulk of the titles submitted for consideration no longer met the criteria as set out by the prize.

And now Tundra Books, a division of Penguin Books and a major publisher of children’s and young adult fiction, states that they are “committed to working with dynamic authors and illustrators to create the very best books for children and to amplifying under-represented voices in children’s books.” But then there is a statement of notice:

“We are currently only accepting manuscript and art submissions by creators from under-represented communities. If you identify as Black, Indigenous or as a person of color, LGBTQIA2S+, having a disability or have ever had refugee status, we want to hear from you.”

These few facts show that the striving for excellence among our writers, fiction and non-fiction, does not extend to the critical world that surrounds them. Amidst this negativity in the methodology of dealing with the epoch of concentration, to use Matthew Arnold’s phrasing, the world of Canadian fiction continues to shine through, though not as notably as it should.

My final example of the high quality of our fiction is Kai Thomas’s debut novel, In the Upper Country, which appeared in late 2022. In his author’s note, Thomas describes his “relationship to the Indigenous people of the lands I call home” and how his thinking about that connection has evolved over time. “I knew and had seen many stories that were concerned with the relationships between Black and white people, and similarly, between Indigenous and white people. And, of course between whites and any other people of colour. But I couldn’t think of a single story I knew that meaningfully explored Black and Indigenous relationships.” So, he set out to fill this void with a well researched and compelling work of historical fiction.

The resulting book opens in July 1859, in what would become Southwestern Ontario. Situated near Chatham and Windsor, the fictional village of Dunmore is a hub on the Underground Railroad and increasingly populated by Black refugees fleeing the American South. “What a feeling, to work in free country,” Lensinda Martin, a biracial woman and the novel’s protagonist, says of the newcomers. “To move to the harmonizing rumble and trill of voices, and to see faces unified in the sweat and toil, not of terror, but of purpose.”

One day, a slave catcher and bounty hunter comes to Dunmore pursuing six fugitives from Kentucky who are now residing with a local farmer. He abducts a stable boy who is employed at the Dunmore inn and tortures him, hanging him by “the neck until near death in order to obtain the whereabouts of the fugitives he sought.” Among those he is hoping to capture is an elderly woman named Cash, who ends up shooting him dead with his own rifle.

“Freedom is never absolute, and therefore escape, despite what they tell you, yields no final destination,” Lensinda observes. And Cash describes a similar sentiment: “The people of the village knew what too few know now: that home is a changing thing, and no home will be so forever. But they contented themselves with a place for a while. And after a while they would move on.”

It is a novel that contrasts “life under the whip” in the United States with comparative freedom in Canada. Thomas fashions a chilling and sobering study of men and women caught up in an increasingly brutal reality. He allows these two women the time and the space to venture into their pasts and learn the consequences of their journeys.

In the Upper Country is a highly original piece of fiction and a major addition to the multi-dimensional, multi-faceted world of contemporary Canadian fiction.

And how did I learn about this novel? Well, I read a review of it in the New York Times when it was first published.

“Fiction writing,” Atwood maintains, “is the guardian of the moral and ethical sense of the community. Especially now that organized religion is scattered and in disarray, and politicians have, Lord knows, lost their credibility, fiction is one of the few forms left through which we may examine our society not in its particular but in its typical aspects, through which we can see ourselves and the ways we behave towards each other, through which we can see others and judge both them and ourselves.”

This policy, this judgment, is precisely what In the Upper Country does, it is precisely what our major fiction writers are now doing. So much of what is happening now is the excellence of our own vision, the excellence of our finest fiction writers.

As Per Gedin commented in 1982, so much of what has been happening in Canada occurs without the rest of the world noticing. And what is happening now is that the finest literary fiction being written is not American or British but rooted in Canada and speaking to the world.

Despite the failure of much of the surrounding literary or pseudo-literary material, the study of Canadian fiction must acknowledge its astonishing wealth.

From 1976 until now has seen the explosion of Canadian fiction, teaching us through its many pages how “we can see ourselves and the ways we behave towards each other, through which we can see others and judge both them and ourselves.”

David Staines is professor emeritus of English at the University of Ottawa and an acclaimed author, editor, and literary critic. He holds a PhD from Harvard University, where he has also taught courses in Canadian literature.

