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The suspect of an attempted hijacking on a Flydubai flight from Dubai to Tel Aviv has been identified as Omani national Hamam al-Hammami.

More details are emerging about a Flydubai co-pilot accused of stabbing the plane’s captain mid-flight in an attempted hijacking while the aircraft was en route to Israel. Here’s what we know.

Flydubai suspect identified as Hamam al-Hammami

The suspect, identified as Omani national Hamam al-Hammami, 29, by media outlets such as CNN and Reuters , was targeting Ben Gurion Airport, just southeast of Tel Aviv, according to the Times of Israel .

The publication also published a photo believed to be al-Hammami, taken from a now-deleted LinkedIn page.

Al-Hammami’s intention was to kill the plane’s captain, get cleared for landing as usual, “then crash into a building or jet at the airport,” said the publication. He reportedly waited until the plane was flying over Jordanian airspace so he could pull off his plan undetected.

Instead, Capt. Smit Machchhar was seriously injured in the Sept. 30 attack on board flight FZ 1073, departing from Dubai, United Arab Emirates. He managed to open the cockpit door, allowing passengers and crew to rescue him, redirect the aircraft and save its 174 passengers from plummeting to their deaths.

 Captain Smit Machchhar, the pilot of Flydubai Flight 1073, was praised for his “extraordinary bravery.”

Flydubai suspect used a ‘crash axe’ to stab co-pilot: reports

Al-Hammami reportedly used a “crash axe” that was already on the plane to stab Machchhar, said UAE Attorney General Hamad Saif Al Shamsi over the weekend, according to NBC News and the Wall Street Journal . Crash axes are commonly kept in the cockpit in case of emergencies, including a crash or fire.

The plane landed in Tabuk, Saudi Arabia, where al-Hammami was taken into custody for interrogation.

Both al-Hammami and Machchhar were eventually transported to the United Arab Emirates.

Machchhar, who is recovering in hospital, has been called a hero by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. “He was stabbed in the head and his arm was basically split in two. There was a lot of blood,” said Netanyahu on Fox News show Fox & Friends .

Flydubai suspect reportedly acted alone, planned attack before being hired

Netanyahu also said that al-Hammami had been radicalized.

According to CNN , Israeli sources say that al-Hammami acted alone. He reportedly only worked for Flydubai for eight months before the attempted hijacking.

 A screengrab taken from a video shows passengers inside the rerouted Flydubai flight FZ 1073, ahead of its departure to Tel Aviv from Saudi Arabia’s Tabuk airport on Sept. 30, 2026.

Reuters reported that the attack was planned before he was hired by the airline. He decided not to follow through with a hijacking while operating a flight to Israel earlier this year, the publication said. It was not immediately know why he did not go through with it.

Before getting a job at Flydubai, he worked for Oman Air, CBS News reported . Sources said he was transferred to a desk job after the Omani government found out that he was viewing radical websites. He reportedly left Oman Air in 2024.

Sources also told CBS that Flydubai did not vet him with the Omani government before he was hired.

Netanyahu said there must have been some sort of “loophole” that allowed al-Hammami to co-pilot the flight to Israel, because there are “constraints” for countries that do not have diplomatic relations with Israel.

While the Omani government has not confirmed his nationality, sources suggested to CBS that al-Hammami may have dual citizenship, which could have permitted him entry to Israel.

Flydubai suspect did not complete studies at Australian university

Al-Hammami attended RMIT University in Melbourne, Australia, but did not complete his studies, according to a statement on Monday.

“The individual was enrolled at RMIT between 2015 and 2017 but did not successfully complete an engineering qualification,” the university said.

Due to the ongoing investigation, the university would not provide any more comment on the situation.

The Australian Federal Police confirmed they are investigating Australian links to al-Hammami, according to the Australian Broadcasting Corporation . No updates were available at this time, said the police.


Flags fly above the Gordie Howe Bridge, but people availing of the shared-use path aren't permitted to display them as they make the crossing.

At about the midway point of the new Gordie Howe Bridge, four flags fly over the multi-use path — two Canadian and two U.S. — marking the international boundary. But under the bridge’s rules, pedestrians, cyclists and other users of the three-kilometre crossing aren’t permitted to display a flag.

The prohibition against “displaying, distributing or attaching” flags enacted by the Windsor-Detroit Bridge Authority also extends to signs and banners.

It’s not immediately clear if it includes flags on or worn as clothing, or affixed to bicycles or other modes of conveyance permitted on the crossing over the Detroit River connecting Canada and the U.S.

National Post has contacted the WDBA for comment and more information.

The WBDA is a not-for-profit Canadian Crown corporation that reports to the Minister of Infrastructure Gregor Robertson.

“As such, WDBA is wholly owned by the Government of Canada and the powers necessary to carry out the Crown corporation’s mandate are vested in the board that directs it,” according to its website.

