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Prime Minister Mark Carney tours the Roberts Bank Port in Tsawwassen, B.C. on July 30, 2026.

WASHINGTON, D.C. — The Canadian economy proved more resilient than feared earlier this year.

Now, while many hope domestic infrastructure and investment projects will help the economy grow and boost its export diversification, the country is likely facing a period of slower growth in the short term.

That’s why Deloitte Canada recently raised its forecast for this year but cut next year’s growth forecast from 2 to 1.6 per cent, a figure that accounts for Canada’s retaliatory tariffs but not the Sept. 15 expansion or the Sept. 29 import bans. To better understand where the economy has proven most resilient, and where future challenges lie, National Post reached out to Deloitte Canada’s Chief Economist Dawn Desjardins for some insights.

This Q&A has been edited and condensed for clarity and length.

Deloitte Canada raised its forecast for this year but cut next year’s. What has kept Canada’s economy afloat so far, and why do you expect that resilience to weaken?

Dawn Desjardins: In the second quarter, Canada’s economy really did grow very strongly, and it was pretty broad-based, which I thought was interesting. It wasn’t just the consumer, but it was also the housing market, and we saw business investment pick up. Exports also picked up. So it was really strong growth in that second quarter.

Now, as we are monitoring the third quarter, there is still growth, not nearly as rapid, but still seeing signs of growth.

That’s all to describe how we netted out to get a stronger growth rate for 2026. It really was that lift from the second quarter and the fact that the first quarter, which had initially been indicated to have contracted, actually was positive. So that kind of set the benchmark, and we did end up seeing our forecast being upgraded.

But for 2027, all the events of recent weeks and months certainly suggest that it’s having an impact on Canadian business confidence, Canadian consumer confidence, and we think very likely we will see slowing export activity as we go through the course of 2027. So those factors taken together, it does suggest that we’re in for a period of slower growth in 2027 compared to what we previously thought.

So still growth, but just 1.6 per cent. Previously, we thought 2 per cent.

Why hasn’t the full effect of the latest tariffs arrived yet? How does a tariff imposed today translate into weaker growth tomorrow?

I think what we’ve seen is that, especially in the most recent data we have, which was for the month of August, we saw actually some strong export activity as exporters tried to sell into the U.S. quicker than they otherwise would have. So they were kind of front-running those tariffs.

Now, as we go forward, of course, they are in place. And so we will see, we think, softer demand for some of Canadian goods sales into the United States, and that’s what’s going to weigh overall on our exports.

When you talk about exports slowing in 2027, are you referring specifically to the U.S. market?

We don’t actually have them falling. We just have them going very, very, very slowly. They will be negative, we think, in the next few quarters, but then start to pick up again as supply chains are rearranged, as Canadian companies look for other markets to sell to.

So a lot of it is, in fact, reflecting weaker demand we expect from the U.S. market.

What will the next phase feel like for Canadians? Will they see higher prices, fewer jobs, smaller pay increases, layoffs, or business closings?

I think we have seen already in August a decline in jobs. It’s likely going to remain a rough outlook for people who are looking for jobs, especially until we get to a period of time where we’re starting to see more business investment pick up.

So right now, I think the fact that we are seeing such a weight on business confidence, businesses today are obviously very concerned about where demand is going to come from. And so right now, I feel like they’re in that kind of perhaps low-hire, low-fire type of environment.

By that, I mean not necessarily looking to expand, but given that we’re seeing such weak immigration growth, probably looking to maybe retain some of the workers. And so you don’t see a lot of movement, I don’t think, in the labour market in the medium term, immediate term. But as we move forward, we do think that we’re going to start to see hiring pick up pace.

And this is going to reflect changes that we’re anticipating to come, whether it’s from public infrastructure investments, so by the public sector, or starting to see some private-sector money move into accompanying some of the investments that we’re seeing put in place by the federal and provincial government.

What about consumer prices?

Right now, what we’re seeing is that our inflation rate is being largely driven by energy prices. So, we have an inflation rate of three per cent right now, at the upper end of the Bank of Canada’s target band.

And when you look below that, prices are rising at a slower clip. If you exclude energy, I think it’s about 2.4 per cent. So just a little bit above the Bank of Canada’s target.

Now, as we move forward, it’s going to depend on how long tariffs stay in place, if companies are going to absorb some of it or … And this is more the retaliatory tariffs on Canadian goods coming into the country. And there, I have to say the overall amount of these retaliatory tariffs, the amount that they’re impacting is relatively contained. It will filter in and probably to other parts of the supply chain, but we don’t have a huge flow-through to consumer prices.

The big wildcard, I think, for the inflation outlook right now, there’s a few. One is, how long do energy prices remain elevated at these very high levels?

Also, how are Canadian consumers and Canadian businesses expecting inflation to evolve? Because that’s often, of course, the mechanism, right? They look to see whether or not they think prices are going to go up. Should they be demanding higher wages? And so we start to see even more upward pressure on prices.

So at this stage, we haven’t seen that evolve. We do think the inflation rate will likely start to move lower as we go through 2027. I think one of the factors there is that we are looking for this slower growth than we previously had been anticipating.

And when we look at the futures curve for oil prices, they are gradually coming down. Now, they’re not going back to the $60 level or $65 level of prior to the beginning of the war, but they’re still on a downward trajectory.

So that upward pressure from energy prices, when we look to where they were a year ago, starts to come out of the calculation. It doesn’t mean that prices are necessarily going to go down significantly, but at the same time, they’re going to stop rising. And when we’re there, we’re just using the futures market.

Which Canadian industries and communities face the greatest damage?

It’s manufacturing where we are seeing a hit, especially in the motor vehicle industry. When we look at things like forestry, lumber, that is getting pretty hard hit.

And then steel and aluminum, again, these are sectors that are being really hard hit by very high tariff levels. And so, to the extent that that’s impacting demand, those are the areas where we are seeing the biggest hit in terms of the economy and jobs.

And when you look across the country, the provincial economies, there it is more central Canada, so Ontario and Quebec, as well as British Columbia. So provinces where we have more of the manufacturing hubs, these are the types of areas where we anticipate we’re going to see a bigger impact.

Is there a risk that national growth figures could conceal local recessions?

I think one of the things we are anticipating is that when we look at a lot of the public spending that is going to go on, it is pretty widely dispersed across the whole country, so that could put some mitigants.

But I think when we think about if you are in a city that really is relying on one particular industry, that is going to be incredibly impactful. And so to that extent, yes, I think that there is a risk that certain areas will be. And they are being, I think, more dramatically impacted than the overall national numbers.

I think that’s one of the things that it’s hard. It’s hard to see — because you know that some of these areas are being very badly hit, and if one of their major industries is impacted, it just filters out into demand for services. So it does impact those areas very dramatically.

How much of Deloitte’s downgrade reflects tariffs already in force, and how much reflects uncertainty about future investment?

I think it’s a combination of both, to be honest. I don’t have the exact split, but it certainly is.

When we think about the impact of the uncertainty, of concerns about demand from our largest trading partner for some of our products, it certainly is impacting the way Canadian businesses are thinking about putting money to work, investing.

And so to the extent that they’re just sitting back right now, looking, trying to figure out, “How can I diversify where I’m sending my exports? What’s going to have to accompany that for me to be successful?” as well as, “How can I sell across the country?”

For Canada, of course, we have some barriers to trade across Canada: the provincial trade barriers. And those, when you look through the data and try and model it, do show a pretty substantive impact overall on the economy.

So to the extent that we’re seeing some of these barriers being either reduced or eliminated, if we can have some success on that front as we move forward, it will have a material impact on Canada’s economy.

We’ve run an analysis. It’s a longer-term analysis, but it suggests that Canada’s economy could be 2.4 per cent larger than if those interprovincial barriers remained in place.

So there are substantive gains. And so to the extent that we see some action on removing, just being able to have a more robust domestic market, I think that’ll be helpful over time.

What happens if Washington follows through on its threatened January escalation?

It’s more downside risk to our view. It will continue to have negative impacts. As I said, we haven’t included them in this, but I would say there’s a downside risk there. Should we have additional tariffs apply to our exports, we would revisit our forecast, and it’s the most likely outcome that we would have even slower growth in 2027 than we have in the current forecast.

How much can government support, defence spending and interest-rate policy cushion the damage? What can they not fix?

I think to the extent that we do see governments working to facilitate investment activity, help ease it a bit in terms of some of the constraints that are currently in place, that will be very helpful.

What we have seen from the government is support for businesses that are suffering under the tariffs, that are seeing a significant reduction in demand. We’re also seeing support for Canadian workers who either lose their position or work fewer hours. There are employment benefits they can get now to help them get through this period.

So if you’re working 40 hours one week and then you’re suddenly cut down to 30, there is a government program that can help you move through that transition. So that is definitely going to ease some of the burden, but not totally offset it.

 The ArcelorMittal Dofasco steel plant in Hamilton, Ont.. Canada’s manufacturing sector is being hit particularly hard by U.S. tariffs.

So, yes, getting infrastructure spending in place — we know that building infrastructure takes a long time, so the immediate impact, it’ll build momentum over time. But starting, getting the permitting done, getting the workers in place, starting the whole project. So it does all take time. There’s a process involved in that.

So that’s one thing. I think, yes, we see government programs that are trying to help in the short term and then looking further to invest over the medium term and to get Canada’s competitiveness up. So those will reap benefits over time.

But one of the things they can’t do necessarily is definitely restore confidence among Canadian businesses. So Canadian businesses who are worried, and when you look at surveys, it seems that’s what they’re saying: “We’re worried about where we’re going to be selling our goods to. We’re worried about developing new supply chains. How can we do that?”