Main image: Madeleine Thien, a Booker finalist in 2016 for Do Not Say We Have Nothing, shown in London on Oct. 24, 2016. She acknowledges Alice Munro as a major influence on her writing career. Photo by Tristan Fewings/Getty Images


Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre spoke to about 100 people at the Delta Hotel in downtown Edmonton on Sept. 29, 2026.

OTTAWA — The Conservative Party of Canada is more popular with Canadian voters than party head Pierre Poilievre, according to a new poll that suggests one-third of potential Tory supporters don’t do so simply because they don’t like the leader.

But the poll from U.K.-based firm Lord Ashcroft Polls also suggests that swapping Poilievre for another leader is far from a panacea for Conservative woes.

That’s because while certain groups of voters say they would more likely vote for the Conservatives under an unnamed different leader, the change would also correlate with losses among the current Tory base, the poll finds.

“Switching leadership would bring its own risks,” reads the report.

“Changing leader could… mean alienating core supporters while at best standing still among softer voters and potential converts. The costs are therefore clearer than the uncertain reward.”

The poll surveyed a representative sample of 10,098 Canadians online between July 31 and Aug. 17 and hosted 16 focus groups held in B.C., Alberta, Quebec and Ontario.

Notably, 47 per cent of respondents thought Canada is headed in the wrong direction, compared to 40 per cent who said the country is on the right track.

And yet, the poll found that Prime Minister and Liberal Leader Mark Carney was the only leader of a major federal political party whose personal popularity exceeded that of his party.

That poses a particular challenge for Poilievre because the current federal landscape suggests an election would be a two-way battle between Liberals and Conservatives while Avi Lewis’s NDP looks to re-emerge from the ashes of the devastating 2025 vote.

“The PM was also a less polarizing figure than his opponent. While Poilievre is rated –64% by Liberal voters, Carney is only rated –33% among Conservatives,” Lord Ashcroft Polls found.

According to the poll, 60 per cent of respondents had a positive impression of Carney while 55 per cent said the same of the Liberal party. For Poilievre, 43 per cent of those surveyed viewed him positively (compared to 50 per cent negatively), six points below the Conservative party as a whole (49 per cent).

But the report notes the effect is even more pronounced among crucial voter groups for Conservatives.

During polling, “potential but currently unlikely Conservative voters” pegged not liking Poilievre (34 per cent) and the party feeling too close to U.S.-style politics (29 per cent) as the two top reasons they were put off from voting Tory.

More than half (53 per cent) of another key group, “persuadable Liberals” (recent Liberal voters who identified the Tories as their “clear second choice”), told Lord Ashcroft they were more likely to vote Conservative under a different leader than Poilievre.

That group is most likely to peg U.S. trade as one of three top issues facing Canada today, an issue poll respondents largely said they trust Carney to deal with better than Poilievre.

When combined with the fact that Conservatives’ current popularity challenges with the electorate are also tied to perception of it being “too American,” the prospect of another election centred around U.S. President Donald Trump could be terrible for Tories, according to the report.

“In Australia as well as Canada, incumbent governments pulled off upset victories by framing their national elections as referendums on President Trump’s trade policies and portraying the centre-right party as a proxy for the Americans,” reads the report.

“Allowing the Liberals to repeat the trick would give them the opportunity to galvanize the Carney coalition and leave the Conservatives trapped at their previous ceiling, inviting the same result.”

But there are chinks in Carney’s seemingly impenetrable polling armour too, the report notes. Respondents offered “mixed feelings” about Carney’s dealing with Trump, and fewer than half of respondents said the Carney government is “making progress and doing some good things.”

Furthermore, 45 per cent of respondents said they felt worse off compared to one year ago, whereas only 17 per cent said they were doing better.

National Post

cnardi@postmedia.com

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Parti Québécois Leader Paul St-Pierre Plamondon arrives at Maison de Radio-Canada for the third and final debate during the Quebec election campaign in Montreal on Wednesday, September 23, 2026.

QUEBEC CITY — “To the sovereigntists, I say this: your obsession with holding and winning a referendum harms the progressive cause and feels like psychological harassment to a majority of the population. Many voters share my view.”

These words may seem like they would come out of the mouth of a federalist politician in Quebec, but they were written by Parti Québécois Leader Paul St-Pierre Plamondon in his book Les Orphelins politiques (The Political Orphans) published in 2014.

