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McGill University campus.

It was Matt Durnin, principal of the consultancy Nous Group, who first mentioned his company’s horrific nickname.

In an interview about Nous’s swift and controversial rise to dominance of Canada’s market in strategic management advice to universities, Durnin said Nous remains a company that is “small enough to have a bit of personality.”

So it does. Trouble is, that personality has a dark side. The nickname is “Nousferatu,” as in the vampire, because of what critics describe as a reputation for selling a slash-and-burn template for saving bankrupt universities by making them go ruthlessly corporate; by streamlining campus governance to concentrate power at the top; by guiding university administrations in cuts to staff and programs that arguably compromise their core mission; and by tracking dubious “benchmarks” for performance evaluation in a single-minded pursuit of budget efficiency.

At the 20 or so major Canadian universities where Nous has showed up since the pandemic, the nickname has caught on, and at their upper-floor headquarters in Toronto’s financial district, Nous itself seems to revel in it.

“I’d wear it on a T-shirt,” Durnin said.

In barely five years, this consultancy founded in Australia by ex-McKinsey types (although Durnin said Nous is as much a “reaction” to the larger consulting firm’s intense corporate culture as a “descendant” of it) has capitalized on Canada’s crisis in university financing.

Nous arrived in 2019 to find their new clients struggling against inflation, in many cases with tuition frozen and operating grants stagnant, but with budgets balanced thanks to high-paying foreign students, whose numbers have since been deeply cut with no new revenue stream to replace their tuition.

Every Canadian university suddenly seemed to have the same problem. This is fertile ground for consulting, particularly if, like Nous’s model, it is based on extensive surveys and benchmarks to compare institutions against each other.

So Nous’s experience at the University of Sydney, for example, informed their earliest Canadian work on Laurentian University’s plan to emerge from insolvency, which then informed their work at the University of Alberta, which informed their work at Queen’s, which is informing their work today at McGill, Waterloo and others.

This is Nous. Most people have not heard of it. It rhymes with “mouse,” and derives from the Greek word for reason, not the French word for us. In Britain and Australia, to say someone has a “nous” for something is to say they have an intuitive knowledge, a clever knack, a useful insight. But it does not have the same currency in Canadian English. It is a witticism that has failed to translate cultures and is just as likely to be pronounced in Canadian academia these days as “noose,” often with a wisecrack about hanging.

The way their most strident critics see it, Nous is rebuilding the ivory tower with everyone still inside. And like their nicknamesake vampire, someone had to invite them in.

A new national standard

This success in Canada has taken Nous Group from a small Australian consultancy to the purveyor of the driving strategic management vision of many, if not most, big Canadian universities, more than 20 across almost every province, with similar work in the United Kingdom.

A new office in Vancouver this year testifies to growing work in the Canadian West, after leading the University of Alberta’s major restructuring in 2020, and encountering their first major campus pushback at Queen’s last year.

That uproar,

which forced the school’s principal into a damage-control CBC Radio interview, was prompted by a new provost who, in December 2023, told a faculty town hall about major budget cuts: “Unless we sort this out, we will go under.”

A week previously, Queen’s had signed its client service agreement with Nous, with terms to create “an overarching narrative” of a “case for change.”

The provost’s threat that Queen’s would “go under,” however, made that narrative spin out of control. Faculty got their backs up. Department heads spoke out to say the budget cuts were 

being dictated from on high in a hurried 
panic
,
guided by blunt strategy. They said the

proposed elimination of any course with fewer than 10 students would mean the end of foreign language instruction, except maybe German; it would keep senior students in everything from chemistry to art conservation out of special lab work; and it would mean the classics department would no longer offer Latin or Greek.

Today, Nous consultants are at work at York University in Toronto, where James Andrew Smith is an associate professor in the department of electrical engineering and computer science.

“Central management has a crisis narrative,” he said in an interview. “That’s never said out loud. Nobody wants to invoke Laurentian (in Sudbury, Ont., which filed for creditor protection in 2021 and closed programs, the first and only publicly funded Canadian university ever to do so). It gets phrased as, ‘We don’t have enough money, so you’re going to have to give up resources and services.’ And then they take the money away.”

He just doesn’t believe in this crisis, not at a school that just opened a new campus in Markham, Ont., with plans for more expansion.

“It’s hard to reconcile a crisis of money when the university is spending and planning to spend hundreds of millions of dollars,” Smith said.

“I see that we’re a billion-dollar institution that’s pinching pennies when we should be spending money on innovation and providing better services to students and faculties,” he said. “You don’t get out of a crisis by doing less. You get out of crisis by doing more and better. If we follow through on centralization and amalgamation of work units at the university, we will make it less innovative, nimble and responsive to the world around us and our students.

“The problem is that centralizing decision-making and making middle management go up the chain for everything doesn’t make for a nimble or efficient organization … I think the strategic consultants are a waste of time and money,” Smith said.

His view is that there is a co-ordinated effort inspired by Nous to shift the blame for budget problems from chronic government underfunding to inefficient university overspending.

In the interview, Nous executives were blunt in rejecting this perspective.

“We don’t say the solution is you should advocate for more money,” said Tim Kennedy, also a Nous principal, a sort of non-equity partner.

Kennedy and Durnin were reluctant to speak in detail about individual clients or take credit for decisions made on their advice. But they did aim to correct what they see as rampant inaccuracies in campus gossip about their work.

Kennedy said the University of Alberta is one of only two examples of advising on changing leadership structure, and they took that on because the project was moving at breakneck speed, with budget cuts of 20 per cent overnight.

The other was Laurentian University, where Nous worked on a management and operations review in the restructuring plan, af

ter the shock of the insolvency and the loss of nearly 200 jobs in this unprecedented collapse of a public university.