 Two Canadian and U.S. flags flutter over pedestrian, cyclist and traffic crossing the Gordie Howe Bridge on Sept. 6, 2026.

Other forbidden actions include trespassing, loitering or gathering — including unlawful assemblies, protests or actions that disturb the peace — and impeding or obstructing the flow of cycling, pedestrian or vehicular traffic. Users cannot deploy drones or other unmanned devices from the path, nor can they use speakers or other loud and disruptive devices.

It’s also against the rules to engage in “violent, threatening or illegal behaviour,” or tamper with or damage property, equipment or safety devices.

The path attracted 3,400 users on its first day, Aug. 5, the Windsor Star reported at the time. The bridge itself opened nine days earlier on July 27.

Both were delayed this summer when U.S. President Donald Trump and his administration blocked the opening and complained that the agreement with the Canadian government was unfair. Canada footed the $6.4 billion construction cost under a revenue-sharing agreement with Michigan that would see Canada repaid before splitting the toll.

Negotiations with the White House led to an agreement dictating that Canada will give the U.S. 50 per cent of net revenues for the first 15 years, after recovering operating costs. The U.S. share will go into a United States-Canada Economic Development Fund under its control.

In a new rule change, certain e-bikes are now permitted to use the path, provided “the electric motor provides power only when the rider is actively pedalling,” and the throttle caps out at 32 km/h, as reported by the Windsor Star last month.

The WBDA’s max recommended speed for the path, however, is 20 km/h.

“This is not a race,” WBDA notes online. “Enjoy your trip across the bridge at a low speed.”

Also not permitted on the 3.6-metre-wide paved path are electric scooters, electric and regular skateboards, segways, hoverboards, one-wheel devices, rollerskates, in-line skates and similar devices.

Starting Nov. 1, the bridge will revert to winter hours, 8 a.m. to 4 p.m., with no entry after 3 p.m. “to allow users to complete their journey within the hours of operation.” The WBDA estimates a one-way crossing at 45 minutes on foot and 20 minutes by bike, but notes that “border processing times are not included in these estimates and may add to the total length of time.”

Regular hours (8 a.m. to 8 p.m.) resume on April 1, 2027.

Travellers from Canada and the U.S. are advised to bring their cross-border travel documents — a passport or Nexus card — along with those of any minors in their company. Individuals can go halfway across, but they must still return through Canadian or American customs officials.

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“In a few weeks, it’s going to get cold, and people are going to need to turn on their furnaces. Those furnaces that are old and need to be replaced are being tariffed,” says the executive director of ClimateCare Canada.

WASHINGTON, D.C. — In the past week, the trade war saw new U.S. import restrictions on $1 billion in Canadian goods, fresh pain for Canadian steel workers, and more fiery rhetoric from the White House.

Last Monday, hundreds of Stelco workers in Ontario learned of looming layoffs and a plan to halt operations at the Hamilton Works plant. Meanwhile, President Donald Trump announced a massive, $15 billion mega-steel plant project for Iowa, touting hundreds of new jobs for the region.

“These are your 232 tariffs, the steel tariffs, at work,” U.S. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick said during that announcement, referring to the Section 232 tariffs Washington has imposed to support U.S. steel. “Without those tariffs, this mine doesn’t get built, and this steel plant doesn’t get built.”

Prime Minister Mark Carney laughed off U.S. President Donald Trump’s comment that Canada would say “sorry” for its retaliatory tariffs, but as trade tensions heat up, industry leaders are finding the tariffs anything but funny. That’s especially true in the heating, ventilation, air conditioning, and refrigeration (HVACR) field, where costs are rising just in time for the colder months.

This has led to an unusual cross-border response by the HVACR industry, with Canadian and U.S. groups that represent contractors, distributors, and manufacturers working together to push Ottawa and Washington to preserve the tariff-free trade arrangement under the Canada-U.S.-Mexico Agreement (CUSMA). They warn that duties on equipment and components are driving up costs, disrupting tightly integrated supply chains, and even pushing buyers to look for offshore suppliers.

“In a few weeks, it’s going to get cold, and people are going to need to turn on their furnaces. Those furnaces that are old and need to be replaced are being tariffed,” said Victor Hyman, executive director of ClimateCare Canada, an HVAC contractor cooperative in Ontario.

“For the homeowner that needs to replace their furnace or heat pump or air conditioner this year, they’re going to pay a lot more than they would have pre-trade war,” he added, noting that a job that would’ve cost $5,000 two years ago is now $5,700 or $5,800.

Because the Canadian and U.S. HVACR markets are so integrated, with some parts and appliances crossing the border multiple times during production, industry leaders in both countries are asking Washington and Ottawa to “prioritize a return to free, fair, and predictable trade,” according to the Heating, Refrigeration and Air Conditioning Institute (HRAI) of Canada.