Twelve years later, St-Pierre Plamondon has become the leader of the sovereignty movement in Quebec, promising to hold the referendum that he once deplored.

Should he become premier on Oct. 5, that is exactly what he plans to do, according to current and former PQ colleagues and even one of his detractors.

St-Pierre Plamondon has pulled off a stunning political metamorphosis. He claims to have voted “Yes” in the 1995 referendum when he turned 18 but decamped to federalist circles when he attended law school at McGill University and when he was a young lawyer.

In fact, the PQ leader was friends with Sacha Trudeau and even attended his wedding in 2009. St-Pierre Plamondon also co-founded Génération d’idées, a think tank dedicated to young people aged 20 to 35, with now Industry Minister Mélanie Joly.

St-Pierre Plamondon also donated $2,300 to the Liberal Party of Canada between 2004 and 2008, when working as a junior lawyer at the Montreal firm Stikeman Elliott.

Asked by National Post if he was once a federalist, the PQ leader replied: “Yes, I guess you can say that.”

But he added it is not an anomaly for leaders of the sovereigntist party to have a change of heart. PQ founder René Lévesque was once a federalist, as was Jacques Parizeau, he said. Both men still ended up becoming the face of the 1980 and 1995 referendums.

“Our greatest leaders have all been (federalists),” said Claude Villeneuve, a former speechwriter for the last PQ premier, Pauline Marois, and who is now running as a candidate for St-Pierre Plamondon’s team in Quebec City.

Like Lévesque and Parizeau, the PQ leader experienced a “rupture” with federalism, said Villeneuve.

St-Pierre Plamondon has claimed it was his work at Stikeman for Groupe Polygone — one of the firms involved in what came to be known as the sponsorship scandal — that helped revive the sovereigntist political convictions he had as a young adult.

Frédéric Bérard, a constitutional lawyer who is one of St-Pierre Plamondon’s fiercest critics, was working at the firm at the time. He said the math does not add up.

He noted that St-Pierre Plamondon donated to the federal Liberals until 2008, years after the start of the Gomery Inquiry.

“It’s funny, actually. The sovereigntists I know don’t donate money to the Liberal Party of Canada. It’s crazy like that,” Bérard said.

It is unclear what led to the falling out between St-Pierre Plamondon and Joly, although one rumour is that Joly accepted an invitation to go to one of Quebec’s biggest talk shows in 2008 to talk about Génération d’idées without first informing her co-founder.

Joly did not respond to a request for comment for this article, nor did Sacha Trudeau.

As a “political orphan” circa 2014, St-Pierre Plamondon spent his time lambasting the traditional political parties in Quebec that, according to him, had nothing new to offer.

He was critical of the PQ for its “obsession” about holding another referendum, which he said alienated many progressives in the province, and said many Quebecers, allergic to corruption and cronyism, wanted nothing to do with the Quebec Liberals.

So, it was a surprise to many when, in 2016, St-Pierre Plamondon decided to first run for the leadership of the PQ. “The orphan-in-chief has found himself a foster family,” wrote at the time Vincent Marissal, then a columnist at La Presse .

In this leadership bid, the young politician described himself as a “disappointed federalist.” He proposed to hold a third referendum only in a second mandate, and only if 20 per cent of the population of Quebec signed a register demanding it.

St-Pierre Plamondon ended the race with seven per cent of the vote, which was considered a fair result for a political rookie who was a relatively unknown figure.

The winner of the 2016 PQ leadership race, Jean-François Lisée, decided to task the young recruit with holding consultations on the state of the party. St-Pierre Plamondon took that task to heart, criss-crossing the province, and delivering his report in 2017.

“Osez repenser le PQ” (“Dare to Rethink the PQ”) was a scathing assessment of the party that was too old and too white. The internal reaction to the report was terrible, to say the least, and its author reportedly got a dressing-down from the PQ caucus.

After failing to win a seat in the 2018 election, St-Pierre Plamondon left the political scene to go back to practicing law in a small firm in the Outaouais region.

Louis Lyonnais was part of a small group of supporters who would drive to St-Pierre Plamondon’s home in Buckingham, Quebec, to try to convince him to consider running again to become PQ leader. Lisée had resigned the night of the election.