“We were new and probably naive,” Kennedy said. But he noted they have been successful because they have been willing to look at difficult and contentious stuff.

Now, though, they bristle at getting all the negative attention, when larger consultancies such as Deloitte are doing similar work. Kennedy said the scrutiny that has come down on them, especially after the well-organized anti-austerity movement at Queen’s last year, makes it hard for university leaders to use Nous.

Still, they are finding a way.

Before Nous’s arrival in Canada, the university consulting game was dominated by big accounting firms whose work was primarily in systems technology, advocating expensive investment rather than shorter term transformative change.

University funding crisis

It was a stroke of luck, then, for Nous to expand into Canada at a time when schools were in a funding crisis, with operating grants stagnant and tuition capped. No one wanted to upgrade their systems. They wanted to save money, find efficiencies, cut costs.

Since then, a cap on foreign students, who pay four times the tuition fees as Canadians, has delivered a further dent to university budgets. In Canada, post-secondary institutions have three main sources of funding: public money (provincial and federal), donations and tuition revenues.

“We arrived on the back of big-tech investments that did not deliver,” Durnin said.

Durnin expresses sympathy for university leaders, who are usually not used to making radical or extreme change but are almost forced by circumstance into it. Kennedy said Nous aims to give university leaders confidence in these hard decisions.

On campuses, public notice of Nous’s involvement is rarely trumpeted from the highest office. It often comes to wider knowledge when administrators start explaining why they have taken certain decisions, often about budgets, and how this will contribute to the university’s “renewal.”

Now, though, it is plain that Nous Group’s model of renewal is becoming a national standard for how to run a university in Canada.

Some critics say they need it, and more, that universities are stagnant and bloated, and selling an experience that won’t get students a job.

At its extreme, the view is that universities offer wide-eyed undergrads the chance to waste their parents’ and the government’s money on too many courses that are either loosey-goosey fripperies like sociology, or pseudo-intellectual indulgences like philosophy.

Nous is more sophisticated than this. They recognize the tight spot university leaders are in. Universities are neither glorified trade schools, meant to produce specific kinds of workers, nor glorified high schools, meant to teach everyone the same basic stuff. They aim higher, but they find it increasingly hard to afford it.

“I love the idea that funding will come back,” Durnin said. “I just don’t think that’s realistic.”

Kennedy said their role is to support “institutionally led” renewal. He said they do not advise cutting programs, that those decisions are all the product of university leadership. But when it’s pointed out that these cuts tend to happen when Nous is around, as when Queen’s proposed to eliminate any course with fewer than 10 students, Kennedy said they are simply a “good scapegoat.”

In fact, Kennedy said, cutting academic programs doesn’t even save money, a point also often made by Nous’s sharpest critics. What saves money are things such as making sure each faculty does not run its own human resources or information technology department, for example, but rather uses one for the whole school.

Provincial governments find program cuts politically attractive, Kennedy said, because they look like tough decisions and appeal to voters. What gets cut, though, rarely costs a lot of money in the first place.

The real way to balance a university budget is to measure inefficiency and eliminate it, Kennedy said. It is to compare the efforts of other schools with the same problems, and to emulate their successes while avoiding their failures.

“It’s not a race to the bottom. It’s what can you do with increasingly less budget,” Kennedy said.

He and Durnin evince a hint of smugness when they say university leaders should “lead” and be “financially literate,” as if that were a novelty.

They reject the accusations that they advise universities to “corporatize,” or “managerialize,” preferring the word “professionalize.”

But others think Nous’s “renewal” is a misleading concept, a sly branding of a corporatization mission that seeks only cost savings through blunt budget cuts justified by inflated claims of crisis based on hysterical readings of an increasingly complex table of benchmarks.

The Nous pitch makes it seem as if universities are just like taxis in the early days of Uber. “Transform,” they say. “Renew.” The “… or die” bit is merely implied.

For some politicians and partisans, this crisis narrative is basically what they already think and want to hear about universities. But for many who work in academia, there is an existential threat afoot.

A race to the bottom

“It feels to me like a race to the bottom,” said Rob Kristofferson, president of the Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations, who is also a historian at Wilfrid Laurier University in Waterloo, Ont. “We’re losing sight of the fact that universities need to be efficient, but they are not businesses. The faculty that I’ve talked to are very worried about these reviews.

“It’s more profitable to recycle the same solutions over and over again. In fact, we often see the same solutions in the reports we’ve seen,” Kristofferson said.

He said this “endless search of efficiencies distracts from the real problem, which is provincial underfunding.”

Universities know they must operate with care and efficiency, but the savings from strategic management reviews are a “drop in the bucket” compared to what’s needed, Kristofferson said. In not one of the reviews that OCUFA has seen have the recommendations come close to solving the school’s financial sustainability challenges, he said.

“Even if you implemented every recommendation, that university would still be going deep into the red going forward,” Kristofferson said.

So, like it or hate it, the idea is to take this old model of academia and make it new and efficient, relying heavily on data to track newly designated performance benchmarks, like a running report card that compares each ivory tower against the others in what Kennedy calls a “common language.”

One fundamental problem is that universities won’t ever be new again. There is no blank slate for a new vision, as at some plucky startup. Universities in general are older than constitutional monarchy, and some of Canada’s universities are older than Canada itself. They are not just stuck in their ways. They are embedded into economies, social structures, cities, provinces, civilization.

So, if a global consulting firm manages to create a large, streamlined university that runs according to corporate principles and evaluates its progress toward its goals via a proprietary model for benchmark tracking, juiced by artificial intelligence, and if it does all this inside of five years, that’s not “renewal.” That’s just “new.”

Nous’s “renewal” therefore looks more like reinvention, and not everyone in Canadian academia is OK with that project, or with outsourcing it to Bay Street suits.