HRAI recently announced that it was “joining its American counterparts in calling for the preservation of the benefits of the Canada-United States-Mexico Agreement (CUSMA/USMCA),” according to a press release.

Its U.S. counterpart, Heating, Air-conditioning, and Refrigeration Distributors International (HARDI), alongside the Air Conditioning Contractors of America, the Air-Conditioning, Heating, and Refrigeration Institute, and the Plumbing-Heating-Cooling Contractors Association, wrote a similar message to U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer in early September. They wrote to “express our strong support for the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) and urge the Office of the United States Trade Representative to protect the agreement’s benefits to the heating, ventilation, air conditioning, refrigeration, and water heating (HVACR) industry.”

Martin Luymes, VP of government and stakeholder relations at HRAI, which represents roughly 1,200 member companies nationwide, says the industry’s concerns are more urgent now that the tariff exposure has expanded. In 2025, in response to the 232 tariffs, Canada responded with a retaliatory set of tariffs that impacted U.S.-origin gas furnaces coming north. This led Canada’s industry to campaign for tariff relief, which was granted in June, Luymes explained.

But now, following the introduction of Washington’s Section 338 tariffs on hundreds of Canadian imports this August, Ottawa has imposed new retaliatory tariffs that are raising the prices on HVACR equipment and components being shipped into Canada — and now the impact is close to universal.

“Air conditioning products, heat pumps, and a variety of others are included, including refrigeration components, parts … and are all within scope of different levels of tariffs, anywhere from 15 to 25 to 50 per cent,” Luymes explained.

Because Canada imports more HVACR equipment from the U.S. than it exports, Luymes said Ottawa’s retaliatory tariffs are hitting Canada’s side harder than the original U.S. tariffs.

“The impacts on the Canadian economy, in our sector at least, are greater — are more driven by the Canadian response than by the original U.S. tariffs,” he said.

That’s why Hyman and others want the retaliatory tariffs, at least on HVACR products, lifted.

“As much as we would like to stand up to U.S. trade aggression, we shouldn’t do it despite ourselves,” Hyman said.

Without a policy change, he anticipates sticker shock for customers this winter. “If your furnace dies this winter, you need to replace it this winter. You can’t wait a couple of years to replace it,” he said.

In the U.S., Alex Ayers, HARDI’s VP of government affairs, also sees the tariffs and price increases as unfair to consumers, especially given that heating and cooling are essential goods.

“Tariffs increasing the cost of products that are very necessary — whether it is heating in winter, air conditioning in summer … and then very specifically refrigeration … have a dramatic impact on people’s lives,” he said.

A return to CUSMA free trade, meanwhile, would restore much-needed certainty the industry has been lacking, he said.

“We as an industry view USMCA as successful. We want to continue to see it be successful,” Ayers said.

The goal of Trump’s tariffs was to foster more domestic manufacturing, but they have not succeeded in expanding U.S. domestic HVAC production, and the supply chain issues and higher costs have simply added more uncertainty.

Ayers noted that the fluctuating tariffs are wreaking havoc on operations.

“A product being manufactured anywhere in the world can take weeks to get to its final destination for a contractor to install it. So, when tariffs are constantly changing, it’s hard to say what the price of that product is going to be,” Ayers said.

Tariff uncertainty and the higher costs for parts, plus the administrative costs companies have had to absorb to ensure they’re keeping up with the duties, are also beginning to change business behaviour, with some suppliers looking elsewhere for products so they can avoid the red tape and higher prices.

Luymes and Hyman said this has HVACR suppliers already starting to turn toward offshore suppliers for heat production and supplies of other components.

Luymes said he knows of a member company, a large contractor who buys tens of thousands of units each year, that has already shifted suppliers. The owner, he said, told him, “‘I’m not buying anything from the United States any more.’” That owner has since started sourcing his supplies from China instead, he said.

Businesses are looking for supply relationships that they can count on for years. “They don’t want to commit to a supplier and then suddenly have a 25 per cent increase,” Luymes added.

Luymes, Hyman and Ayers believe these decisions to pivot to Asian suppliers will increasingly be made throughout the industry the longer the tariff war continues.

“With products being produced within North America being tariffed on either side of the border,” said Luymes, “it does suggest that there will be a shift in purchasing away from Canadian or American producers and to Asian producers who are not subject to those tariffs.”

National Post

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U.S. Coast Guard vessels and aircraft searching waters off Nantucket for a missing air ambulance with six on board, four of whom are Canadians.

An extensive marine search is ongoing in the waters off Nantucket for a missing air ambulance that was carrying six people, four of whom are Canadian employees of a private Ontario-based medical flight company.