“He didn’t say yes right away, but the idea simmered,” said Lyonnais.

“Finally, we convinced him.”

St-Pierre Plamondon ran for leader a second time. But this time, he would promise to hold a referendum in a first mandate. And he hasn’t changed his mind since.

He published another book, “Rebâtir le camp du OUI” (“Rebuilding the Yes camp”) during that race in which he explained that Quebec separating from the rest of Canada in a first mandate is “a matter of linguistic and cultural survival for Quebec.”

“Quebec’s independence is not only legitimate but necessary, because Canada condemns us to decline — linguistically, culturally, and economically. It also condemns us to a culture of dishonesty, as well as to chronic instability,” he wrote.

Lyonnais, who now acts as one of St-Pierre Plamondon’s most trusted aides, said the change of heart on the timing of a referendum was in part because of the perceived setbacks in terms of language and culture under the Trudeau years.

St-Pierre Plamondon, even though he was polling third at the start of the race, became leader of the party in 2020. And because it took place during the pandemic, he pronounced his victory speech without an audience.

He was elected in the eastern Montreal riding of Camille-Laurin in 2022, in part thanks to a Québec Solidaire candidate who withdrew after she was caught stealing PQ flyers from mailboxes to replace them with flyers of her own party.

St-Pierre Plamondon was one of three members of his party who won seats in that election, the worst score in the party’s history. But that didn’t stop him.

He made his mark immediately in the National Assembly of Quebec when he and the other elected members of his party refused to swear allegiance to King Charles.

Lyonnais said that moment “unlocked” something for the new leader.

“It gave him, I think, credibility in front of Quebecers,” he said. “I think people told themselves, ‘This guy won’t bullsh-t us. If he says something, he will see his idea through to the end.’”

A former PQ staffer, who spoke on a not-for-attribution basis, said that when St-Pierre Plamondon has an idea in mind, he cannot take his eyes off the ball.

“Paul can’t be told that something is impossible.”

It could be a good or a bad thing in a premier, said the staffer. He will be the type of person who can break the mould and do things differently. But the government is a slow machine, resistant to changes, and he might come up against challenges.

If he becomes premier on Monday, St-Pierre Plamondon is promising to hold a referendum in a first mandate that a majority of Quebecers don’t want. But only after U.S. President Donald Trump leaves office, he said, which would push it to 2029 at the soonest.

Lyonnais admits that it would have been easier to drop that promise and that the party would probably have had better poll numbers if that were the case.

“But we’re not doing that because it would not be responsible.”

Bérard said he also thinks St-Pierre Plamondon will go “all in” with his promise.

“The problem with guys like him is that it’s never enough. So, becoming president of the Republic of Quebec, succeeding where Parizeau and Lévesque have failed?”

“Of course he’ll do it.”

National Post
calevesque@postmedia.com

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The 7th Toronto Regiment - Royal Canadian Artillery - fire off a 21-gun salute at Canada Day celebrations at Queen's Park in Toronto on Tuesday, July 1, 2025.

Two Toronto soldiers have been removed from their military duties and blocked from using their base or army equipment since they were arrested this past August on charges related to organized crime, kidnapping and theft of guns and weapons, the Department of National Defence confirmed late Friday.

Sachintha Fernando and James Moreau are members of the 7th Toronto Regiment, a reserve artillery unit based at Moss Park Armoury in Toronto.

“We are aware that both individuals were arrested by the Toronto Police Service on August 11, 2026, on charges related to organized crime, kidnapping, and the theft of firearms and weapons,” National Defence spokesperson Andrée-Anne Poulin wrote in an email sent late Friday in response to questions the Post posed last Monday about the two soldiers.

Both men are bombardiers, a rank in the artillery branch that’s equivalent to corporal.

“Bombardier Fernando enrolled in the Canadian Army as a Reservist in January 2020. He has not deployed on a Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) operation,” Poulin said.

“Bombardier Moreau enrolled in the Canadian Army as a Reservist in March 2018 and deployed on Operation LASER in 2020.”

That operation was the Canadian military’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic.

“Following their arrests, both individuals were removed from military duties and their access to CAF equipment, facilities, and bases was restricted,” Poulin said.