How the Nous model works

When Nous comes to campus and gets down to work, it goes something like this: First, there is a contract. National Post has obtained the Client Services Agreement between Queen’s University and Nous Group Holdings, signed by Durnin in December 2023.

It says Nous will create a “transformation roadmap” that includes developing “an overarching narrative” of a “case for change” to guide the “sequencing and timing of major initiatives required to achieve the stated goals.”

It says Nous will create a “transformation office” to centrally co-ordinate this and promote “a single view of change.”

This agreement lists a pre-tax total price of $172,800.

But that is not all Nous offers. The Post has also obtained the extensively redacted Subscription Services Agreement between Queen’s and Cubane Consulting, which covers data collection, post-submission data review, a service effectiveness survey, and an overall services review workshop.

Nous bought Cubane and its survey system UniForum in 2021 after using it for several years.

This was the primary reason Nous was controversial on Canadian campuses before it even arrived. For example, in 2019, the use of UniForum surveys at the University of Toronto led to a union grievance and settlement. It ruled librarians did not have to submit to the survey or, indeed, as they saw it, to snitch on allegedly underperforming colleagues. In England, at University College London, academics similarly circulated a standard reply text to justify their unified refusal to take part in the survey, on similar grounds.

The agreement describes the legal terms for how Queen’s joined Cubane’s University Operations Forum on Dec. 1, 2023.

UniForum is described in the contract as “a private forum for Universities who want to work together to improve efficiency and effectiveness of support services at their University. The Forum provides the means to collaborate in structured studies with the support of facilitators. The objectives of the studies are to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of support services operations at the Participating Universities.”

These include (but are not limited to) universities in Australia and New Zealand as well as Canada, the contract says.

Some universities hire Nous for consulting but do not join UniForum, and vice versa, Kennedy said. But often they are bought as a complementary package.

National Post has obtained one of these UniForum surveys, which was taken of administrators at a Canadian university.

Offering a scale from “less important” to “critical,” it asks the respondent to say how important various services and supports are to their work. It also asks them to measure their present satisfaction.

These include financial services, such as support to prepare and use budgets, manage accounts and annual reports, and access to preferred suppliers “for tendering for major equipment or services.”

The survey asks the same about the university’s marketing to Canadian undergraduate students and recruiting of graduate students; support in running websites; and “support for developing and managing marketing material and accessing media coverage for my unit.”

It asks about support in applying for grants; complying with research integrity and ethics rules; commercializing research and legal support for research agreements.

It asks about information technology support, building maintenance and general office administration, such as buying materials and services for day-to-day work, co-ordinating travel details, and managing university-issued credit cards and personal expenses.

It asks about support in managing discipline and grievances, exams and special consideration processes, and monitoring graduate students’ progress in research programs from thesis to examination.

It asks, in short, about everything a university administrator might do.

It asks about everything. The results, therefore, are a measure of everything. Or so seems the promise. Somewhere in those results lies a way to make universities fiscally sound. Somewhere in those numbers is a problem to which “renewal” is the solution.

To use the common corporate metaphor of fat, flesh and bone, this survey purports to be a scan to bring the fat into focus. Then you just cut it out.

Durnin insists that the benchmarks don’t give you answers, they just help you ask the right questions.

But a reputation as villainous bean-counters is at least a reputation. Things were looking good for the business of offering crisis advice to broke universities.

“Canada offers an exciting growth opportunity for Nous and I am thrilled that we are able to expand our team there,” said Tim Orton, the Australian founder and managing director of Nous Group, in October 2020. How could a man with a name like that fail to succeed in Canada?

“Our higher-education clients in Canada are already experiencing the benefits of our expertise, developed over more than 20 years, and we look forward to welcoming more clients in that sector and others,” Orton said.

Durnin said they initially saw the Canadian landscape as historically well-funded, but on a downward trajectory that did not look like it would ever get better. For a consultancy, that’s a rosy picture. And it has held up. Canadian universities are still in crisis. Dalhousie University, for example, which joined UniForum in 2022, issued a lockout notice to faculty on Aug. 20 over a contract dispute spurred by a budget deficit.

Deb Verhoeven is a professor of women’s and gender studies at the University of Alberta who has closely followed Nous’s growth both in her native Australia and in Canada.

She describes a new rhythm settling into universities, especially the University of Alberta, in which middle-ranking administrators feel their fate is “informally tethered to the top dog,” and so there is a general sense of precarity, in which nothing is certain because senior management is just going to change again in a few years.

University leadership is becoming a class apart, she said, no longer senior academics who have risen through the campus ranks, but more like movable CEOs.

She argues that this process of “managerialization” is accelerated when the all-important benchmark data is considered the property of senior administrators.

Kennedy acknowledges a cultural change in university leadership, especially in the role of the provost, once a stepping-stone toward the top office, now more of a mercenary position, destined for a “one and done” term of employment as the person to blame for hard cost-cutting decisions.

‘Nousferatu’ or the vampire

Long before Nous got tagged with the Nousferatu nickname, the vampire metaphor was frequently summoned in criticism of big money institutions such as universities and banks.

Karl Marx, the original critic of capitalism’s Gothic dark side, wrote that “Capital is dead labour, which, vampire-like, lives only by sucking living labour, and lives the more, the more labour it sucks.”

The writer Matt Taibbi famously described investment bank Goldman Sachs in Rolling Stone magazine in 2010 as “a great vampire squid wrapped around the face of humanity, relentlessly jamming its blood funnel into anything that smells like money.”

Similarly, Verhoeven and colleague Ben Eltham applied the metaphor to Nous after observing its early work in Australia and Alberta, and drawing a crucial distinction between vampires and zombies.

In a 2024 edition of the journal Review of Education, Pedagogy and Cultural Studies, they wrote: “Universities and management consultants are locked in a danse macabre … a mutually dependent relationship designed to sustain each other at the expense of the public.”