So there’s still this overhang, I think, of a softness in confidence by Canadian businesses that I think that is sort of the part that, although governments are doing things and the central bank has so far maintained the policy rate at two-and-a-quarter per cent, these are certainly positives, but it really is seeing some of the movement, getting this underway, that’s what I think is going to be the turnaround for Canadian businesses.

And Canadian businesses looking to put money to work, I think they want to really see things moving forward, and that in itself should help restore confidence.

If Canada secured meaningful tariff relief soon, could the lost growth return? How quickly?

I think it could certainly return. It’s such a volatile and uncertain backdrop. So yes, if there was relief in terms of having the Canada, U.S., Mexico free trade agreement completely in place, I think that would be a pretty good lift in terms of confidence measures as well as a lift in terms of export growth.

But I think it has been very volatile. And so when we think about over the past while, all of the tariff fight, that has really, I think, created such uncertainty for Canadian businesses that it is keeping them a bit on their back foot as they try to assess what are the real prospects of growth as we move forward.

What would convince Deloitte Canada to upgrade its forecast?

I think to the extent we do see movement in terms of some of these big projects, and we do start to see hiring associated with that and a general sense that Canadian consumers and businesses are more optimistic, that certainly would be a reason to upgrade.

And of course, any changes in our relationship in a positive way with our largest trading partner, that would also see us upgrade that forecast.

What are your main concerns for the year ahead?

I think the main concerns is, A, that we do see energy prices remain or continue to climb, because that does have a serious impact, of course, on households and their balance sheets and what they have available to spend on other goods and services.

An escalation, of course, in terms of tariffs that damage other parts or continue to damage certain parts of our economy.

Of course, these are always things — they are downside risks to our view right now simply because there are external factors that we really can’t control.

So we’re trying to look inward and saying, “Okay, how can we make our economy more competitive? How can we draw in capital investment? How can we make our economy more self-sufficient by having a domestic economy across the whole country that is barrier-free?”

So there’s a few things happening, but again, a lot of them take time.

Looking back over the past year and a half, where has the economy done better than you expected? What has pleasantly surprised you?

I think when we look as recently as the second quarter, the fact that we did see such strong resilience in the economy — it was much stronger than we had been anticipating, and I think others were anticipating.

And the fact that it was relatively broadly based: strong consumer spending, business investment picking up, and a housing market that looked like it was on the road to recovery.

Now it has slowed subsequently, but nonetheless, it does show that there is still some momentum in the economy. There is still some activity happening, and that very strong growth rate did show that even under conditions of great uncertainty, the Canadian economy was continuing to grow.

How long will it take for growth to return and export markets to diversify?

It’s very, very, very hard to say. I think one of the things when we think about diversifying, we do need the infrastructure for that to happen. That takes time.

So this sense that yes, we’re going to build or expand ports, pipelines, railways, things to get our goods to other areas of the world in a more expedient and cost-effective way. So those things are all positive movements, and I think it will support the idea that there are other markets that we may be trying to build relationships with.

But again, none of that happens very quickly. So I don’t know exactly when the pickup is going to occur. We do have conditions improving in the latter part of 2027.

Generally, it’s just this idea that we’re all kind of rowing in the same direction towards economic growth. I think once people believe that, then that’s when we’ll start to see this improvement.

National Post

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A Hikvision security camera seen at the Embassy of People's Republic of China in Ottawa on Friday, Aug. 28, 2026.

OTTAWA — In July 2025, a senior federal official delivered a stark warning in a court affidavit. Every day that Chinese surveillance camera giant Hikvision continues to operate in Canada is another day China could spy further on Canadians.

“The continued operation of Hikvision Canada leads to an increase of the capabilities of the PRC (People’s Republic of China) to conduct surveillance of Canadians and others in Canada,” swore Robert McCarty, a senior investment officer in the Innovation, Science and Economic Development (ISED) branch responsible for reviewing foreign investments.

The potential espionage uses of the thousands upon thousands pieces of Hikvision surveillance equipment in Canada were numerous and unnerving, he warned.

The PRC could use it to monitor specific people, collect “pattern of life” information or use the company’s artificial-intelligence powered tools for facial recognition, license place monitoring or even record audio and video of people meeting in public or private spaces, McCarty wrote.

At the time McCarty swore his affidavit, Hikvision had operated “illegally” in Canada for nearly one decade. During that time, the Chinese giant catapulted from a relative newcomer to a “leader” in the Canadian security and surveillance gear market.

By 2024, over a dozen federal government departments and agencies offices had Hikvision equipment deployed on their properties. Today, there are over 28,700 of the company’s devices connected to public-facing Internet connections in Canada (and likely far more on private connections), according to device search engine Shodan.

Hikvision is the most valuable manufacturer of “Internet of Things” surveillance equipment in the world, but also one of the most controversial. It is partly state-owned by the Chinese government and benefits from PRC subsidies that allow it to sell its equipment cheaper than most competitors.

But over the last decade, the company has been linked to multiple major cybersecurity vulnerabilities , is allegedly used by the Chinese government for mass surveillance of Uyghurs and other minority groups , and has been blacklisted by governments around the world over concerns about espionage and cybersecurity.

And yet, it was only in 2025 that the Liberal government took what appeared to be decisive action against the company that Canada’s security apparatus had viewed as a potential threat to national security for years. In June 2025, Industry Minister Mélanie Joly issued a rare order demanding the company pack its bags and leave Canada.

In the confidential order obtained by National Post, the government laid out five broad reasons for the ban. Those include Chinese laws compelling companies to spy for the government, Hikvision’s proximity to the PRC and its ability to access end user data is some cases.

All issues security analysts, other Western governments and even Canada’s intelligence apparatus had been warning about for years.

The Hikvision case raises serious questions about how the federal bureaucracy guards itself against technology it considers harmful, and if it heeds the advice of its own security agencies.

Hikvision is one of only a handful of companies that the federal government has moved to outright ban from Canada due to national security concern. Details — including confidential and classified information — revealing the process behind-the-scenes are laid out in thousands of pages of Federal Court documents as part of Hikvision’s legal battle to remain in Canada.

In both the court documents and a statement, Hikvision denied all the government’s concerns regarding the safety of its equipment and said it could not use its gear to spy on Canadians on behalf of China.

“The existing court submissions accurately reflect the company’s stance that there is no evidence that our products or operations pose a national security risk in Canada. We continue to expect a fair and transparent environment for all businesses and investors in the country,” Hikvision told National Post.

Until Hikvision’s lawsuit, much of the government’s grave concerns about the Chinese company were locked away from the eyes of the public. Even the government’s 2025 order in council justifying the Hikvision ban is still marked as “privileged information and cannot be published” online .

The information reviewed by National Post invites scrutiny into how the federal government reviews foreign investments in Canada that could be injurious to national security.

That’s because, despite repeated warnings from its security and intelligence apparatus about Hikvision gear, copious public reporting detailing security vulnerabilities in Hikvision cameras and the risk of espionage posed by the Chinese tech giant, ISED only launched a review of the company’s Canadian presence in 2024.

That’s when the department discovered the company had been operating “illegally” in Canada for nearly one decade, according to government court filings.

Hikvision had never notified ISED when it incorporated in 2014 and began operating in Canada in 2015, a mandatory step that allows Ottawa to review the investment for national security concerns. In court, the company said it wasn’t aware of the obligation at the time, which a judge dismissed in September 2025 as “no excuse” while declaring Hikvision to have “unclean hands.”

CSIS and other Canadian security agencies have long warned about the espionage risk of some Chinese tech. But those concerns spiked when the Chinese government adopted a National Intelligence Law in 2017 that requires local companies to “support, cooperate with and collaborate” with the China’s intelligence efforts if required.

Another key government concern was Hikvision’s participation as a “Tier One Technical Support Unit” in China’s cybersecurity vulnerability reporting program run by the government’s Ministry of State Security.

Not only did the company fail to disclose its voluntary participation in the program early in ISED’s review, the government charged, but the PRC is suspected of passing on reported cyber vulnerabilities to its “hacking teams” before disclosing them publicly.

 Hikvision headquarters in Hangzhou, China, in 2019.

In its lawsuit, Hikvision Canada said it complies with all Canadian privacy laws and regulations and is “not subject to PRC law”. It argued that it “cannot” be compelled by the PRC to provide end user data or any other information, nor had it ever received any such request from the Chinese government.

The company also fiercely opposed the government’s position that it could access users’ data, arguing that it had essentially no way to access such information. Furthermore, it said its participation in China’s cyber reporting program was aligned with industry norms.

Ottawa’s national security concerns about Hikvisions are simply “speculation,” the company charged.

Despite that, in early 2025, Hikvision offered a series of concessions to ISED in order to avoid a ban. Court records show the company proposed six undertakings, including adhering to Canadian privacy laws, appointing Canadian citizens to its board and issuing “transparency reports.”

But the offer did not sway Ottawa. China’s national security laws are a key reason why Canada declared Hikvision persona non grata in the federal government’s confidential 2025 order.

“Despite Hikvision Canada’s representations that it would attenuate the national security risks… it is likely that, even if those undertakings were given, Hikvision would act contrary to Canadian interests under the direction of the CCP (Chinese Communist Party) or the government of the PRC (and) would not adhere to any such undertakings,” reads the confidential document.

Samy Khoury, a former top Canadian cybersecurity official, told National Post that China’s National Intelligence Law applies to Chinese companies regardless of the intent of foreign staff. That’s particularly the case for state-owned companies like Hikvision.