“They remain members of the CAF pending the outcome of an administrative review. An administrative review is a formal process used to assess matters that may affect a member’s continued service while providing procedural fairness.”

The Army is supporting “the Toronto Police Service’s ongoing investigation,” Poulin said.

The Toronto police was not able to immediately provide more details on the case late Friday.

One source said both soldiers have taught new recruits at Ontario’s CFB Borden.

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A screengrab taken from a video shows passengers inside the rerouted Flydubai flight FZ 1073, ahead of its departure to Tel Aviv from Saudi Arabia's Tabuk airport on Sept. 30, 2026.

Six-year-old airline passenger Nina Manes needed to pee as the Flydubai airplane she was on approached Jordanian airspace on its way from Dubai to Tel Aviv. Asking her mother to take her to the toilet was a great stroke of fortune — they stumbled upon an unfolding midair drama and sounded an alarm that helped save them all from plunging to their deaths.

Nina was guided by her mother, Tali, to the front of the plane, Wednesday, just as one pilot lunged to attack the other in an apparent attempt to bring down the plane. Attracted by shouting, she looked inside the cockpit.

“There was blood all over the cockpit and very, very sharp fighting moves,” Tali told Israeli media. “I screamed, ‘He’s stabbing the pilot, he’s stabbing the pilot, come help!’ People looked at me and didn’t understand.”

Her shouts of alarm triggered an incredible effort by passengers and crew to save the plane and themselves, according to witness accounts.

Here is what witnesses say happened.

Flydubai Flight FZ1073 was carrying 174 passengers and eight crew members from Dubai, a city in the United Arab Emirates on the Persian Gulf, to Tel Aviv, a city on Israel’s Mediterranean coast. The daily flight is supposed to be a non-stop trip of 2,130 kilometres, taking about three and a half hours.

With an hour left before landing, the trip turned terrifying.

What the mother and daughter saw in the cockpit, officials say, was a co-pilot attacking his fellow pilot, stabbing him in an apparent fight for control of the plane. Their screams brought passengers running,

The injured captain, Smit Machchhar, an Indian man now hailed as a hero, described on Friday his desperate fight inside the cockpit.

“I was fighting for my life,” he said in Gujarati. “I had suffered so many injuries that I had collapsed. At that time, I could feel that the aircraft was going down. I knew this was the last push, that the door was right there,” he said.

“Smit, just do it. The door is right there. I was being hit even then, but I just opened the door and everyone came in.”

Once Machchhar unlocked the cockpit door passengers waiting outside swarmed in.

“Someone shouted ‘stabbing’ and my husband immediately understood what was happening and rushed to the front of the plane, and along with other Israelis they neutralized the terrorist,” another passenger told Channel 12.

Witnesses said one passenger, Yaniv Hayoun, a plumber, grabbed and pinned down the attacker while another, Shota Musaev, who is a dentist, provided first aid to Machchhar.

“There were no pilots on the chairs. One was down on the floor and one on the instruments,” Hayun said afterwards in Hebrew. “I caught the attacker. I put him in a chokehold and pulled him out first. I jumped back into the cockpit and pulled the yokes back.”

A video from inside the cockpit shows two injured and bloodied men in uniform on the floor being treated beside a blood-smeared wall.

Others onboard, including an off-duty pilot, worked to stabilize the plane that was nosediving toward the desert sand.

Passenger Almog Italie said it felt like “we were having very big turbulence” before he heard the fighting at the front of the plane. “And the crew member, along with the passengers gained control, took over.”

Flightradar24, a flight tracking website, showed the Boeing 737 Max plummeted from an altitude of about 34,000 feet to 17,000 feet in less than two minutes. Videos from inside the plane show the plane shaking as it plunged, with some passengers screaming and crying, some shielding children, others crouching in the aisle.

 Captain Smit Machchhar, the pilot of Flydubai Flight 1073, was praised for his “extraordinary bravery.”

The plane was “pretty much out of control,” said passenger Miryam Shira Ohayon. “It was really on the way to crashing, and it was simply the resourcefulness of many people who took control of the co-pilot and neutralized him.”

After about 10 minutes of erratic flying, the plane was brought under control and its dangerous flight stabilized. From within the cockpit, the 7700 and 7500 emergency distress codes were activated, suggesting an attempted hijacking as opposed to a mechanical problem.