“We question the implicit proposal of a pre-history of university innocence corrupted by brutal exterior forces into unrecognizable monstrosities,” they wrote. “Rather than see universities or academics as victims of involuntary transformation who have retreated into sordid states of survival, we might wonder at the ways in which universities, and many managerial academics, have actively participated in the systems that now characterize these workplaces.”

In other words, the fate of the modern Canadian university experience, in which every school hires the same consultancy for the same kind of renewal, is not a zombie story about some foreign virus infecting pure minds, evacuating their brains.

Quite the contrary. It’s a vampire story, about vice-chancellors being promised new life indefinitely, endless renewal, in exchange for blood.

Zombies bring about wastelands devoid of humanity. But “vampires work together to reestablish the systems they menace, and this makes them especially useful for understanding the mutually beneficial role of consultants in the processes of corporatization of public institutions like universities,” Verhoeven and Eltham wrote. You can’t just blame the vampire. Their victims invited their own fate and paid handsomely for it.

So, as they expose their necks to consultants, the danger to Canada’s top universities is not that they could become brain-dead. It is that they could become consultancies.


Graham Brown, president of Toronto Revolver Club, at the club's shooting range, in Toronto, on June 7, 2022.

Toronto’s last shooting range has won a legal battle against Ontario’s chief firearms officer.

The Toronto Revolver Club (TRC) took the province’s chief firearms officer (CFO) to Ontario’s Superior Court of Justice after a 2024 inspection where the Ontario Provincial Police inspector who holds the position visited the 120-year-old non-profit’s facility and issued a new shooting range approval containing several conditions.

“One of these conditions required the closure of two of the TRC’s ten firing lanes for safety reasons,” Justice Shaun Nakatsuru wrote in a recent decision.

But the judge found the CFO “has no authority to attach conditions to the shooting range approval,” according to his decision dated Aug. 25.

The court heard that under the Canada Firearms Act, the CFO can revoke the approval entirely for the Revolver Club, thus shutting down the city’s last shooting range. But he doesn’t have the power to attach conditions to an approval.

The CFO told the court that the law implied he has the power to do anything “practically necessary to achieve” the purpose of the act, which “is to enhance public safety.”

The CFO argued “that in this case, conditions are practically necessary to ensure that a shooting club takes appropriate measures with respect to a shooting range’s design and operation to achieve public safety.”

While “courts must refrain from unduly broadening the powers of such regulatory authorities through judicial law‑making, they must also avoid sterilizing these powers through overly technical interpretations of enabling statutes,” lawyers for the CFO argued.

“It is submitted that the power to attach conditions on a shooting range approval should be implied because doing so is necessary to give effect to the object behind the regulatory regime.”

The judge did not agree with that position.

Nakatsuru pointed to the precedent of New Brunswick’s Springfield Sports Club Inc., which had applied for approval to continue to operate its shooting range.

“The process was delegated to the CFO for the Province of New Brunswick. The CFO granted the approval but attached a series of conditions. The New Brunswick Court of Appeal held that the CFO had no authority to impose any conditions,” said the judge.

Nothing in the Firearms Act or its associated regulations “gave (New Brunswick’s) CFO any authority to attach conditions to the approval of the club’s application,” Nakatsuru said.

But he pointed out Ontario’s CFO “is far from powerless in ensuring the objectives of Parliament are met,” said the judge.

If the club doesn’t “shut down two of their firing lanes because of the safety concerns in their design, the CFO can revoke the approval for the entire shooting range,” said the judge.

“This interpretation of the act and regulations is far from being absurd. It is one that protects public safety and yet permits the shooting range to operate for the benefit of its members and public.”

Both sides in this legal squabble “agree that there is no express statutory or regulatory provision that allows the CFO to attach conditions to a shooting range approval,” said the judge.

The Firearms Act “limits the CFO’s authority on approval of a shooting range to ensuring the applicant meets specific operational requirements in its application,” Nakatsuru said.

“The CFO’s jurisdiction is limited to ensuring the key information in the application is accurate and that the shooting range complies with the regulation.”

This, the judge said, “is in stark contrast to the express authority given to a chief firearms officer (in the Firearms Act) to impose conditions, for instance, on a licence or an authorization to carry or transport firearms.”

The Supreme Court has ruled “that the existence of a ‘gap’ in the powers granted to a regulator or tribunal does not require the implication of a power to fill that gap, since the legislative scheme in question ‘could just as easily be read to mean that Parliament intended the gap to exist,’” Nakatsuru said.

“In my opinion, that is the case here.”

According to the judge, “permitting conditional shooting range approvals risks the exercise of discretion by the CFO unguided by regulatory boundaries. Said differently, a discretionary power in these circumstances may lead to the imposition of conditions with only a tenuous connection, if any, to the objectives of the act. For example, a condition restricting the hours of operation of a shooting range on religious holidays.”

In Nakatsuru’s view, “Parliament has chosen an ‘upstream’ solution by not permitting a discretion in the first place.”

The judge ordered the province’s chief firearms officer to pay the club’s $7,500 legal tab.

Toronto Revolver Club President Graham Brown wouldn’t agree Wednesday to an interview about the matter.

“We have no comment to make on the court case at this time, which is still subject to a possible appeal,” Brown said in an email.

Ontario’s CFO did not respond immediately to a request for comment late Wednesday.

The Toronto Revolver Club dubs itself the oldest handgun club in Canada.

Founded in 1905, the club “has operated its current range for more than 70 years, and has had thousands of members including athletes contending nationally and abroad in firearms competitions,” Nakatsuru said.

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Manitoba Premier Wab Kinew and Prime Minister Mark Carey meet during the First Ministers' meeting in Saskatoon on Monday, June 2, 2025.