“The National Intelligence Law compels companies to sometimes … act against the customers’ interests, regardless of the good faith of the local staff,” said Khoury, who headed the Canadian Centre for Cyber Security and worked over three decades for the federal signals intelligence agency before retiring in July.

“The fact that the country has a law that compels a technology company, or presumably any company, to fork over data, that is something I would think twice about.”

Intelligence and security agencies also quietly shared their concerns about Hikvision technology specifically to the federal government years before ISED began the 2024 review of Hikvision Canada’s presence in Canada.

Notably, in November 2022, Canada’s spy agency sent out a rare and stark advisory to its partners.

Hikvision poses a threat to Canada’s national security because its products can potentially be used as an intelligence collection platform for China in Canada and abroad, reads the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) security alert obtained by National Post.

On top of that, Hikvision directly designs, implements and operates China’s Xinjiang-based surveillance project of the Uyghur minority, CSIS warned.

Hikvision video surveillance gear should be given national security consideration and due diligence, particularly on Government of Canada facilities, CSIS warned in the 2022 document.

In other words: don’t use it.

Yet two years after the 2022 CSIS alert, a dozen government departments and agencies still used Hikvision surveillance equipment on their property in 2024. Thursday, National Post reported that over one year after the government’s ban, at least two federal agencies still used Hikvision gear on their properties.

“We shouldn’t allow Hikvision equipment to be used in Canada, particularly in government offices,” Michael Kovrig, CEO of Kovrig Group and a former diplomat imprisoned by China from 2018 to 2021, told National Post.

“Canadians should be wary of surveillance systems made by PRC companies, because the problems with their products aren’t just technical, they stem from China’s increasingly totalitarian political system.”

CSIS declined to comment, citing ongoing litigation between the government and Hikvision.

It’s not just the government’s concerns about Hikvision that were shrouded in secrecy for years, but also a key watchdog’s.

In 2024, the privacy commissioner quietly launched a privacy and security review of the potential risk posed by Hikvision equipment such as security cameras, network video recorders and companion applications.

The review was launched at the request of then Bloc Québécois MP René Villemure, and a briefing note for the commissioner said he would report his findings.

It was completed and never made public. His office declined to share a copy of the report or summarize any of its findings.

“Once the Office of the Privacy Commissioner of Canada completed the analysis, it was shared with the appropriate government institution. The analysis was not made public given the sensitivity of the information,” office spokesperson Vito Pilieci said.

Why, if Hikvision’s products pose such a grave threat, did it take years after CSIS’s warning for ISED to launch its review of Hikvision’s presence in Canada?

Both ISED and Joly refused to answer those questions and more, citing ongoing litigation.

But even before the spy agency’s alert, Canada’s allies had been warning for years that Hikvision equipment could pose a threat.

In 2019, the U.S. government banned its federal agencies from purchasing or using Hikvision equipment, citing security concerns and the company’s surveillance of Uyghurs in the Chinese province of Xinjiang.

In the following years, parts or all of the Indian, South Korean, European, U.K., New Zealand and Australian governments implemented bans or restrictions on Hikvision equipment for similar reasons.

Then in late 2023, the Quebec government announced it was barring public institutions from purchasing any new Hikvision equipment and implementing stringent firewalls on existing gear.

Now, Hikvision’s lawsuit against the federal government in a last-ditch attempt to quash the 2025 order requiring it to leave Canada may be reaping fruits.

In a September hearing, lawyers for both parties told the court that they were negotiating a settlement and hoped to find a “mutually acceptable outcome” by December. Presumably, the negotiations are about finding a way to allow Hikvision to continue operating in Canada, though both parties declined to comment.

In its submissions, Hikvision noted that being forced to cease its operations in Canada would effectively shut out its products and destroy its Canadian business.

Dennis Molinaro, a researcher on national security and former federal intelligence analyst, said that the government needs to explain any reversal on its ban of Hikvision Canada.

“There is no safe way for them to operate. Otherwise, there wouldn’t have been a (federal) order in the first place,” said Molinaro, the author of Under Assault: Interference and Espionage in China’s Secret War Against Canada.

 Michael Kovrig, CEO of Kovrig Group and a former diplomat imprisoned by China, attends a House of Commons committee meeting to discuss the implications of Chinese-made electric vehicles in Canada on April 16, 2026. “Canadians should be wary of surveillance systems made by PRC companies, because the problems with their products aren’t just technical, they stem from China’s increasingly totalitarian political system,” he tells National Post.

But in the meantime, a Federal Court judge rejected Hikvision’s attempt to pause the government’s ban pending the end of the lawsuit, citing the “serious public interest harms” linked to the national security risks posed by the company.

The ban also irked the Chinese government at a time when Prime Minister Mark Carney is trying to rebuild diplomatic bridges between both countries.

A statement in the PRC-operated Global Times shortly after the Hikvision ban stated that “China is strongly dissatisfied with and firmly opposed to this” and urged canada to “change its course”.

Federal briefing documents also suggest the Chinese government raised Hikvision with Canadian government officials directly during bilateral meetings in fall 2025 when discussing “challenges” for Chinese businesses.

“The federal government’s 2025 order does not explicitly ban Hikvision products from being sold and installed by a third party. “However, I strongly encourage all Canadians to take note of this decision and make their own decisions accordingly,” Joly declared at the time .

Genetec, a leading security software firm based in Montreal, made that decision all the way back in 2016 after one too many incidents involving Hikvision cameras connected to their products, according to vice-president Andrew Elvish.

“These cameras are worse than asbestos. They are super duper dangerous time bombs waiting to explode, and especially now in a very unstable geopolitical climate,” said Elvish.

“You don’t want to know when they’re going to start activating these backdoors they’ve put in place.

Asked if he would ever install Hikvision equipment in his home, Khoury, the former top Canadian cybersecurity official, was succinct.

“I wouldn’t.”

National Post

cnardi@postmedia.com

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From left: Pearson airport gold heist suspects Parmpal Sidhu outside the courthouse during his trial, and fugitive Simran Preet Panesar.

On the morning of the Toronto airport gold heist, an Air Canada employee working at the cargo depot where the loot was about to be stolen received a text message from his supervisor’s personal phone: “Gooooood morning it is.”

Minutes later the employee replied saying he was “soo tired.. no sleep.”

“We looking good anyways for today,” came the manager’s replied.

Both men stand accused of being part of the insider conspiracy that pulled off one of the world’s largest gold heists, and their friendly chats prior to the theft — and a sharp falling out afterwards — is revealed in a trove of data extracted from a seized phone.

The Air Canada manager was named in court as Simran Preet Panesar, 34, who is considered a wanted fugitive in the heist case and believed to be in India. The employee was Parmpal Sidhu, a 56-year-old former Air Canada cargo warehouse employee who is on trial for the heist in a Brampton, Ont., court.

Sidhu has pleaded not guilty to theft and conspiracy.

Sidhu’s phone was seized by Peel Regional Police when he was arrested on April 5, 2024, almost a year after the high-profile heist. His home was searched as well.

Det.-Const. Edil Aden told court on Thursday that investigators extracted the phone’s contents using Cellebrite, a digital-forensics software tool.

“So it has text messages, phone calls, logs, images, videos. Their phone is put onto a screen for us,” Aden said. The printed data report was about two inches thick.

Aden said messages found on Sidhu’s phone had been sent and received through various tools, including text, encrypted apps and social media direct messaging.

One chat on Sidhu’s phone from a few months before the heist in April 2023 was with a jeweller about how to accurately test for nearly pure gold that had been melted without contamination.

Most of the messages that court heard about, however, were linked to Panesar, who might have been a co-accused at this same trial if he had returned to Canada. Panesar was the manager with Air Canada at the cargo warehouse at Pearson airport to whom Sidhu reported.

Sidhu and Panesar were friends outside of work. Their messages refer to going to the gym, having haircuts, getting coffee, sharing rides to work and laser hair removal recommendations.

Sidhu had five different means of contacting Panesar saved on his phone, including on encrypted communication apps Signal and WhatsApp.

The profile photos of Panesar saved on Sidhu’s phone look different from the widely circulated photo of Panesar in his police mug shot because he sometimes wears a hairpiece, court was told.

On the day of the heist, the two exchanges dozens of short messages, some highlighted to Judge Gordon Cudjoe as suspicious, or, in the words of Crown prosecutor Tyler Powell, “potentially relevant to this investigation.”

They included Panesar’s enthusiastic greetings for the day and a message from him a few hours after the heist.

“I think I’ll be going to India for days off just to get away few days,” the message from Panesar’s phone says. He said it was his wedding anniversary.

“Happy Anniversary,” Sidhu replies.

A few hours later, a message to Panesar’s number from Sidhu’s phone said: “Hey….gotta a call from my cuz who’s in peel. said he heard about a brings heist at cargo last night… lol. Hear anything?”

“No nothing like that happened,” was the reply.

Court heard little or no context to the messages. Presumably the reference to “brings heist” is a misspelling of Brink’s, the security transit company that was moving the gold from Switzerland to Toronto on an Air Canada flight for their client, TD Bank. It wasn’t until Brink’s guards arrived to collect the crate hours later that anyone realized it was gone.

Aden also testified about a screen recording found on Sidhu’s phone that appears to capture a thoroughly modern falling out between the two men: There is a screen shot of a message reading “Last chance” and then a sequence showing Sidhu’s phone blocking Panesar on Instagram.

Adel said police can’t say the screen recording was made by Sidhu, only that it was on Sidhu’s phone. It is not clear when the recording was made.

In a series of direct messages on Instagram dated Jan. 30, 2023, there is more evidence of acrimony.