Passengers sent out status reports and pleas for help from onboard.

“We’re here during a hijacking of the plane,” Asaf Rejwan, one of the passengers, said in Hebrew with blood trickling down his forehead and nose. “We control the terrorist. All the passengers are OK, but not the pilot. Whoever’s hearing me, we need help.”

The Israeli military reportedly scrambled fighter jets fearing a 9/11 scenario mimicking the terror attacks on Sept. 11, 2001, when hijacked planes were flown into buildings in the United States.

The plane made an emergency landing in Tabuk, Saudi Arabia. Flydubai said a third Flydubai pilot in the cabin landed the plane. Onboard videos show passengers clapping and cheering on touchdown.

The plane’s tail was damaged, presumably by the sudden plunge.

Most of the passengers were Israeli and were shuttled to a replacement plane to complete their journey to Tel Aviv, where they were greeted by family, officials and media.

“There were stabbings and a lot of blood. We’re very emotional and under terrible stress; it’s very difficult for me to talk,” one passenger said. Passenger Chaim Nazarovitz said that during the aircraft’s fast descent he felt like he was “not among the living.”

When Hayoun, the plumber, was greeted at Tel Aviv airport by Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel’s prime minister, Hayoun’s T-shirt and pants were spattered with blood. When he was asked about the passengers’ actions, Hayoun said: “Unfortunately we didn’t succeed in killing him, but it will take him awhile to recover.”

Machchhar, looking weary and with his head bandaged and an oxygen tube in his nose, spoke publicly Friday about his battle in the cockpit to his prime minister, India’s Narendra Modi, who hailed him as a hero. Machchhar, the father of two young children, apologized for being emotional.

 On Sept. 30, 2026, as the Flydubai flight to Israel plunged toward disaster, Yaniv Hayun, with fellow passengers and crew, helped overpower the attacker, then pulled back on the controls until another pilot took over.

The co-pilot accused in the attack has not been named but was identified by Israeli officials as being from Oman, a Persian Gulf country that borders the U.A.E.

The circumstances of the incident are under investigation.

On Thursday, Netanyahu said the Omani man was “suicidal” and “underwent Islamic radical indoctrination,” in an interview with Fox News. An Israeli spokesman told The Washington Post: “He talks on his social media about killing Jews. So it’s very clear he had the intent and the motive to kill Jews before.”

A senior policy adviser to U.A.E. President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed called the midair incident a “dangerous terrorist act.”

Flydubai is also investigating what happened.

“At this early stage, the underlying reasons and motives behind this event are unknown and remain subject to a formal investigation,” Flydubai said in a statement.

National Post, with additional reporting from wire services

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Human Rights Tribunal of Ontario logo.

Human rights applications have been filed in Ontario by 12 Jewish teachers who allege they were discriminated against amid ongoing antisemitism.

The applications include claims against the Toronto District School Board, York Region District School Board, Simcoe County District School Board, Ottawa-Carleton District School Board, the Elementary Teachers’ Federation of Ontario and the Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation, with the applicants alleging the institutions responsible for their workplaces failed to act. The teachers allege that in many instances they were penalized for reporting discrimination.

The applicants are seeking general damages of $150,000 each for discrimination, along with compensation for psychological counselling.

Each applicant has filed individually; however, the applicants are asking the Ontario Human Rights Tribunal to hear the applications together.

They are also requesting that the Tribunal order the respondents to develop transparent, enforceable processes aimed at combatting discrimination, with input from the Jewish community. That includes adopting the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance working definition of antisemitism endorsed by the Government of Ontario, and to cease spreading antisemitic misinformation.

“For too long, Jewish teachers in Ontario have gone to work facing antisemitism,” says Kathryn Marshall, the lawyer representing the applicants. “A swastika drawn on a classroom desk is not a grey area. Neither is a teacher being publicly shut down at a union meeting for raising antisemitism. These are the kinds of experiences Jewish teachers across Ontario have been living with, and when they did exactly what they’re supposed to do and reported it — they were ignored, doubted, and in some cases disciplined.”

Marshall says that school boards and unions talk a lot about equity and inclusion, but adds that “those commitments mean nothing if they don’t apply to Jewish educators. These institutions had every opportunity to fix this internally, and they chose not to. Teachers are still in classrooms today facing this, so we can’t afford to wait years for answers. We’re asking the Tribunal to hear these cases quickly and to hold these boards and unions accountable.”