OTTAWA — Now that the expansion of the Port of Churchill in northern Manitoba is

likely to be among the federal government’s list of nation-building projects

, Manitoba Premier Wab Kinew is confident the venture could pave the way for another one of his top priorities.

The Kivalliq Hydro-Fibre Link, an Inuit-led project, proposes a 1,200 kilometre transmission line connecting Manitoba’s grid to five communities in southwestern Nunavut — providing them with renewable energy to reduce reliance on diesel and bringing reliable internet.

Kinew told the National Post he believes the project — which would be Nunavut’s first land-based infrastructure link to southern Canada — can still make it on Ottawa’s list of nation-building projects. The first projects are set to be announced within two weeks.

“We want to build big things in this country,” Kinew said earlier this week. “How about we build a corridor that connects Western Canadian resources to international tidewater in Hudson Bay, and then we spur north from there and light up the territory to our north?”

“I think the long story short is that we can pursue both of those opportunities,” he added.

Kinew has put much of his political weight behind the initiative in the past months,

ordering Manitoba Hydro in April to set aside 50 megawatts of power

from expiring export contracts towards the development of the hydro-fibre link between Churchill and Nunavut.

Kinew also

signed a joint statement with his Nunavut counterpart, P.J. Akeeagok

, declaring their commitment to advance the project connecting their two regions.

Kinew and Akeeagok both put the Kivalliq Hydro-Fibre Link high on their list of priorities when they met with Prime Minister Mark Carney in Saskatoon back in June. The federal government has vowed to come up with a small list of executable projects.

On paper, the hydro-fibre link project meets the criteria set forth in the Building Canada Act. Its proponents say it will strengthen Canada’s autonomy, provide economic benefits to the country, advance the interest of Indigenous peoples and address the climate crisis.

“If we have the opportunity to light up the North, including some communities in northern Manitoba that are still running on generators, to me, that’s a climate win alongside an economic win,” said Kinew, adding that he was “still engaging on a lot of the details.”

In addition, it is expected to have a quick turnaround, with construction set to start in 2028 and the transmission line is expected to be fully functional by 2032, according to Anne-Raphaëlle Audouin, the CEO of Nukik Corporation which oversees the project.

The federal government is no stranger to the project, having already spent millions for the development stages and environmental fieldwork for it to move forward.

Since 2021, Kivalliq Hydro-Fibre Link has been mentioned in three consecutive federal budgets, has been consistently recommended for federal support by the House of Commons finance committee, and has been mentioned in different reports, said Audouin.

However, she admits that the project is expensive, with a price tag now estimated at more than $3 billion. While it has the support of the Canada Infrastructure Bank, which would fund part of the project, the rest of the funding — private equity and tax credits — is still uncertain.

Audouin said “everything’s pointing to the fact” that the hydro-fibre link project could end up on the government’s major projects list and expressed hope it would help secure the rest of the financing.

“Being on that list would probably actually attract capital because now you’ve got the backing of the federal government identifying you as a project that’s worthy of proceeding. If anything, it props you up as a project,” said Audouin in a recent interview.

“Until they release the list, it’s anybody’s guess,” she said.

Speaking in Berlin on Wednesday, Natural Resources Minister Tim Hodgson said the government’s new major projects office — which will be the main point of contact to help fast-track those priority initiatives — will be launched by the end of the week.

“Today is Wednesday, so it’ll either be Thursday or Friday,” he said in a press conference.

 Prime Minister Mark Carney said this week that Ottawa will be formally announcing investments for the expansionof the Port of Churchill in Manitoba — shown here in 2024 — as well as the Port of Montreal in the next two weeks.

Hodgson, however, declined to say who would oversee this office and if the government already has a list of major projects ready to go. The Privy Council Office (PCO) also did not respond to the National Post’s questions on appointments and the list as of deadline.

Carney revealed during his travels to Europe this week that his government would be formally announcing investments with respect to new port infrastructure in the next two weeks — notably the expansion of the Port of Montreal and the Port of Churchill.

Carney specifically singled out the Port of Churchill, which he said could “potentially” unlock pathways to ship liquified natural gas and critical minerals to Europe. Kinew said his phone “blew up” as soon as the prime minister mentioned the project on Tuesday.

Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre said he was “glad” that Carney had noticed his proposal to develop the Port of Churchill, more than three years after he proposed it, but expressed skepticism that this expansion project would actually see the light of day.

“What I find incredible is that he has been in power for 170 days and not only is there not a single shovel in the ground on any of these projects, there are not even firm proposals for these projects,” said Poilievre, who was speaking from Charlottetown, P.E.I.

“It’s more Liberal show business rather than getting it done.”

National Post

calevesque@postmedia.com

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Lucie Quigley, owner and president of Gutter Saver Pro, based in Musquodoboit Harbour, Nova Scotia.

WASHINGTON, D.C. — Darya Kosilova’s online vintage store, specializing in garments from the 80s and 90s, has drawn attention from celebrities, including Hailey Bieber.

Her Vancouver-based Cherish the Label has been in business for five and a half years, and for much of that time, Kosilova has enjoyed six-figure years, with nearly 90 per cent of her sales going to the United States. But this year, orders have dropped amid trade tensions, and Kosilova is concerned that things are about to get a whole lot worse.

Like many small business owners, Kosilova has shipped the vast majority of her U.S.-bound parcels without incurring duties because the contents, valued under $800, qualified for the de minimis exemption. But as of Friday, Aug. 29, President Donald Trump is cancelling the 95-year-old trade policy that allows these low-value goods to enter the U.S. duty-free.

“I only have one of everything in stock, so it takes a lot of effort and push on my end to get this product out into the world, and I can only sell it once,” Kosilova said. “So, if all of a sudden my market just disappears, it’s a big impact.”