“14” a message from Sidhu’s account says.

“Yes I know” is the reply from Panesar’s.

“Bullshit,” says Sidhu’s.

“And I have news for you. We speak tomorrow. Cool?” says Panesar’s account.

“Talk to your lawyer. I urge you guys to do the right thing. U listen to me when u took the us cash… your full of shit.” In another message in the same string from Sidhu’s account, he mentions someone who was once a suspect in the heist and a misspelled version of Arsalan Chaudhary’s name.

In April, Chaudhary, 43, admitted to being the ringleader of the heist and was sentenced to four years in prison.

Aden was asked by Sidhu’s lawyer, Shale Wagman, if Sidhu’s fingerprints were found on the air waybill that was used to collect and steal the crate of gold and cash, worth more than $22 million. Court heard the waybill was printed from inside the Air Canada warehouse by someone logging in with Sidhu’s credentials.

She said she doesn’t think they were. She also agreed that no gold bars were found in the police search of Sidhu’s home.

Wagman asked her if the text massage saying “We looking good anyways for today” could mean almost anything. “It can mean anything, but the pertinence of it was that that’s the date of the heist,” Aden said. “It could be something work related,” Wagman asked. “It could be. It could be not,” she replied.

The trial continues Tuesday.

• Email: ahumphreys@postmedia.com | X:

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Social media apps are sources of disinformation. One session at Disinfo2026 is looking at extremist actors who allegedly exploit TikTok. Canada has pulled it sponsorship but not its participation in the conference.

The federal government has withdrawn its sponsorship for a European disinformation conference that includes panel discussions about the U.S. government as a risk for foreign interference.

The conference is an annual event focused on countering disinformation. Organized by EU DisinfoLab, a non-profit based in Brussels, it attracts researchers, people who work in counter-disinformation, journalists, think tanks, academics and government officials. The 2026 edition is taking place in Vilnius, Lithuania this week.

More than one panel slated for Disinfo2026 , discusses the U.S. as a source of foreign-information manipulation and interference (FIMI), which refers to state-backed actors engaging in coordinated efforts to sway public debate aiming to undermining elections and institutions.

Global Affairs Canada says Ottawa isn’t comfortable with how those discussions were framed, so while Canadian officials will still be participating in the conference, they will not be chairing any discussions.

“Following changes to the framing of several panel discussions, Global Affairs decided to revise its participation in those sessions at the EU DisinfoLab 2026 conference,” says Samatha Lafleur, spokesperson for Global Affairs.

The department “carefully assesses participation in, and sponsorship of, external events on a case-by-case basis,” she said in an email to National Post on Thursday. “We respect the right of the organizers to frame discussions as they see fit and recognize the independence of civil society actors and speakers at the conference.”

Despite the sponsorship cancellation, Lafleur added that “Canada remains firmly committed to addressing the challenge of disinformation and misinformation. Global Affairs Canada officials continue to participate in the … conference and look forward to engaging with partners and stakeholders on efforts to counter disinformation.”

The Guardian is reporting that the Trump administration “pressured multiple countries to withdraw their sponsorship” and that Canada, as well as Lithuania and the EU’s diplomatic service agreed. Lafleur did not respond to this allegation.

Just days before the conference was to begin, the logos of the main supporters, including the Lithuanian ministry of foreign affairs, the European External Action Service and Global Affairs Canada, were removed from the conference website, states the Guardian. Both the Guardian and CBC are reporting that photos of the event show white stickers placed over the logos of these organizations on official conference materials.

On Wednesday, a panel that Lithuania took exception to, according to the Guardian, explored how Europe’s disinformation community could rebuild resilience without Washington, the first time the conference appears to have entertained the idea that the U.S. could be a disinformation actor in Europe. It’s called “USA as a FIMI threat: adapt, acknowledge, push back.”

Another session will discuss “growing evidence” that the United States has in some Arctic contexts, operated as a FIMI actor.

The U.S. State Department is neither confirming, nor denying the application of pressure to withdraw conference sponsorship.

In an emailed statement to National Post on Thursday, State Department spokesperson Jennifer Viau said: “While we are unable to comment on the details of diplomatic conversations, it should not be a surprise that countries would disaffiliate from this conference upon learning that it labeled the U.S. a ‘FIMI threat.’ Labeling the United States a FIMI threat – a term normally reserved for describing influence operations of adversaries – undermines shared goals and should alarm those involved.”

An EU spokesperson confirmed to the Guardian that the European External Action Service decided to withdraw its support from the conference because “the organizers chose to frame some of the discussions in a way which does not align with the official positions held by the EU.” Despite withdrawing its sponsorship, the EU continues to fund the conference.

Canada’s move comes at a time when the country is caught in the ongoing tensions of a bitter trade dispute with U.S. President Donald Trump’s administration.

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Conservative Party Leader Pierre Poilievre speaks at foyer of the House of Commons at West Block on Parliament Hill in Ottawa on Thursday, Oct. 8, 2026.

OTTAWA – Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre told reporters Thursday that his party intends to bring amendments to the Liberal government’s latest major projects bill, to ensure workers benefit from the government’s build agenda.

“We will be putting forward amendments, to protect workers, their jobs, their rights and the working-class people who build this country,” said Poilievre, during a scrum on Parliament Hill.

Bill C-39, titled Building Canada Strong Act, which makes several changes to Canada’s regulatory and environmental laws, promises a one-year timeline and one review for the approval of major projects.

The bill also makes changes to the Canada Labour Code, including changes to collective bargaining and giving the labour minister “guardrails” on when they can intervene to end a lockout or strike. Those “guardrails” include a special mediator and a national interest test.

The government has argued this gives more transparency to the labour minister’s use of Section 107 of the labour code, although labour unions argue it gives too much discretionary power to a member of cabinet and threatens workers’ fundamental right to strike.

The Liberal government has used Section 107 to end several strikes and lockouts at ports, railways and airlines.

The omnibus bill passed second reading on Thursday, with help from the Conservative Party, and will now go to a special committee for members of Parliament to study. Members of the Bloc Québécois, NDP and Green parties voted against the legislation.

Poilievre did not provide details on what sort of amendments his party will bring forward but has been in contact with labour unions about the bill.

“I think it’s appalling that after the Carney Liberals have destroyed the paycheques of the working class through high taxes and inflation, they are now blaming those same workers for our economic weakness that he caused,” said Poilievre.

Green Party Leader Elizabeth May warned Thursday, that like its predecessor Bill C-5, which was passed last year, the latest major projects bill gives immense discretionary power to ministers.

“Once Cabinet decides a project or undefined region of national interest has been decreed by Cabinet (then) every future decision will be taken for the furtherance of the project,” said May. “It’s quite extraordinary.”

May said this allows government to bulldoze through existing laws to get things built faster, which does not necessarily mean better outcomes.

“When you move fast, you often end up with projects being 300 to 400 per cent over budget,” said May, citing empirical evidence from a book titled “How Big Things Get Done.”

Liberal MP Patrick Weiler appeared to criticize the bill on Tuesday evening, while debating the bill in the House of Commons, to voice similar concerns outlined by May.

“Given that the powers in this bill would be permanent, it is important that where new flexibility or discretion is created, Parliament instils clear and transparent processes,” said Weiler.

Weiler said he ultimately supports the aim of the bill and voted in support of Bill C-39 with his caucus on Thursday.

Meanwhile, labour unions continued to voice their concerns about the bill on Thursday, urging the Liberal government to remove the provisions related to Section 107, or face the risk of more labour unrest.

“I can tell you that our national executive board has just made a decision that said if locals who are out on strike want to defy, our union will stand with them,” said Candace Rennick, national secretary-treasury at the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE), during a press conference in Ottawa.

“Because it’s CUPE members and CUPE members only that should decide when their picket lines end,” she added.

National Post

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Conservative Party of Quebec Leader Éric Duhaime at a press conference in Quebec's Bellechasse riding on Tuesday, Oct. 6, 2026.

PLESSISVILLE, QC — “Plessisville is Conservative. He’s wasting his time here.”

Samuel Côté, a country music DJ, and his girlfriend Mélanie Lévesque, a social worker, were eating lunch on their porch, just steps away from where Parti Québécois Leader Paul St-Pierre Plamondon was trying to shore up support before the election.

Clearly, the PQ did not have their vote. Their lawn sign showed they instead supported their Conservative candidate, Tarek Henoud, who would end up winning the riding of Arthabaska—L’Érable, located between Montreal and Quebec City, on Monday.

This is also one of the handful of seats that would end up costing the PQ its coveted majority, having underestimated the voter turnout for their Conservative opponents.

“To begin with, I’m not a huge separatist,” said Côté, who also goes by the alias DJ Sammy. “I used to vote for Québec Solidaire when I was much younger — like a lot of young people in the 18-to-25 age range. But I really lost interest in them during COVID.”

Côté said he was skeptical of the “medical conspiracies” during the pandemic and refused to get vaccinated. It was during that time that he subscribed to follow Conservative Leader Éric Duhaime who was not shy to address those questions.

“That’s what made me move from the far left to a less extreme right, I’d say.”

With the pandemic behind them, Côté and Lévesque said they continued to subscribe to Duhaime’s propositions to lower taxes so families could have more in their pockets and to cut in Quebec’s bloated bureaucracy to reinvest in better services for people.

One example that spoke to them was the promise to abolish the provincial tax on used goods. Lévesque said it makes no sense to pay taxes on a used car, for instance, when those same taxes were already paid for when that same car was brand-new.

Côté also said Duhaime’s promise to abolish Quebec’s “carbon tax” appealed to him. The province remains the only jurisdiction in Canada to have maintained its carbon pricing system, which is adding to the already bloated price at the pump.