The U.S. Coast Guard said in a statement that “search crews located a debris field that has been confirmed to be associated with the missing aircraft,” a Gulfstream G100 on its way from L.F. Wade International Airport in Bermuda to Boston Logan International Airport before losing contact with Federal Aviation Administration air traffic controllers around 2 a.m. Saturday morning.

The FAA, in an email to National Post, said it issued a search and rescue alert for the aircraft around 1:20 a.m.

The aircraft’s tail number C-GRJP is associated with Latitude Air Ambulance , a Hamilton company contracted by governments, insurance companies and other organizations “to provide safe and reliable medical evacuation and repatriation services” via its 10 aircraft.

The Coast Guard said the two other occupants are Bermudan nationals, a patient and one of their family members.

Company spokesman Clarence Togeretz told AFP the Canadians were the two pilots and two medical staff. He told The Canadian Press that this is the first time the carrier lost contact with one of its aircraft.

He said they’re “dealing with the situation with as much positivity and optimism as we can.” and “praying for a safe outcome.”

The Coast Guard are due to hold a press conference Sunday morning to provide more information on their operations.

On Saturday, multiple Coast Guard and U.S. National Guard aircraft and vessels searched an area of 1,644 square miles (4,258 square kilometres) over 27 hours.

More to come.

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Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey addresses the winter meeting of the U.S. Conference of Mayors on January 29, 2026 in Washington, DC.

A U.S. mayor has taken to social media to send a message to Canadians boycotting travel to the United States: Minneapolis misses them.

Jacob Frey, the mayor of Minneapolis, Minnesota, said in the video he shared on Instagram on Wednesday: “Hey Canadians. We like you guys, we miss you. We don’t think of you as the 51st state. We know that you’re a sovereign nation.”

His message comes amid escalating trade tensions between Canada and the U.S., which most recently saw President Donald Trump accuse Canada of “taking advantage” of his country and call Canada’s leaders “very bad.”

“I understand you’ve been dealing with some kind of unreasonable stuff, and to put it lightly, we’ve dealt with some really unreasonable stuff in Minneapolis,” Frey said. “We can talk about that when you come to visit us.”

The video comes months after two people were fatally shot in Minneapolis by federal agents. Renee Good was killed by a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agent on Jan. 7, and Alex Pretti was shot just weeks later, on Jan. 24, by a U.S. Border Patrol officer.

Following Good’s death, Frey demanded that ICE “get the f— out of Minneapolis” during a news conference . “Long-term Minneapolis residents that have contributed so greatly to our city, to our culture, to our economy, are being terrorized — and now somebody is dead,” he said.

In the recent Instagram video, Frey attempted to entice Canadians to travel to the Minnesota city by saying, “It’s beautiful fall right now,” and Minneapolis has “some of the best restaurants in the world.”

“But most importantly, we can have each other’s company,” he added. “So we miss you guys, and whether it’s a short flight away, or for some of you even a drive, I can’t wait to see you when you visit our city. Love, Minneapolis.”

Amid Canadians’ souring attitudes towards the U.S. , Mayor Frey isn’t the only politician to personally urge his northern neighbours to visit. In April 2025, California Governor Gavin Newsom shared a video promoting tourism to the Golden State, in which he said: “Sure, you-know-who is trying to stir things up back in D.C., but don’t let that ruin your beach plans.”

The state also launched a US$5.2 million tourism campaign aimed at welcoming Canadians to California, and the city of Palm Springs displayed 40 red banners featuring the Canadian flag shaped as a heart in an effort to show the resort destination’s solidarity with Canada.

Meanwhile, both Visit Florida and Travel Nevada tourism boards held promotional events in Canada earlier in the year to promote travel to their states and showcase commitment to the Canadian market.

These efforts come after a sharp decline in the number of Canadians travelling south of the border. Recently released figures from Statistics Canada revealed Canadians spent $3.3 billion less on travel to the United States in 2025 compared to 2024, which amounted to a total of 7.4 million fewer trips south. When it came to leisure travel to the U.S., visits from Canadians dropped by 3.2 million, a reduction of 21.5 per cent.

StatCan notes that the dramatic decline in cross-border travel occurred “following the change in the U.S. administration in early 2025 and the implementation of America First policies,” adding that “Canadians’ travel plans shifted abruptly” during this time.

 In Palm Springs, CA, the city hung banners downtown and signs at the airport saying “Palm Springs loves Canada” after Canadians started boycotting travel to the U.S. over President Trump’s threats.

However, figures from July suggest that might be about to change. StatCan data showed that return trips to the U.S. by air edged up 0.6 per cent year over year that month, marking the first increase since August 2023.

Combined with 2.2 million trips by automobile (a year-over-year increase of 12.6 per cent) and 26,400 by cruise ship, total return trips to the U.S. by Canadian residents reached 2.8 million in July, up 10.1 per cent year-over-year. This marked a fourth consecutive month of year-over-year growth, following 15 consecutive months of decline.