With nearly four million de minimis packages entering the U.S. each day, international businesses and shippers are scrambling to determine whether they can still get their products into the U.S. — and at what cost. The new duties will be at the country of origin’s International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) tariff rate or, for six months, at a flat duty rate ranging from $80 to $200 per package.

While many Canadian products qualify under the Canada-United States-Mexico Agreement (CUSMA) and can avoid the new duties, that’s only true of businesses that meet the CUSMA rules of origin — a certification process many small traders previously ignored due to the de minimis exemption.

Now, sellers of Canadian-made goods are scrambling to obtain proper certification. As a curator of vintage clothes, however, Kosilova cannot easily provide the required documentation to prove where components of her sales items were made.

How we got here

De minimis, which means “of trifling importance,” was set up to spare the U.S. government from having to collect duties on imports of little value. It started in 1938, under the Tariff Act of 1930, allowing for imports of up to $1 in value to enter the U.S. duty-free.

While many countries offer some form of a de minimis exemption, Washington’s level became an outlier. Over time, the values grew. By 2015, it was $200, with roughly 134 million de minimis parcels entering the U.S. A year later, the limit rose to $800, and 220 million packages flooded in, and by last year, a whopping 1.36 billion units arrived.

More than half of those shipments came from China, which has long been accused of using the exemption to send fraudulent products and illicit drug components into the U.S. market. So few were surprised when Trump ordered that the de minimis exemption be suspended for China and Hong Kong in May. The rest of the world was told via the One Big Beautiful Bill Act that it had until July 2027 before the exemption would expire — but an executive order issued under IEEPA in late July upended that, catching many off guard.

Canadian businesses have made good use of the exemption, with just over 85 per cent of Canadian exporters shipping to the U.S., according to Statistics Canada.

Fearing the worst

Larger Canadian businesses are used to dealing with clearing customs and paying duties. But now, small and medium-sized businesses are trying to work out solutions for shipping in bulk and, where needed, leasing warehouse space in the U.S.

Mark Becker, CEO of Wisconsin-based G10 Fulfilment, a 3PL company offering storage and inventory management, said small Canadian businesses either have to “figure out how to get the customer to pay more for their product,” or they will have to stock goods in a U.S. warehouse. Or both, given that the latter adds operational costs.

This is especially true for businesses whose products contain components originating from places like China, Vietnam, or India, because the new duties relate to the origin countries, not the sellers’.

Jesse Mitchell, director of business development for Strader-Ferris International, a Canadian & U.S. customs brokerage, cross-border logistics, and warehousing company, offered an example: If an international business ships a $200 shirt to the U.S. but that shirt was originally made in China for $10, the duty could end up being several times more than the cost to make it.

“Those companies are going to be in big trouble,” said Mitchell. “If they owned a 200,000 square foot warehouse in Canada and 80 per cent of their business was in the U.S., they’re going to be shot,” he said, noting how they will have to downsize in Canada and open a warehouse in the U.S.

 Darya Kosilova’s Vancouver-based online vintage store, Cherish the Label, has predominantly shipped packages valued under $800, which qualified for the de minimis exemption.

But even businesses selling CUSMA-compliant products are worried.

Lucie Quigley, owner and president of Gutter Saver Pro, based in Musquodoboit Harbour, Nova Scotia, is proud to make her ladder gutter protectors in Canada — notably with Texas-made plastics — but worries she may soon have to move products to storage in the U.S.

Quigley has a certificate of origin under CUSMA, so she should receive a zero per cent tariff, but she fears she’s still not in the clear. She cited confusion and said that based on what she has gleaned from shippers, she believes she has two options. “I either have to pay for clearance on every shipment, and the pricing around that is not very transparent … or I have to look at finding a warehouse in the U.S.”

Thousands of entrepreneurs are looking for U.S. warehouse space, but they’ve only been given a few weeks to pivot — and it’s a process that normally takes many months.

Becker says he is quoting more Canadian businesses at the moment than he ever has, but he can’t offer immediate solutions. “I’m already starting to get into the busy season,” he said. “By October, I can’t be moving new customers in. It would just be a recipe for disaster [before the holidays].”

But it’s not just Canadian firms vying for U.S. space – it’s global. “We’re talking hundreds of thousands of companies that are in trouble that now need to find footprints in the States,” Mitchell said.

Given the rapid pace of change and the confusion around pricing, several countries or their mail carriers — including France, Germany, Japan, the UK, Australia, Austria, India, Denmark, and Switzerland — have suspended some shipments to the U.S. as they await clearer guidance. Shipping delays and uncertainty, in turn, are bound to lead to supply chain hiccups.

Clark Packard, a research fellow and trade expert at the Cato Institute, expects the U.S. policy change to raise shipping costs and shipping times, while hurting small and medium-sized businesses in both Canada and the U.S.

“A small business in the United States that’s buying products, coming from Canada or wherever, under the de minimis exemption, you should expect significant delays and higher prices,” he said.

Still, many shippers, businesses, and U.S. authorities are thrilled by the change.

The fentanyl crackdown

According to the Centers for Disease Control, an estimated 48,422 Americans died last year from fentanyl overdoses – down from 76,282 in 2023. De minimis shipments, particularly from China, have long been blamed as an easy conduit for sending precursor chemicals for fentanyl into the U.S.

Brian Townsend, a retired supervisory special agent with the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration, spent years fighting the fentanyl scourge in America. In fact, in retirement, he’s still fighting – providing drug training to first responders, parents, and youths.

The DEA and other U.S. authorities are tackling the drug problem from many angles, and one of them is the mail system, he explained.

“Drug traffickers are using the de minimis loophole to send fentanyl and other illicit drugs and contraband, knowing that it’s going to go through no or minimal inspection,” Townsend said.