The PQ government has promised to abolish the provincial tax on used goods. It also intends to cut the provincial tax on gas by half for one year and reimburse it completely for individual Quebecers earning less than $40,000 per year with a cheque of $125.

Côté said he was happy to see the ideas promoted by the Quebec Conservatives be adopted by other parties — and in this case, make their way to government.

“The important thing is for the ideas to get through — not for the Conservative government to get elected. No. The goal is for the ideas to get through,” he said.

While lots of ink has been spilled on the referendum issue, many Quebecers have expressed they just want to get by. And Duhaime was able to pound that message.

As a result, the Quebec Conservatives are making a noticeable comeback in the National Assembly with over 20 per cent of the votes and a whopping 19 seats. They won 15 out of the 18 seats in Quebec City, spilling into central Quebec and the Eastern Townships. Their navy blue seats now form a large blot on a map of Quebec.

“It exceeded our expectations,” said director of communications Cédric Lapointe.

Duhaime has said he built on the lessons of the past campaign, where his party won no seats despite finishing with 13 per cent of the popular vote. So, he focused his efforts on the Quebec City area, campaigning in surrounding regions as his support grew.

Lapointe said the idea was to develop their brand as the “party of taxpayers” by focusing on people’s purchasing power. He said it was a clear contrast with the PQ and the Quebec Liberals, which were more focused on constitutional debates.

“We were considered by many people as an alternative to the old parties,” he said.

The Quebec Conservatives were not immune to criticism, however. Some of their candidates made headlines for recent comments on vaccines, abortion or Canada becoming the 51st state. Duhaime dismissed those comments as “distractions.”

His campaign was also overshadowed by revelations that 62 per cent of his most recent book, “Destination Autonomy: Expanding Quebec’s Powers within the Canadian Confederation,” was written with artificial intelligence.

Duhaime argued that AI is a tool like any other and those were still his ideas.

In the last stretch of the campaign, Duhaime called on voters who were disappointed by the incumbent Coalition Avenir Québec government to instead opt to vote for the Conservatives to block a PQ majority and a possible third referendum.

Duhaime made that ultimate appeal in front of a garage with two buses — one with a “Yes” sign and the other with a “No” sign.

“There is only one party that can stop them from leaving the garage,” he said.

The Quebec Conservatives were aiming for at least 12 seats and form a recognized party at the National Assembly. Poll aggregators were showing there would be close races with the PQ in many ridings which could reduce it to a minority government.

The race in Arthabaska—L’Érable was especially personal for both parties.

The PQ had won a byelection in the riding in 2025 with former journalist Alex Boissonneault against Duhaime, who had asked Henoud, who was also their candidate in 2022, to step aside in an attempt to finally win a seat at the National Assembly.

St-Pierre Plamondon had even promised, days before the vote, to name Boissonneault as one of his ministers in a PQ government. In the end, it wasn’t even close.

Henoud won 41 per cent of the vote against Boissonneault’s 33 per cent.

Duhaime mentioned this accomplishment in his speech the night of the election.

“Tonight, we made history. For the first time in (nearly) 100 years, Quebecers have decided to send a large caucus of Conservative members to the National Assembly.”

“And just think about this: we defeated six incumbent ministers, and we even defeated a Parti Québécois minister, believe it or not,” he added.

That comment prompted loud boos from the PQ supporters on their election night.

Duhaime said the rise of his party on Monday night is certainly no accident.

“It is about a political family — about values ​​deeply rooted in our identity, our history, and our regions,” he said.

“Individual freedom, entrepreneurship, the importance of family, regional autonomy, Quebec’s autonomy within the Confederation — in short, the pride of being Québécois,” he continued.

During an unrelated announcement in Sherbrooke on Thursday, Prime Minister Mark Carney would not comment on the rise of the Quebec Conservatives at the provincial level.

“For us, at the federal level, we take messages from byelections and federal elections,” he said.

In that sense, he said he was “very encouraged” that his own party won over 50 per cent of the votes in a Quebec byelection back in August.

National Post
calevesque@postmedia.com

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Elon Musk attends a press briefing held by U.S. President Donald Trump with AI executives following a meeting on artificial intelligence, outside the West Wing of the White House on September 29, 2026 in Washington, DC.

Alberta Premier Danielle Smith and Saskatchewan Premier Scott Moe have rejected billionaire Elon Musk’s suggestion that the provinces should separate from Canada.

The world’s richest man made the comments on the social media platform X, which he owns along with Tesla and SpaceX, on Wednesday.

Replying to a post from prediction market platform Polymarket, which was reporting on incoming Quebec premier Paul St-Pierre Plamondon’s pledge that Quebec independence would one day be achieved, the 55-year-old billionaire wrote: “Good. Quebec should separate.”

In a follow-up post, he added: “They would be better off. Alberta and Saskatchewan should separate too.”

On Monday, the Parti Québécois won a minority government in Quebec, less than two weeks before Alberta holds a referendum that could pave the way for its own independence vote.

On Wednesday afternoon, Saskatchewan Premier Scott Moe quote-replied to Musk’s post, simply writing: “No.”

Smith has also publicly disagreed with Musk’s suggestion. Speaking to the Leduc, Nisku and Wetaskiwin Chamber of Commerce Wednesday afternoon about the upcoming referendum, she said remaining in Canada is the best path forward .

 Premier Danielle Smith speaks to The Leduc, Nisku and Wetaskiwin Chamber of Commerce, in Leduc Wednesday, Oct. 7, 2026.

“I am going to do whatever I can to convince as many Albertans as possible that Canada can work and hopefully win them over to that view,” said Smith. “That’s because the fight to make Canada work for Alberta is producing results. When Alberta stood up and spoke out and refused to back down, the rest of the country started listening. That’s why I believe our best days are still ahead, as a strong Alberta within a united Canada.”

In May, Smith announced the Alberta government will present a referendum question on independence to voters after a pair of petitions from grassroots organizations Forever Canada and Stay Free Alberta gathered more than 700,000 signatures.

On Oct. 19, voters in Alberta will have the chance to answer the question: “Should Alberta remain a province of Canada, or should the Government of Alberta commence the legal process required under the Canadian Constitution to hold a binding provincial referendum on whether or not Alberta should separate from Canada?”

In Saskatchewan, however, Moe has previously suggested his province is not interested in separation, saying at the Western Premiers’ meeting in Alberta in May: “We support a strong and growing province of Saskatchewan with the united nation of Canada.”

At the same meeting he defended Alberta’s separatism vote question, saying that Smith is “following the law.” Though he added: “It’s beneficial for Alberta to remain in Canada.”

Meanwhile, this isn’t the first time Musk, a former adviser to U.S. President Donald Trump, has waded into Canadian separatism.

In April, he agreed with an X user who argued Alberta independence was the only way to save the province. And last year he declared that “Canada is not a real country” in a since-deleted post responding to a House of Commons petition seeking to revoke his Canadian citizenship.

Musk was born in South Africa, but his mother was born and raised in Saskatchewan, where he spent time working on a family farm as a teenager before attending Queen’s University in Ontario.

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VANCOUVER,BC:SEPTEMBER 24, 2026 -- Scenes from the Downtown Eastside in Vancouver, BC, September, 24, 2026.

They are rolling a dying man on a stretcher out of the Maple Hotel. He looks to be about 60 years old, unshaven, wild grey curls, filthy white socks. Electrodes are patched to a hairless chest and a monitor seismographs the agonal beatings of a beaten-down heart. The tattoo on the patient’s right forearm reads KILL TO LIVE.

“What have you got here?” I ask one of the EMTs as he sheds his antiviral poncho to reveal a crisp blue uniform beneath. “This is the Downtown Eastside,” he replies. “What do you think we’ve got?”

It is a late September morning at Canada’s most appalling intersection, the corner of High and Low. A quartet of citizens much younger than the man on the stretcher crouch smirking or slouch insensate on the pavement beneath the Maple’s marquee. Crack pipes scattered on the pavement welcome four new ambassadors to Armageddon from our nation’s deep supply of broken kids.

“Hotel” is a euphemism for the eight-storey Maple, as it is for a dozen or more other Single Room Occupancy (SRO) hellholes, many of them a century old, that define the blighted Downtown Eastside (DTES), relics of the epoch when they sequestered stevedores and lumberjacks up from the docks and down from the woods while they took their beer. The building’s windows, viewed from below, are shattered, hanging loose, missing completely, or smeared with vile graffiti. But on one sill, I see flowers.

Steps away from the youths on the pavement, our grizzled patient lies unconscious on the gurney. Now he is levitated into the ambulance that will hurtle the pale shell of yet another once-young, once-virile, once-dreaming soul to triage, lights ablaze and sirens screaming.

Across East Hastings Street, over by the Carnegie Community Centre, the honey locusts are turning gold and crows are arguing in the branches. A flitting wind is chilly off the harbour; the end of yachting season’s drawing nigh. I should have brought a warmer jacket.

Looking north, up the alley that runs west of Main Street and east of the blighted Maple Hotel, I can see Grouse Mountain’s silhouette against a pallid autumn sky.

Between the ancient but still-thrumming Carnegie, with its spiral stairway and its stained-glass effigies of Shakespeare and Milton and Spenser and its generous cafeteria and its take-no-crap security staff, and a seemingly abandoned office building that once was The Molson Bank, there is a narrow alley whose asphalt is smeared and slippery with breakfast cereal, urine and puke. In that little laneway are at least 30 reeling, half-alive drug users and their comrades and their sweethearts and their murderers.