But while the July figures suggest the U.S. travel boycott may be over, the data covers a period before the latest escalations in the Canada-U.S. trade war.

After talks between the two countries broke down in August, Trump imposed 50 per cent tariffs on $28 billion worth of Canadian goods. Canada retaliated with counter-tariffs on U.S. imports taking effect in September.

Trump also signed an executive order renaming Lake Ontario to “Lake America” and, on Sept. 29, a new U.S. import ban on some Canadian goods came into effect.

With trade tensions showing no sign of easing, it remains to be seen whether Mayor Frey’s plea will be answered.

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“I do not know if resilience is unique to women, but this group embodies it powerfully,” Canadian-Israeli filmmaker Igal Hecht says. Hecht produced and edited Where Do We Belong?, a new documentary about a group of women at Kibbutz Kfar Aza in the months after October 7. PHOTO COURTESY OF IGAL HECHT

When Hamas attacked Kibbutz Kfar Aza on Oct. 7, 2023, a WhatsApp chat connected women living through the assault in real time. In the months and years since, the chat group has remained a communication link for survivors who lost relatives, homes and the ordinary lives they once shared.

That group is at the centre of Where Do We Belong?, a new documentary produced and edited by Canadian-Israeli filmmaker Igal Hecht and directed by Israeli filmmaker Dotan Nave. Rather than retelling Oct. 7 through the attack itself, the film follows its longer trajectory of two and a half years: grief, displacement, medical recovery, parenthood, group meetings and the difficult prospect of beginning again.

The film premieres on Israel’s Channel 8 on Oct. 5. It will then screen Oct. 7 at Toronto’s Zionist Centre and Oct. 8 at Vancouver’s Norman Rothstein Theatre, as part of the Vancouver Jewish Film Festival.

Hecht, born in Israel and raised in Toronto, will attend both Canadian screenings for post-film Q&As.

Over a career spanning nearly three decades, Hecht has produced more than 70 documentary films and 25 television series.

Dave Gordon interviewed Hecht for the National Post.

What did following these women for more than two years allow you to show that an immediate account of Oct. 7 could not?

You see the mourning process unfold and, especially with Jessica, the realization that there is no alternative but to move forward. These women endured the tragedy together in real time through their WhatsApp group. They lost loved ones and are deeply interconnected, as happens in a close-knit kibbutz. Their friendship became a support system: they mourned together, moved together, and have chosen to remain neighbours through three relocations. The film shows how essential that kind of support is — not only after October 7, but in life generally.

You and Dotan began filming three weeks after Oct. 7. Why make the women’s group the narrative spine?

Dotan deserves the credit. He was volunteering at Kibbutz Kfar Aza and met Amit; after a few weeks of getting to know the women, the project began. We understood that their WhatsApp group was an extraordinary way to tell the story: it connected them as they experienced the attack in real time.

Originally, we expected to film for six months. But rather than stopping at the attack and immediate aftermath, we decided to follow what came next: the daily work of surviving — raising children, going back to work, managing social obligations, and finding a way forward after losing a husband or a home. We gradually stripped away some of the Oct. 7 material to focus on a story that had not been told before.

That longer timeline made stories possible that we could not have anticipated. Ellie, who was severely burned along with her husband and two-year-old daughter, rebuilt her life, completed her studies, became a doctor and later gave birth to another child. That is a story of recovery and renewal, and it would have been impossible to tell had we stopped after six months or a year.

What does the title, Where Do We Belong?, mean to the women?

It is less a question of where they belong geographically, than where they belong in life now. Jessica must ask whether she can find a new partner and how she moves forward. The larger question is whether they return to Kfar Aza, go elsewhere, or remain together. The film does not resolve that question, because many of the women have not resolved it themselves.

One survivor says her views on coexistence have changed. Did you find that more broadly?

Not everyone spoke openly about it, but I think many have experienced a profound reassessment — not only about coexistence, but about the reality across the border. Many Gaza-envelope communities were left-leaning and committed to peace; some residents helped Gazans reach Israeli hospitals. For people who embraced coexistence, Oct. 7 was profoundly shattering. Noa had taught her students to believe in it, but she now feels that belief was not reciprocated.

What did the women teach you about how people endure long-term trauma?

It demonstrates the strength and resilience of these women: their sacrifices for friends and children, their ability to remain standing, pursue their dreams and care for one another. We focus on three women but portray the larger group. I do not know if resilience is unique to women, but this group embodies it powerfully. To me, they also embody the resilience of Israelis in the face of enormous horror. Their strength, and determination, deserve to be celebrated.

What were the ground rules around consent and access during such a long project?

There were no forbidden subjects, but Dotan built a thoughtful, trusting relationship with the women. We did not push people. We had to judge the day: if someone was having a difficult time, we would not force a painful conversation. The first year especially, we were conscious of trauma and determined not to be exploitative. Some shoots were cancelled when participants did not feel up to them.