Most trade experts recognize the advantage of closing this path for illicit drugs. Andrew Hale, a senior policy analyst at Heritage Foundation, said he and his colleagues want the U.S. to maintain the de minimis exemption at $800.

“But throw China out of it. That’s been our position,” he said, acknowledging that de minimis shipments from China are used to smuggle drugs.

Reducing the number of packages flooding the U.S. market will reduce the workload for customs and postal workers, experts noted. Between 2016 and 2024, there was over a 500 per cent increase in parcels flowing into the U.S. under the exemption.

Finally, getting rid of de minimis could help boost some firms doing business in the U.S. It makes it harder for bad players to manipulate the system and underprice U.S. competitors with fraudulent customs forms and even fraudulent products, Becker said.

It should give those who are committed to doing business in the U.S. “a fair shot,” he said, of not being undercut by those skirting taxes to win on price.

Still, with so much fluctuation in U.S. trade policy this year, many are wondering whether the change will stick.

What’s next?

Quigley, for one, hopes Mark Carney can come to an agreement with Trump that will help reverse the trade tensions, including the scrapping of de minimis.

“Our prime minister is not doing what he promised in his campaign,” she said. “He promised to negotiate and to come up with a good deal.”

Many trade analysts and Carney himself have pointed out, however, that Canada already has the most favourable trade deal with the U.S. under CUSMA, so it’s unlikely that a tête-à-tête will change a Trump policy impacting the globe.

For now, Canadian business owners should plan on the de minimis exemption disappearing.

“I can tell you we are planning on it not coming back,” said Becker.

But for those hoping to see de minimis revived, there is a legal challenge that could change the game, said Hale.

Any day now, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit in Washington, D.C., should deliver its decision on the legality of Trump’s IEEPA tariffs. If the court affirms a lower court decision against the tariffs, it could mean the de minimis exemption — also an IEEPA measure — could return for some imports.

“The Department of Justice says any potential court order scrapping the IEEPA tariffs would revive de minimis,” Hale explained.

Most experts said some level of de minimis makes sense, but they want to see a lower level to protect against a flood of low-value shipments and better policing of the process to avoid fraudulent and illicit goods from entering the U.S. market.

National Post

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Eating meat does not increase the risk of dying, according to a new study from McMaster University. It may even offer some protection from cancer-related death.

A new study from

McMaster University

says eating meat will not lead to a higher risk of death. It may even offer protective benefits against cancer-related death.

These conclusions run contrary to advice provided by the

Canadian Cancer Society

and in several other studies noted by the

U.S. National Institutes of Health

.

The McMaster researchers published their findings in

Applied Physiology, Nutrition, and Metabolism

, after analyzing data from nearly 16,000 adults, 19 years and older, from the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey.

Researchers looked at how much animal and plant protein people typically consume, then asked whether those patterns were associated with risk of dying from heart disease, cancer or other causes.

They found

no increased risk of death

associated with higher intake of animal protein. On the contrary, the data showed a modest but significant reduction in cancer-related mortality among study subjects who ate more animal protein.

“There’s a lot of confusion around protein – how much to eat, what kind and what it means for long-term health. This study adds clarity, which is important for anyone trying to make informed, evidence-based decisions about what they eat,” explains Stuart Phillips, professor and chair of the Department of Kinesiology at McMaster University, who supervised the research.

The team employed advanced statistical methods to estimate long-term dietary intake and minimize measurement error.

“It was imperative that our analysis used the most rigorous, gold standard methods to assess usual intake and mortality risk. These methods allowed us to account for fluctuations in daily protein intake and provide a more accurate picture of long-term eating habits,” says Phillips.

The researchers did not find any associations between total protein, animal or plant, and a risk of death from cardiovascular disease or cancer. When both plant and animal protein were included in the analysis, the results remained consistent, suggesting that plant protein has a minimal impact on cancer mortality, while animal protein may even offer a small protective effect.

The findings support eating animal protein as part of a healthy diet.

“When both observational data like this and clinical research are considered, it’s clear

both animal and plant protein foods promote health

and longevity,” says lead researcher Yanni Papanikolaou, MPH, president, Nutritional Strategies.

The McMaster study focused on animal protein, not specifically on red meat. Nonetheless, the findings are counter to a large body of scientific thinking about red meat and cancer, such as research published by

the World Health Organization’s International Agency for Research on Cancer.

The Canadian Cancer Society explicitly states that the intake of red and processed meats should be limited: “Eating red and processed meat increases cancer risk.”

Instead the Cancer Society recommends that we eat a variety of proteins, generally choosing alternatives to red and processed meat. (Red meat includes beef, veal, pork, lamb, mutton or goat.)

While not pointing to particular studies on its website, the Cancer Society says: “Research shows a connection between processed red meat and cancer” and if chicken, turkey and fish don’t contain preservatives, they are “better choices” than processed red meats.

It lists several foods that are good sources of protein that can replace red meat: fish and seafood; chicken and turkey; dairy such as yogurt, cheese and milk; legumes such as beans, peas, lentils and soybeans; nuts and seeds’ and eggs.

The McMaster researchers offered the caveat that observational studies such as this one cannot prove cause and effect. However, they can be valuable for identifying patterns and associations in large populations, they added.

It should also be noted that this research was funded by the National Cattlemen’s Beef Association (NCBA). (The organization was not involved in the study design, data collection and analysis or publication of the findings.)

 

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0331 tj separation Alberta Premier Danielle Smith. POSTMEDIA ARCHIVES

OTTAWA — Alberta Premier Danielle Smith has raised some eyebrows among labour advocates after singing the praises of a rural Alberta slaughterhouse accused of exploiting foreign workers.