In a doorway, some mother’s daughter, not yet 20, is crawling through a pond of spilled and spoiled buttermilk, feeling for a book of matches.

Another woman fumbles with a kit containing Naloxone, the antidote to some, but not all, of the poisons that are sold and consumed on our libertine streets while we walk around, look away, and step over. (What we do to ourselves with needles requires more needles to assuage.)

“My damn legs, my damn legs!” one man is wailing, and he rolls up threadbare cuffs to expose half a dozen open, dripping, bloody sores the size of playing cards.

Nearly all the other addicts in the alley are silent, clustered in pairs and trios, high as jets, deaf as trees, and mute as clouds. Many are folded forward at the waist like the letter L, staring down at the filthy ground, defying gravity, eyes vacant, lost in space.

I remember Wilfred Owen’s rendering of the British Army, 1917:

Bent double, like old beggars under sacks

Knock-kneed, coughing like hags, we cursed through sludge,

Men marched asleep. Many had lost their boots,

But limped on, blood-shod. All went lame; all blind;

But the addicts on the Western Front of Canada’s half-assed war on deadly drugs are merely displaying what toxicologists call the Opioid Flexional Phenotype — the “fentanyl fold” — not Great War poetry. And that screaming man’s necrotic lesions are a common side-effect of Xylazine, an animal tranquillizer often cut with fentanyl to prolong the high.

(Consider this: more Canadians have lost their lives to overdoses of opioids in the past 10 years than were killed in combat in the First World War, 18,000 in British Columbia alone since 2016.)

Explore further with me, come by another shocked and gawking tourist. Walk a block or two in any direction along the wide avenues and tight back streets of the Downtown Eastside — up toward Cordova and Powell, down toward Pender and Chinatown — and there must be a thousand more derelict users on the sidewalks: initiates and old-timers, locals and come-from-aways, sisters and brothers, Britons and Blacks and Dene, motionless and shuffling, vomiting and shitting, dealing and being dealt life’s losing hand in one of the most blessed and bounteous countries in the world. And countless more up in the fetid SROs, doing whatever they do.

Six more ambulances and fire wagons are idling within half a block of the crucifix of Hastings and Main streets in Vancouver, B.C. They will not idle for long.

“Bring out your dead!” they used to cry in the Middle Ages, but in plague time at Hastings and Main, the dead and the dying are already in the open air.

Still, the CIBC and the TD Bank at Main and Pender are open, they still are having rock concerts at the Rickshaw Theatre, they are whisking omelettes in the Ovaltine Café, there are hushed and studious readers in the library inside the Carnegie Community Centre, and the big Route 16 bus still careers along Hastings toward the city’s prosperous and cultured core. In Chinatown, tonight’s full moon will bring the Mid-Autumn Festival.

This is Vancouver 40 years after Expo 86, 16 years after the Olympic Winter Games, three months after the FIFA World Cup, under the yellow trees.

The cancer is not only here, but here is worse. It is not just this season, but decades of decay and misery. And meanwhile, in fear and revulsion, pity and heartbreak, anger and avoidance, commitment and indifference, the city carries on.

* * *

“Toronto reporter discovers Vancouver has a drug problem,” someone out this way is bound to sneer, but this is not my first go-round on the Downtown Eastside. Back in 1988, I wrote and fronted a CBC documentary that we centred at the Carnegie and at an SRO on Powell Street — the Lucky Lodge. It was a place that, when you opened the front door, smelled like corpses, if you know that smell.

I remember interviewing a guy named Wilson at a vocational-training centre and Wilson telling the camera that “I am sick and tired of being sick and tired of being sick in the gutter.” But our subjects four decades ago were — or we chose to portray them as — harmless drunkards, a bunch of stumbling B.C. Barney Gumbles, no danger to the larger fabric of the city’s life. This was 30 years after fentanyl first was synthesized in a Belgian laboratory, but still decades before it would become the most commonly used artificial opioid in North America, soon to be broadcast by Chinese chemists and Mexican mules to our sidewalks and schoolyards and tenements and tents.

The doc was a hit. And the Lucky Lodge still is in business in 2026, even after a police sweep in 2005 resulted in dozens of arrests for “widespread drug dealing, deplorable conditions and welfare fraud.” However, The Tyee, a local news website, reported in August that long-term residents are under constant pressure — and offered bribes — to melt away so that management might replace them with students at jacked-up rents.

* * *

Around the corner from the Lucky now, a brace of brawny, tawny dogs — Nala and Bo.

Reining them, stroking them, barking at them when they leap to sniff a stranger, is a man who calls himself India. He says that he grew up in Montreal, that his parents came to Canada from Trinidad, that he played basketball and hockey in high school, that he has four children — somewhere — and that he slept on the sidewalk last night, propped against a brick wall, blanketed by the beasts.

“It’s a choice,” he says of his current circumstance. And again: “It’s a choice.”

We look around at a breathtaking panoply of desperation that stretches as far as the eye can see.

“I don’t see myself any different from them,” India says. “I’m still human. They’re still human.”

“Do you think that most of Vancouver cares about this?” I wonder.

“They probably care about cleaning up the streets,” he answers. “Some people care about the people, they want all of them to get better. Some people just want all of this to be gone.”

“That’s not a bad wish,” I suggest, “to want your city to be clean.”

“No, it’s not,” India agrees. And he says that his moribund neighbours “look more scary than they are — they are very nice people.”

“They would give you their last dollar,” he says. If they had a dollar.

“What would help them?” I ask. “What ends this?”

“There could be a lot more jobs, a lot more places to stay for people on the streets. To get a place, some people wait years. I know somebody that waited 11 years. Some people don’t want a place and some people actually do.”

“Would you go for treatment if they came around to take you?” I ask.

“I don’t need treatment,” says the man with the dogs.

* * *

When they vote for their mayor and council on Saturday, Oct. 17, Vancouverites also will be presented with a non-binding plebiscite (from the Latin plebiscitum, “the common people’s choice”) that purports to create a path toward cleansing the clients and clearing the catacomb at the crossroads of Hastings and Main.

The current mayor, who is running for re-election, is a Hong Kong immigrant’s son named Ken Sim, a father of four and the first Chinese to win high office in a city that has welcomed thousands of Chinese families and trillions of their renminbi in recent decades. Sim first gained the mayoralty in 2022 by unseating the incumbent with 51 per cent of the vote.

If you accept the premise that the heart-rending ruin of the Downtown Eastside began in earnest when a thousand SRO rooms were emptied or uprated to clear the grounds for Expo 86, then Sim is the eighth man to own the crisis. (Vancouver has had an Olympic Games, a World’s Fair, a World Cup, an NBA team — briefly — and two Stanley Cup riots, but never a Cup parade or a lady mayor.)

Early in his (first) term, Sim ordered the obliteration of hundreds of tents and hardened structures that were blocking traffic and commerce on East Hastings, and the removal of dozens of stolen propane tanks that were only a Bic away from blowing the addicts’ entire acreage to Kingdom Come. (Hundreds might have died at once instead of one at a time.) This purge was successful — Vancouver’s unhoused now repose under hospital blankets and garbage bags in lieu of canvas and plywood.

The plebiscite is a pointed (and to his opponents, pointless) manoeuvre by Sim to get the public to formally ratify his get-somewhat-tough approach to the Downtown Eastsiders and the other desperadoes who have spread larceny and loathing across Vancouver’s more moneyed ‘hoods.

The referendum here will ask:

Are you in favour of the City of Vancouver strengthening its laws to forbid open-air hard drug (heroin, meth, fentanyl, and crack) use in public spaces?

And: Should the City of Vancouver formally ask the Province of BC to convert portions of the old St. Paul’s Hospital, or another similar site, into a secure medical facility that provides acute voluntary and 100-plus involuntary care beds for individuals posing a serious risk to themselves or others due to severe substance use and mental health disorders?

“It’s a cynical election move,” said one of Sim’s opponents on the October ballot, Coun. Pete Fry of the Greens. (He the son of Hedy Fry, the longest-serving female MP in Canadian history, currently serving her eleventh term in faraway Ottawa.)

“I see this as nothing more than a cheap political distraction,” echoed Vancouver Liberals mayoral candidate Kareem Allam, who used to be Sim’s chief of staff at $150,067 a year.

On a drippy Friday, I meet Mayor Sim at his campaign headquarters. We talk about the referendum and the necrosis at his city’s core and the very real possibility that — given the potency of fentanyl and the even more addictive drugs that are coming onstream as you skim this — Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside may be the harbinger of even more unspeakable and unpreventable tragedies that all of our cities will face.

“What I can tell you,” the mayor says, “is that everything that we’ve done in the past obviously hasn’t worked. And so what we have done with the tools that we have, which is basically policing and reacting after the fact, is we’ve made massive investments in policing, Vancouver Fire and Rescue Services, and a whole bunch of things to stabilize that neighbourhood.”

Sim congratulates himself for the sanitation surge of 2023 and blames the current disorder on the provincial government of Premier David Eby, who — not to be left out — just called a snap election for Oct. 24.

“We’ve been working hard with the province,” Sim says. “We’ve got them to change their ideology, because they weren’t even into involuntary care a couple of years ago. Now the push is to get them to live up to their commitment.”

“That’s IF ‘they’ are still the same ‘they’ a month from now,” I remind him. (One poll I saw while I was in Vancouver showed Eby’s New Democrats trailing the Conservative Party of British Columbia, 43 per cent to 35. But the election still was a month away.)

“Well, you know what, that’s a great point,” the mayor responds.

“Do you think most Vancouverites care what happens to those few hundred or few thousand on East Hastings street?” I ask. “Most people never go down there.”