What do you hope Canadian audiences take from the film?

I want them to understand that the trauma did not end on Oct. 7. These women had to go on raising children, working, moving from place to place and trying to imagine a future after what happened to their families and community. This is not chiefly a political film. It is a human story about people connected by trauma who are trying, day by day, to heal and move forward.

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The Peace Tower on Parliament Hill in Ottawa is pictured in this file photo.

There are roughly two million Muslims in Canada. But they don’t see themselves in conversations being held in their name in Ottawa, says a leader of the new Muslim Policy Institute (MPI).

The MPI , launched this month, is dedicated to including Canadian Muslims in the dialogue that shapes policy about how they live.

“The questions MPI cares about most, like belonging, opportunity, the pressures families are facing, and what Muslim Canadians actually prioritize, are often overlooked. Meanwhile, the national conversation keeps circling one or two politically charged issues,” said Nika Jabiyeva, the institute’s managing director of operations and partnerships, told National Post.

Jabiyeva said research last year revealed that although Islamophobia was a concern for the community, bigger concerns for Muslim Canadians, like most Canadians in general, were the cost of living and housing.

MPI “doesn’t claim to represent two million people,” she said. The group’s purpose is to learn “what shapes Muslim Canadian life and identity, from youth and professionals to women in leadership and elders, and bringing that to the public and into policy.”

There are many Muslim advocacy groups already that have “predetermined points of view and opinions,” she said. What MPI aims to do is provide research and evidence about what the community wants to prioritize.

In a recent move, nearly 1,000 prayer rooms, or “quiet” rooms, were added to federal buildings, the Toronto Sun and Blacklock’s Reporter reported, despite only two per cent of employees self-identifying as Muslim.

While Jabiyeva said that representation matters, the way the government responds to a community’s needs can “often come off as performative, and that’s what ends up dominating the conversation.”

“What actually changes the well-being of our communities are things like economic opportunity, housing, education, and real investment in cohesion between communities,” she said.

“None of these are quick wins, so it’s easier to invest in something that makes a quick news story. That’s where MPI’s work comes in: finding out what Muslim Canadians need most, and bringing that evidence to policymakers.”

The institute undertakes studies on a wide variety of topics — health, safety and how foreign influence can impact Muslims — and other projects, including one committed to protecting Muslims from radicalization.

“Either all Muslims get painted with the same brush, or some of the loudest voices dismiss all discussion of it as Islamophobia. Neither is true, and that’s how we end up with the public discourse we have today,” said Jabiyeva.

In a description of the project online , it says that Muslim communities are disproportionately affected by radicalization as targets of extremist recruitment and as victims of social and political fallout when radicalization leads to violence. The project develops tools, resources and early intervention frameworks, it says.

“Few look inside the community and ask why. What makes a young person go looking in the darkest corners of the internet? Where are they not finding belonging?” said Jabiyeva.

“We also can’t be naive about the systems that fuel radicalization. It doesn’t spread by accident. It’s organized, it’s funded, and in some cases it’s backed by foreign states and movements that benefit when young people feel they don’t belong here.”

There has also been religion-based hatred towards the Muslim community in Canada, on display prominently in recent weeks.

A Whitby man was arrested on Sept. 23 for promoting anti-Muslim violence, according to Durham Regional Police. Also last week, a mosque and Islamic schools across Canada were threatened with violence over email, the Muslim Association of Canada said .

In the Toronto Police Service’s 2025 hate crimes report , anti-Muslim incidents made up 14 per cent of religiously motivated crimes.

“Of course, (Islamophobia) will be part of the research and part of the issues that we will address. But we first want to understand before coming forward with either solutions or predetermined opinions,” Jabiyeva said.

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Parti Québécois Leader Paul St-Pierre Plamondon waves to supporters as he arrives at the National Assembly in Quebec City Wednesday Sept. 9, 2026.

On Monday, a political feat that has never been pulled off in Canada might come to pass.

The separatist Parti Québécois could very well win a majority government in Quebec with barely 30 per cent of the vote — or possibly even less.

“If they get 30 per cent of the votes, even with a minority government, that would be unprecedented. But with a majority, that would be absolutely stunning — super unprecedented,” said Daniel Béland, a professor of political science at McGill University.

Béland doesn’t know of any instance across Canada where a party won a majority with such a low share of the vote.

“Certainly, in Quebec it would be a first,” he said.

If the PQ forms a majority, Béland suspects “this will probably re-start or amplify the debate on electoral reform.”

Three polls taken last weekend showed the PQ with 30 per cent support and the Liberals between 22 and 26 per cent. Poll aggregator sites suggested the PQ was within grasp of forming a majority government.