The claims raise a variety of allegations of antisemitism. Marshall’s firm provided a list, which included the following.

One teacher says a student drew a swastika on a chart in the classroom and another played the Nazi anthem in class but neither faced any consequences from the school’s administration.

One teacher experienced repeated instances of Israeli flags being defaced in books and on hallway maps.

Another teacher faced an online petition falsely accusing him of racism and seeking his dismissal. The teacher alleges students chanted “Free Palestine” as they passed him, and pressured others in his class to sign the petition. None of the students were held responsible. Instead, alleges the claim, the school board’s response was to remove the teacher from the classroom.

During a union meeting, asserts another claim, the teacher attempted to raise concerns about antisemitism affecting Jewish educators and she was met with hostility and allegedly publicly reprimanded by Nigel Barriffe, the vice president of the Elementary Teachers of Toronto (ETT).

During the 2024 Trans March Social, says one teacher, ETT executive officers wore keffiyehs and pro-Palestinian symbols and distributed “divest from Israel” pamphlets. When the teacher raised concerns that this was politicization of a union event, he was accused of “anti-Palestinian racism.”

During Islamic Heritage Month a principal permitted a keffiyeh to remain in the display case despite a teacher submitting a formal complaint advising that the keffiyeh was experienced by Jewish individuals as a symbol associated with terrorism, intimidation and hostility toward Jews. Yet, during Jewish Heritage Month the school removed the Israeli flag from the display and replaced it with the Star of David, despite the Israeli flag being the flag of a recognized state and a symbol connected to the Jewish homeland and identity.

According to Statistics Canada , 70 per cent of police-reported hate crimes targeting a religion in 2024 were aimed at Jewish people. Meanwhile, Jewish university students have openly expressed concerns about facing “Heil Hitler” salutes and antisemitic graffiti on Canadian campuses.

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The Senate of Canada's current facility inside Ottawa's Old Union Station in June 2026.

Canadian senators are costing taxpayers extensive amounts for overseas trips even though Members of Parliament are regularly representing Canada on the same trips, according to the Canadian Taxpayers Federation.

A national overview of province-by-province senator overseas travel, released by the CTF this week, states that international trips undertaken between Jan. 16, 2023 and March 17, 2026 by 65 senators cost Canadian taxpayers $1,850,420. Overall, says the CTF, senators have nearly doubled their international travel spending in the last two years, with the costs climbing 88 per cent from $391,095 in 2023 to $736,165 in 2025, according to its analysis of parliamentary financial disclosures.

The CTF takes the position that senators are unelected and as such should not be travelling anywhere outside of the country on the taxpayers’ tab. “Nobody votes for senators so these people represent exactly nobody,” said Kris Sims, spokesperson for the Canadian Taxpayers Federation in an email to National Post.

Ontario Senator Salma Ataullahjan‘s international travel topped the CTF list, totalling $131,706 between January 2023 and March 2026 for 14 overseas trips. The CTF says Ataullahjan travelled to Mozambique, Botswana, Switzerland twice, Uzbekistan, the United States, Ethiopia, Tanzania, Angola, Costa Rica, Ghana, the Dominican Republic, Chile, Bahrain, Senegal and Cabo Verde.

Second in Canada was Newfoundland and Labrador Senator David Wells, whose travel for 17 international trips between 2023 and 2026 totalled $120,389.

 Senator Salma Ataullahjan speak to refugees in St-Laurent, Quebec on May 31, 2016.

Otherwise, looking at the CTF’s top Senate travellers on a per province basis across the rest of the country, Nova Scotia Senator Michael MacDonald took 17 trips abroad costing $85,000. B.C. Senator Margo Greenwood went on 11 trips abroad costing more than $80,000, then P.E.I. Senator Percy Downe ($67,000), New Brunswick Senator René Cormier ($64,000), Manitoba Senator Gigi Osler ($61,000), former Saskatchewan Senator Brent Cotter ($19,000) and on the lower end, Alberta Senator Scott Tannas ($10,795). (Terrazzo told National Post in an email that the organization is holding off on a report about Quebec senators until after that province’s election on Monday.)