“I think when they do see it, they do feel it and they do care,” the mayor replies. “But it doesn’t matter where you live, it presents itself in other forms.

“Cars are getting broken into. Bikes are getting stolen. Shops are getting shoplifted. It’s happening throughout our city, and people feel it.

“The street disorder, someone defecating on the sidewalk or someone shooting up hard drugs in a public doorway. These affect people.”

I head back to Ground Zero, where a phalanx of police officers are slow-walking their daily beat along the highway to hell.

“The mayor wants you to ticket these people and take their drugs away,“ I mention to one of the officers. (Sim proposes that the fine for possession be zero dollars and zero cents; the goal is to identify and catalogue users for treatment later on.) “We can’t arrest our way out of this,” the constable responds.

* * *

The online reviews of the Airbnb one block from Hastings and Main that shelters me for the weekend may unnerve someone who might consider coming here to verify that what I am describing is real.

Just got harrased (sic) by couple homeless that were in the outside corner something no one can manage but the place is flawless amazing …

One thing to be aware of is that there are quite a few homeless people in the area. We never had any issues ourselves, but it’s something potential guests may want to keep in mind …

There is homelessness but I don’t consider that to be the fault of a host …

The surrounding neighbourhood did have many unhoused individuals, but they did not bother us …

Just down the street from the condo is the good old New Town Bakery. This is a magnet for travelling gourmands and glad-handing politicians — Ken Sim’s photo is on the wall, alongside those of Prime Minister Mark Carney and various provincial poobahs — and a throwback to the time when you chose a café for flavour and conversation, not just for a plastic bag of grub from a courier on an e-bike.

Susanna Ng, who owns the New Town, came here from Hong Kong in 1972, before Margaret Thatcher colluded with Deng Xiaoping to hand five million free people back to the Pekingese Communists without a single cannonball being fired by the famous Noonday Gun at Causeway Bay. (Not that the Iron Lady had a choice, with Deng controlling the city’s water supply, not to mention his two-million-man army.) It was that smirking betrayal that triggered so many wealthy Hong Kongers to invest in the beautiful city of Wen Ge Hua beyond the sea.

Vancouver gave the fleeing Chinese the freedom to prosper and study and dream. It gave Susanna Ng the liberty to make steamed pork buns and sesame rice balls, seven days a week, 12 hours a day for 40 years. She has watched her little slice of Wen Ge Hua shamble into woe and sadness, one stolen bao and pitiable wastrel at a time.

“Before, our block was very clean,” she tells me one morning over dried-fish congee and tea. “Before, it didn’t bother me that much because they kept on the north side of Pender Street or on Hastings. But now they are spreading.”

“You talk about these people like they’re COVID,” I snap back. “Like they are bacteria.”

“The government should do something like putting them into some rehab centres and help them to have their feet back on the ground again,” she says.

Perhaps, I suggest, they all should be sent, as they would have been in Chairman Mao’s China, up to Fort St. James or 100 Mile House to perform the manual reform-through-labour called lao gai.

“China is a very civilized place now,” Susanna says. “And rich, too.”

“Do most people in Vancouver care about Pender Street and Hastings Street?”

“I don’t think so,” she replies. “They don’t come down here. Particularly my daughter; she won’t come here. Only we in this area suffer it.

“A few years ago, a few of them were very aggressive. They came in here. They grabbed customers’ food, grabbed customers’ phones from the table. I was really upset.”

“What happened to them?”

“What happened to them? Nothing. And I guess some of them passed away.”

“Can this be a great city and a great country if this exists and we tolerate it?” I ask.

“Canada is still a great country,” Ms. Ng answers. “Vancouver is a nice place. I’m proud of this city. But I’m also ashamed of it, because the city is getting worse. We have to do something with the drugs.

“We don’t see this in Hong Kong, in China. Here, no punishment. There’s no punishment.

“Here,” says the doyenne of Pender Street, “too much freedom.”

* * *

Send in the bulldozers. Send in the cops. Send in the doctors.

Once a year, send in the clowns.

The advent of autumn signals more than rain and chill at Hastings and Main. For one man from the capital of Mexico — a megalopolis that is no stranger to tearful woe and sprawling poverty — it heralds the coming of The Day of the Dead, the funniest day of the year.

Gerardo Ávila came to Vancouver to perform at Expo 86 — I saw him bounce around on his pogo stick on the fair’s final day. Like the Carnegie Community Centre and the Ovaltine Café, he’s still here, still clowning.

Every year on Nov. 1, the Día de los muertos, he parades with a marching band along East Hastings Street, and he sets up an ofrenda in a storefront and invites the mourners of Vancouver to display photographs of their beloved and their lost.

“After my wife passed away, I put on a death mask and I danced for hours before the altar,” Ávila tells me. “And one woman got up and danced with me and then others were dancing, even the people all bent over, and they were so happy.

“These people are struggling, right? It’s sad. But there is humanity there. And on this one day, it is so wonderful to see people laughing or having fun. Those people don’t have much to laugh about. But when I dance with the music, and I invite everybody to dance, you have beautiful things happen.

“There are many people there, but not for just one reason. You must not assume. Some people could be just sick. I have found people who tell me, ‘My wife just left me and I’m sleeping here. I have nothing.’ But they are not drunk or not on drugs. And then you get the heavy drugs, too.”

“How does this end?” I wonder. On the Downtown Eastside, it is always the day of the dead and dying.

“People with money can get into a place where they can get off the drug,” the jester answers, “but the poor people, how can they do it? It’s a big, big problem. I don’t know how to fix it. I am not in politics. I am a clown.”

* * *

On a bulletin board in the vestibule of the library in the Carnegie Community Centre , anguished posters give names to a few of the faceless thousand on the streets outside.

HELP FIND DEZIRAE JEANNETE BERCIER

Age: 21 Height: 5’7” Weight: Approximately 80 lbs.

TRAVELED FROM WINNIPEG, MANITOBA TO VANCOUVER AFTER ANOTHER PERSON PURCHASED HER PLANE TICKET

Her family has had no communication with her since approximately July 19, 2026

– – – – – –

MISSING

Toni Leigh Ann O’Keefe

Hair: Brown Eyes: Green Height: 5’4”

Other features: Missing Front Tooth

– – – – – –

MISSING

SEAN ANTHONY KISCH

WE HAVE TRIED TO FIND YOU, BUT EACH DOOR WE OPEN IS CLOSED

YOU ARE WORTHY

PLEASE CALL SOMEONE. PLEASE HAVE THE COURAGE.

YOU ARE SADLY MISSED

Back at the Airbnb, I take a deep breath and dial the number printed on each family’s appeal.

My first two calls are not answered.

Then Sophie Kisch picks up the phone in Lethbridge, Alta.

“All the posters I sent out, I didn’t get any response at all, and I sent a LOT of posters,” she says.

“Everyone I reached out to, I got no help at all.

“The police said, ‘He is an adult’ and they would not tell me anything.

“I’m sure there are many, many other families in the same situation.

“Sean was very, very, very sick.

“We got down there, but he was in a coma.

“He died at St. Paul’s Hospital. Sean died on April twelfth.”

* * *

The woman behind the front desk at the Carnegie is a Dënesųłı̨né from the Cold Lake First Nations of Alberta named Deanna Piché.

“The priest gave us that name,” she says.

Deanna Piché has a smile for everyone; the few who survive the streets of Vancouver often are like that — grateful daily and respectful deeply of those still trapped in the quicksand of addiction and hopelessness.

“When I moved to B.C. 13 years ago,” she says, “I assumed everybody drank. I grew up watching my parents drink, my cousins, my grandparents. I just thought it was normal. I thought everybody drank around their kids. So when I moved out here, I was still in my alcoholism. And there were the drugs, too.”

“What got you off the street?” I ask her.

“I was a mother,” she replies. “I had something to live for.” Today, at 40, she lives for four children whose ages range from 13 to 21.

Deanna and I walk into the alley between the library and the old Molson Bank. The laneway, as always, is a garden of horrors that would take a Bosch or a Bruegel to paint. She says that terrifying new drugs — a zoo-animal sedative called “rhinoceros tranq” and the synthetic opioid cychlorphine — already have arrived at Hastings and Main. We may be only at the beginning of the plague.

“These are my people,” Deanna says. “A lot of them have seen me at my worst. I love them, and I tell them that I love them, and I am real with them, and they say that they love me.”

“What ends this?” I ask her. “Does love end it? Does Jesus end it? Or does it just go on like this for another 40 years?”

“Do you want my God’s honest opinion?” Deanna asks in Death’s alleyway, and I tell her that I do.

“I believe we are in Hell,” she says, “and we all go from here to Heaven.”

Main image: The alleys in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside are a breathtaking panoply of desperation that stretches as far as the eye can see. On Oct. 17, Vancouverites will vote in a non-binding plebiscite about whether to strengthen laws forbidding open-air use of hard drugs. Photo by Rich Lam/National Post


A man stands outside the British consulate in Jerusalem on September 8, 2026.

The British Consulate in Jerusalem, which Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar last month said would be shuttered, will be renamed the UK Mission, Jerusalem, and operate from the same building with a smaller staff, according to statements published on Thursday by Jerusalem and London.

Twenty diplomats, including the consul general, will end their assignments and leave Israel, Sa’ar said. The consulate’s sign has been removed. Britain retains ownership of the building and may operate a small task force there, Sa’ar said.

“We have allowed the British Government to operate a task force of only seven diplomats from the building, which ceased to function as a consulate today. Their scope of activity will be very limited,” he wrote.