The incumbent Coalition Avenir Québec, which was near the top of the polls at the start of the campaign, has fallen to fourth place behind the PQ, the Liberals and the Conservative Party of Quebec, which was polling at 16 to 19 per cent support, the most recent polls show. Québec Solidaire is trailing with about 11 per cent of the vote.

This is the first Quebec election with five “significant parties” in the running, said André Lecours, a political scientist at the University of Ottawa. He said the “extreme fragmentation” of the vote makes it possible for a party to claim victory with just 30 per cent support.

“I can say with great confidence that this type of result would be impossible in a situation of two or three parties,” Lecours said.

It could be either a minority or a majority for the PQ, but it definitely looks like a PQ victory, agreed Sébastien Dallaire, chief insights officer with pollster Leger Marketing. “Another result would be very surprising at this stage.

“It’s very, very hard to see where things are going to land in terms of seat count because of the very deep divisions among voters and the regional disparities, the linguistic disparities,” said Dallaire.

“It’s a very weird mix when you look at voting intentions in the province.”

The PQ’s “extensive lead among Francophone voters does give them, potentially, the possibility of winning a majority, even at or just below 30 per cent of the vote.”

PQ Leader Paul St-Pierre Plamondon has been asking voters to give his party a majority government so it can fulfill its promises. When the writ dropped, it held seven of the 127 seats in the National Assembly.

“It’s a double-edged sword,” Dallaire said. “The party hasn’t been able to gain additional support, possibly because the majority of Quebecers don’t really want a referendum” on separation.

If the PQ does win a majority on Monday, “the question of is it a mandate to push for a referendum will certainly be a key debate in months to come,” Dallaire said.

The “linguistic composition of the vote” in Quebec is what puts a majority within reach for the PQ, even with such a low percentage of the vote, he said.

“The Liberal Party grabs a majority, often a vast majority of the non-Francophone vote,” Dallaire said. “That non-Francophone vote is highly concentrated in about 20-25 ridings in and around Montreal. Outside of this, the majority of ridings are almost unilingual Francophone.”

Among Francophone voters, “the PQ has a significant double-digit lead,” he said.

“The 29 (per cent of the vote) for the PQ is highly concentrated in Francophone ridings, whereas the Liberals are not competitive in those same ridings. They’re very far behind,” Dallaire said.

“So, in fact, the Conservatives are the real contender in any of those Francophone ridings.”

Quebec Conservatives, who haven’t had a seat in nearly a century, are on track to elect about 15 MNAs in the Quebec City area.

“Fifteen is definitely possible,” Dallaire said. “They could even maybe look at more than this.”

That could cost the PQ their majority, he said.

“The Conservatives have become the real threat outside of Montreal,” Dallaire said.

He also suspects the Liberals could regain some former traditional Grit strongholds in western Quebec, as well as the Eastern Townships.

“It’s this combination that make a PQ majority not a certainty at all,” Dallaire said.

“It could still be a minority, and if it’s a minority, it’s because the Conservatives are a bit stronger than expected and the Liberals are also performing a bit better than expected.”

There’s another potential historical first looming in this election, which will likely see “the largest swing in terms of seats in Quebec politics,” he said.

“A government that had a super majority could be entirely wiped out in the span of one term. That never happened before,” Dallaire said. “The CAQ could go from having won 90 seats the last time around to now fighting for their survival. And that is a spectacular turnaround.”

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Voters rally on Rene Levesque Blvd to demand an independent inquiry into the thousands of rejected referendum ballots after the 1995 referendum in Quebec.

QUEBEC CITY — Gaël Bouchard, 25, was waiting patiently in the pouring rain for Parti Québécois Leader Paul St-Pierre Plamondon to add his signature to an already signed copy of René Lévesque’s autobiography he found in a used book store.

“You are surely the one who will take Quebec to where it needs to be,” Bouchard told St-Pierre Plamondon as he handed him his book, carefully wrapped in a plastic bag.

As beads of rain made their way onto the pages, the PQ leader apposed his signature in blue pen, nearly 40 years after Lévesque signed with a Sharpie in December 1986.

Bouchard was not born when the two previous referendums took place in 1980 and 1995. But like many sovereigntists much older than him, he alleges that the federal government “stole” the 1995 vote with a razor-thin majority for the “No” side.

“It was a pivotal moment in history. Then it was stolen from us through manipulation and interference,” said the young man.

From Ottawa? “Let’s not be afraid of words.”

Bouchard is not an isolated case. Outside a retro diner in Plessisville, where St-Pierre Plamondon was busy shaking hands, one white-haired lady who has been voting for the PQ since its foundation still bears resentment about the result of the vote in 1995.

“They stole it from us,” she said, refusing to share her name.

She was especially frustrated with the Unity Rally in downtown Montreal that saw thousands of Canadians from other provinces travel to Quebec at a fraction of the regular rates to declare their love to Quebecers in the final week of the campaign.