Ataullahjan’s office responded to National Post with an emailed statement on Thursday, noting that the CTF’s “characterization of these expenses as having been incurred or billed by the Senator (is) not accurate. These are costs incurred by Parliament and administered by parliamentary personnel in the execution of parliamentary association responsibilities.”

The statement said that the parliamentarians, which includes both MPs and senators, “selected to participate in these activities do not control or authorize these expenses.”

Further, the statement noted that “Senate expense rules do not permit Senators to undertake international travel in their capacity as Senators. Senators travel internationally when selected to do so in their capacity as members of a parliamentary association or, on rare occasions, a committee.”

Sims said the “ senators are absolutely spending taxpayers’ money on international trips, regardless of what label is being put on their travelling entourage. If senators are upset by being held accountable for this expenditure of taxpayers’ money, they can refuse to go on any international trips. ”

The CTF analysis points out that taxpayers paid $173,041 for seven trips by senators to be “observers” to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE), where Canada is not a member. Therefore, senators travelled to meetings as observers, where they could only speak with permission. Sometimes, says the CTF, the senators simply submitted written speeches instead of participating in the proceedings. Further, PACE sessions are live-streamed and viewable from anywhere in the w orld. Meanwhile, Canadian MPs were also at these sessions representing Canada.

Some senators incurred costs for international trips to attend meetings that were also held by videoconference, according to the CTF. For example, it says Manitoba Senator Gigi Osler went to New York in 2023 and 2024 to attend parliamentary meetings. During the 2023 trip, Osler discussed the benefits of hybrid parliamentary sittings. The same parliamentary group regularly holds meetings and workshops by videoconference. Osler went in person both times, costing taxpayers $4,677.

 Senator Michael MacDonald addressing the media after a meeting of the Senate Standing Committee on Energy, the Environment and Natural Resources in Saskatoon in April 11, 2019.

Nova Scotia Senator Michael MacDonald cost taxpayers $2,869 to attend the Canadian Embassy’s Trump inauguration event, even though Parliament sent three MPs. The delegation watched the proceedings from the Canadian embassy on a live-stream, says the CTF.

Former Saskatchewan senator Brent Cotter cost taxpayers $7,694 for a six-day European trip, though Parliament also sent three elected MPs. Cotter and the delegation arrived in Tallinn, Estonia, on a Sunday when no officials “were available” to meet with them, notes the CTF. So they visited “important landmarks in the city.”

Senators René Cormier, Percy Downe and Michael MacDonald went on a $76,236 trip to Argentina and Uruguay, along with elected MP. Parliament did not release a report on the trip, says the CTF. However, it says Argentinian records identify MP Richard Cannings as speaking on behalf of the Canadian delegation during a meeting with Argentine lawmakers. No remarks were attributed to any of the senators, according to CTF.

Senator Michael MacDonald cost taxpayers $5,023 for accommodation during a four-day conference in Jackson, Wyoming.

Ataullahjan cost taxpayers $12,887 for a trip to Cabo Verde and Senegal. Four other senators, René Cormier, Amina Gerba, Manuelle Oudar and Rebecca Patterson, went on the same trip. The whole delegation cost $95,795. Canada only exports about $2.4 million worth of goods annually to Cabo Verde, says the CTF.

 Senator David Wells is the subject of commentary from the Canadian Taxpayers Federation questioning how much he bills for overseas travel.

Claudine Courtois, director of Parliamentary Affairs for Senator Wells, says that parliamentary diplomacy is an increasingly important dimension of Canada’s international relations. Regarding Wells’ European travel, Courtois points out that he is the elected vice president of the Canada-Europe Interparliamentary Association, and “regularly represents Canada in a number of international fora, including the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe … and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, and he regularly speaks on issues important to Canada.”

With regard to speaking and submitting speeches to PACE she adds that “delegates register to speak and there is a finite time allotted for the rapporteurs, respondents and delegates on each of the given topics. If the time for the full debate expires before all speakers have an opportunity to speak, their speeches are registered and are submitted for the record. Speeches will not be registered unless the delegate is in the chamber, so it’s inadmissible if the delegate doesn’t attend.”

Courtois also says that Wells “recognizes the responsibility that comes with the expenditure of public funds and takes that responsibility seriously.”

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