Sa’ar announced the closure on Sept. 8, immediately after the U.K. introduced an import ban on products from Israeli communities in the West Bank.

“A boycott of goods from Judea and Samaria is a despicable practice that harms hard-working, law-abiding citizens,” Sa’ar said last month. “The Labour Government has decided to employ this practice of boycotts and BDS only against the Jewish state.”

Sa’ar added that the Israeli public overwhelmingly supports the Jewish communities in the West Bank and just as overwhelmingly opposes the creation of a Palestinian state in its heartland. “This is something that the Labour government is attempting, through measures that are doomed to fail, to force upon Israel. It will not work,” he said.

The U.K. and Israel had conducted weeks of talks to prevent a deterioration in bilateral relations, Sa’ar said on Thursday. Understandings were reached on Wednesday night and the two governments agreed to continue dialogue. Under the current understandings, “no measures will be taken against Israel as a result of the implementation of the decisions,” he wrote.

Ed Miliband, Sa’ar’s British counterpart, wrote in a statement on Thursday: “Following discussions with the Government of Israel, our Consulate General building will not be closing, and will be known as the UK Mission, Jerusalem from today. The UK Mission, Jerusalem is independent, operational, and will continue to deliver vital services and our work with the Palestinian people.”

The arrangement would preserve Britain’s longstanding presence and its role in supporting a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Miliband said.

“Without an understanding, we would not have the necessary assurances for the security and protections of our staff and premises. Accordingly, the UK has temporarily withdrawn a number of staff and families to ensure their safety and security,” he wrote.

Miliband said the U.K. “will work in the coming months to build back up our presence, and we will not take reciprocal action while such discussions are underway and credible.”

Britain remains “committed” to the measures it adopted on Sept. 8, Miliband said, describing them as coordinated with the international community and intended to support a two-state solution delivering peace and security for Israelis and Palestinians.

Sa’ar said Israel had implemented all of the retaliatory measures he announced on Sept. 8, which included banning British representatives from the International Gaza Support Center (previously known as the Civil-Military Coordination Center) in Kiryat Gat.

Other Israeli sanctions included terminating British training for Palestinian Authority forces in the West Bank, and barring 12 British officials and other citizens from entering Israel over what Sa’ar called their involvement in antisemitic and anti-Israel activity.

“We established a clear principle: It is not possible to act against Israel without Israel taking appropriate measures in response,” he wrote.

Miliband, in his statement, wrote, ”We have been clear that we do not accept that the Government of Israel has the legal right to close the British Consulate General in Jerusalem, which has been there for nearly 200 years. The UK government reiterates its long-standing view that East Jerusalem is occupied territory.”

Sa’ar assigned responsibility for the crisis to Britain’s Labour government.

“We did not want to reach this point, but the actions of the UK Labour Government brought us here. Their latest decision in this series was to initiate a range of far-reaching sanctions against the communities in Judea and Samaria, as well as additional sanctions on defence exports to Israel,” he wrote.

“All this was accompanied by hostile rhetoric, including false accusations against Israel, such as accusations of ‘ethnic cleansing.’”

Sa’ar described the measures as part of an escalating series of unilateral actions against Israel since Labour took office in July 2024.

These included Britain’s unilateral recognition of what he called a “virtual Palestinian state” in September 2025; renewed funding for UNRWA; the suspension of defense export licenses; sanctions on Israeli ministers and other individuals and entities, and the suspension of talks on a free trade agreement.

He also listed restrictions on Israel’s participation in an international defense exhibition in Britain, the exclusion of IDF officers from training at the Royal College of Defence Studies, and repeated “biased attacks” against Israel internationally.

Israel continues to believe in dialogue, Sa’ar said, although no genuine dialogue had taken place with the Labour government in recent years. “This is despite good relations with Britain, reflected, among other things, in security and intelligence cooperation,” he said.

Bilateral relations and security and intelligence cooperation have repeatedly helped protect British lives and interests, Sa’ar also said. Israel had recently provided Britain with “vital information” concerning the RAF Fairford incident, he added. British security forces last month arrested several people who are suspected of planning a terrorist attack at the base.

Sa’ar thanked those on both sides who contributed to the understandings, which he said served Israel’s interests.

“I cannot promise that there will not be further crises in the future. If there are, we will face them on the basis of our core principles,” he wrote, adding, “Israel will no longer turn its cheek to diplomatic attacks against it.”


Bullet holes are seen in the stained-glass windows at the Sons of Jacob Synagogue in Belleville, Ont., following an attack on the eve of Yom Kippur, Sept. 20, that left the shooter dead and a police officer critically injured.

The recent slew of hate-motivated incidents in Canada had myriad alleged motivations, from Islamism to white supremacy. The terror groups that promote such ideologies were likely drawn to recruit in Canada because of its multiculturalism, says one academic.

“Most Canadians are big fans of multiculturalism. We celebrate it. It’s part of our existence,” says Arne Kislenko, a professor of international relations at Trinity College, University of Toronto and in Toronto Metropolitan University’s history department.

But, he said, there’s also that friction that exists. “There are some people always that feel left out, so they tend to engage in crass stereotypes.”

Recent weeks have seen incidents across Canada: a shooting at a synagogue in Belleville motivated by antisemitism, the arrest of three people in Ontario in separate incidents related to antisemitic and anti-Muslim threats made online, the arrest of an Alberta teen in relation to the 764 network , which is classified as a terrorist group in Canada, the arrest of a man in Quebec for allegedly planning to attack Canadians with chemical weapons, and antisemitic flyers handed out in Belleville nearly two weeks after the shooting.

 Bullet holes are seen in a stained glass window at the Sons of Jacob Synagogue in Belleville, Ont., after a shooting that left a police officer seriously injured and the suspect dead on Sept. 20, on the eve of Yom Kippur, the holiest day of the Jewish calendar.

There are currently 89 terror groups listed in Canada, including Hamas, ISIS, Al Qaeda, Proud Boys and the Bishnoi Gang.

Kislenko said it’s no different than Germans in the 1930s. Despite some of them being highly educated, they started to think that Jewish or Slavic people “were somehow not human or that they had evil designs.” Today, there’s a similar sentiment of placing blame on others, he said.

Another reason why terror groups might recruit in Canada? From the outside, at least, it appears to be an “easygoing” society. It’s “safe place” where they can operate.

One way recruiters acquire targets is to find someone who has made a comment on a mainstream platform, like Instagram or Twitter. Recruiters from terror groups with similar ideologies to whatever post the person commented on then bombard them with messages. Eventually, the person may be put in contact with like-minded people, who might recruit them.

“We saw that with ISIS. It’s super sophisticated, targeted propaganda — high-tech recruitment videos with music and the promise of everything you could imagine,” said Kislenko.

Radical ideologies can also spread on encrypted and unmoderated forums and game sites, according to Dr. Valarie Findlay. She is an Ottawa-based expert in extremism and ideological violence. She founded non-profit resource network IVY , dedicated to supporting youth.

Forums like Discord, Gab, Telegram, 4chan, 8kun (formerly 8chan) and game sites like Roblox and Rimworld “all operate in a similar fashion” and are places where “anyone can create groups focused on hate movements, extremism and social violence,” Findlay told National Post.

Groups like the 764 network coerce youth and “psychologically manipulate them to do the most abhorrent, terrifying crimes towards themselves, their own family, to family pets,” she said.

“Once you’re out of that situation, you realize what you’ve done and how horrifying it is, and that now somebody knows about it, somebody has that evidence or proof, then you have a sort of responsibility to yourself to try and maintain that ‘friendship’ on an even keel, so they never use it against you,” said Findlay.

“But they’re going to use it against you. That was the plan all along. It’s a very slippery slope.”

 Police investigate a shooting outside of Belleville’s Sons of Jacob Synagogue, on Tuesday, September 22, 2026.

She said it’s a red flag when someone online becomes increasingly interested in your personal life. “It’s the unfortunate thing about social media. It’s great for the friends that you already have, but it is the worst place to actually make enduring, trustful friendships,” she said.

Both Findlay and Kislenko said that recruiters seek out vulnerable and isolated youth.

“They’re still trying to understand the world. They’re trying to experience it,” said Findlay. “Well-formed adults who are very socially intelligent and have developed their principles — they don’t want to talk to them because those are the folks that will poke holes in their theories, because logic ruins those narratives.”

The young people who do get targeted are often looking for the simplest explanation for complicated issues, said Kislenko.

“People blame Jewish people for everything. It’s a convenient scapegoat. Or you blame big government, or you blame women, right? And that’s what a lot of these newer terrorists are engaging in,” he said. “If you’re deeply antisemitic, you’re probably focusing on Israel and what it’s doing in Palestine, even if you don’t know what that means or have an opinion about it. You see it on the news, and certain narratives play into that.”

Findlay said that although it may seem like there are more hate-motivated attacks now, it’s been going on “for a long time.”

“How it manifests and how it channels and how (terror groups) establish their reach obviously has changed because of the advent of technology from the 1970s roughly onward. It has really made everything look like it’s happening more often in a way,” she said.

“And (terror groups) really do attach to waves of prosperity and economic decline, as well as the rise of conspiracy theories. They follow trends. When things are not looking so great … these things kind of seem to flourish a little bit more.”

Kislenko said just because it’s hard to police against recruitment, it doesn’t mean that we shouldn’t. He recommends an educational approach and possibly putting some restrictions on social media.

“We should empower law enforcement and intelligence not with more authority, but with a better capacity and more funding and training to look for these (recruiters),” he said.

“We should be judicious in prosecution…because it is hate and it is terrorism, and they are closely connected, and that leads to (the shooting in) Belleville, amongst other places.”

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