The move sparked outrage from the “Yes” camp which saw the discounted flight, train and bus tickets as undeclared campaign expenses from the federalist side.

The issue of the “stolen” referendum came up once more during an interview at QUB radio where St-Pierre Plamondon was answering callers’ questions.

A woman named Marcelle noted that Jean Chrétien’s federal Liberal government had given instructions to speed up immigration applications in the year before the 1995 referendum to give a chance to new Canadians to exercise their right to vote.

Sergio Marchi, who was federal immigration minister at the time, r evealed to Le Journal de Montréal last year that Chrétien instructed him to do that in his department and that it had made a difference for the pro-Canada vote.

“In your mind, was the referendum in 1995 stolen? That’s what you feel?” the host of the show, Mario Dumont, asked Marcelle. “Yes,” she confidently said.

St-Pierre Plamondon jumped on the opportunity to announce that if he forms government, he will get to the bottom of the issue of the “stolen” 1995 referendum.

More specifically, he intends to release the documentation that led to a report led by Judge Bernard Grenier in 2007 which detailed irregularities from the “No” camp totalling approximately $500,000. He was also unable to quantify other illegal expenditures.

The documents have remained under seal to this day because of confidentiality agreements with witnesses and because they contain sensitive information.

“We will protect personal information,” the PQ leader told the caller. “But regarding the content — using the tools available to us at the National Assembly — there are ways to extract it while still ensuring protection (of sources.) We are committed to doing that.”

National Post asked St-Pierre Plamondon if he thinks the result of the 1995 referendum was robbed from Quebecers. He did not give a clear answer.

“I think we’ll know pretty soon,” he said. “We know there were maneuvers… We know a few things that are very alarming in terms of the integrity of that democratic process.”

“And so, my undertaking, my will is to disclose that information while protecting the identity of individuals, that we get to know through a process what actually happened. I think it’s a matter of knowing the truth and protecting our democracy,” he added.

Bouchard, the young man who had his book signed by the PQ leader, said he is looking forward to having those answers.

“As long as we don’t have it in black and white — stating ‘it was stolen from us’ — we will always be debating the question: was it, or wasn’t it?” he asked.

“But fundamentally, a democratic process was stolen from us, and we are still paying the price — to the point where we have to start all over again thirty years later.”

St-Pierre Plamondon is promising to hold a third referendum only after U.S. President Donald Trump has left office, meaning it would take place in 2029 or 2030.

Whether it happens or not, Bouchard said the separatist movement in Quebec won’t die and that many young people like him intend to keep this idea alive and well.

“It’s a cycle that will never end,” the 25-year-old said. “If young people aren’t able to bring this project to life, in twenty or thirty years, our children will be stuck with the same dilemma: having to start it all over again.”

National Post
calevesque@postmedia.com

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Brad Bradford, the millennial planner-turned-councillor, makes his second bid for Toronto mayor, vowing to tackle crime, congestion and soaring costs while challenging Olivia Chow's record. (Photo: DAVE GORDON)

A little more than three weeks from Toronto’s municipal election, Brad Bradford is closing on incumbent mayor, Olivia Chow.

Chow holds an edge at 38.1 per cent of voters, according to Mainstreet Research . Bradford follows with 32.2 per cent among the voters.

The other candidates trail far behind. Chris Alexander sits at 7.2 per cent, Sarah McVie at 2 per cent, then Odessa Paloma Parker at 1.8 per cent, and finally the other candidates deemed by Mainstreet as “someone else” (2.7 per cent) rounding out the field.

With 16% undecided and 14% of voters reporting they might change their minds, including more than a quarter of Chris Alexander voters, the race is close.

Chow leads more comfortably among voters under 55 years-old, with a lead of 7 points among those under 35. She leads by 11 points among voters between 35 and 44, and 17 points among those between 45 and 54.

Among older voters, however, Bradford leads Chow by 7 per cent with voters between 55 and 64. He trails by just 2 per cent among voters over 65, which Mainstreet says is a statistical tie.

With turnout expected to be higher among older voters, Bradford’s edge could be a significant factor in the final outcome.

With regard to election issues, over three quarters of voters point to affordability as extremely or somewhat important (78 per cent). The affordability concerns for almost 3 in 10 include spending on public and transit safety (29.8 per cent). A plurality of voters said any tax increases should go toward paying for affordable housing and fighting homelessness (23.9 per cent).

“The race remains Olivia Chow’s to lose,” said Quito Maggi, President & CEO of Mainstreet Research. “With 16 per cent remaining undecided and another 14 per cent saying they might change their minds on how to vote, the next Mayor of Toronto is far from certain at this point” he added.

“We will keep a close eye on this important race and other as we approach election day” he concluded.

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