“I think we need to be careful in putting forward what’s known to be a very difficult and dangerous place for foreign workers as a quote-unquote ‘immigrant success story’,” said Bronwyn Bragg, a geographer at the University of Lethbridge who researches migration and precarious work.

Smith said Tuesday that the success of the local beef processing facility in her home riding, owned by Brazilian multinational JBS, shows why local employers should have more control over Alberta’s intake of migrants.

“I don’t know how JBS manages to find (foreign workers) and use our program (but) they are reaching out throughout the world … to be able to do it. And I think that’s a very positive example of how other businesses would do the same,” said Smith.

Smith said the Brooks, Alta., slaughterhouse triggered a “massive” local population boom by attracting thousands of foreign workers and their families.

She was speaking at an Albert Next town hall in Fort McMurray, Alta., where immigration reform was one of six topics under discussion to be added to next year’s referendum ballot.

Bragg, who recently published a paper on labour dynamics

in Alberta’s meatpacking industry

and regularly visits Brooks for research, says it’s not as booming as Smith makes it out to be.

“I’ve been to Brooks six or seven times this year … and the number one issue there is people can’t find work,” said Bragg.

Bragg said that the plant’s preference for hiring disposable temporary foreign workers (TFW) is locking out locals, including other migrants.

“The refugees and permanent residents we speak to, they’re not getting work either,” said Bragg.

She added that there’s evidence that the plant’s hiring practices have suppressed wages, noting a meat cutter

at the Brooks facility

makes seven dollars less per hour than the province’s median wage, despite the job’s rigours.

The JBS plant (then Lakeside Packers) started pivoting toward TFWs in 2005,

after a bitter strike

led by resettled refugee workers.

She estimates that temporary migrants now make up as

much as 30 per cent

of the plant’s workforce, with the latest wave arriving from Central America.

JBS doesn’t publish statistics on its workforce and a request to the company for this information went unanswered.

Thomas Hesse, the head of the labour union that represents Alberta’s meatpackers, says the facility’s work conditions aren’t anything to write home about.

“We currently have had an issue with (JBS) in terms of breaks for workers to go to the washroom,” said Hesse.

Hesse said that high line speeds and sharp equipment create additional safety issues for workers.

“I’ve heard (meatpacking) described by some experts as one of the most dangerous jobs in the world, measured by rate of injury.” said Hesse.

The facility made national headlines in

the spring of 2020

, after 650 of its roughly 2,800 employees tested positive for COVID, leading to one fatality.

Bragg says she’s seen no evidence that conditions of the plant have improved since the COVID outbreak.

“When a big multinational like JBS comes to town, there are always winners and losers,” said Bragg.

“Unfortunately, the workers are often on the losing end of this.”

 

National Post

rmohamed@postmedia.com

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Conservative Party leader Pierre Poilievre makes a statement at a gas station in Charlottetown on Aug. 27.

OTTAWA

— Although Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre never got the “carbon tax election” he wanted, he is nevertheless sticking to that well-trodden ground by branding another Liberal environmental policy with the same label. 

His announcement in Charlottetown on Wednesday, that Canadians should view a set of regulations applied to fossil-fuel suppliers as “the carbon tax 2.0,” illustrates two central questions the Conservative leader faces.

How much can he stick to the hits versus playing a new tune?

And, more importantly to Poilievre’s political fortunes: Can the Conservative leader prove he is back in the saddle against the new sheriff in town

or is he a one-trick pony?

Poilievre recently took the first step in his new political journey by winning a byelection in rural Alberta, securing his return to the House of Commons by capturing nearly 81 per cent of the vote, which was the same commanding terrain as past Conservative MPs in the riding.

Before appearing in Charlottetown on Wednesday, he made a swing through Halifax in what was the first visit he made to the province since the April federal election, which saw Prime Minister Mark Carney lead the Liberals to the party’s fourth consecutive victory over the Conservatives since 2015.

During his remarks, Poilievre evoked Justin Trudeau’s ghost to warn those watching that while Carney promised he would be different, “he has in fact been worse.”

He pointed to grocery prices that remain stubbornly high and a federal Liberal government that spends too much.

Prosecuting the Liberals’ record on the cost-of-living will be part of Poilievre’s playbook against Carney, the same as it was under Trudeau.

One disadvantage now is that he is without his signature “axe the tax” rallying cry, which became emblematic of larger cost-of-living struggles.

That campaign met its end after Carney quickly scrapped the signature Trudeau policy of charging consumers a carbon tax on everyday fuels, such as gasoline.

Poilievre made a point on Wednesday of claiming victory over that fight

— something some Conservatives feel he could have done more forcefully during April’s federal election, when it was clear that the carbon tax battle was over, and with more Canadians instead focused on the economic threats coming from U.S. President Donald Trump. 

Instead, he doubled down. And on Wednesday, standing in front of a gas pump in Charlottetown, it was clear that Poilievre is not done yet with the carbon tax.

The announcement itself was nothing new: Conservatives have long opposed the set of fuel regulations that came into effect in 2023. Poilievre pointed to a report from the Parliamentary Budget Officer from that year, which said it would increase the cost of gas by 17 cents per litre by 2030.

For some Tories, his message was fundamentally about affordability, a bread-and-butter issue for the federal party that remains very much alive in regions across the country, including in Atlantic Canada.

Branding that message as “the carbon tax 2.0” could be viewed as a practical decision and reminder to consumers that they still find themselves paying in the end, which was the case under the now-defunct consumer carbon tax.

For other Conservatives, his decision to revive the carbon tax was too much of a reminder of the past and sent a glaring signal, including to Poilievre’s own caucus, that he was out of ideas, at a time when supporters are looking for him to demonstrate a capacity for change and relevance with Canadians.

“He’s becoming a caricature of himself,” one senior Conservative said, speaking on background.

As for the policy itself, getting Canadians to care about a set of regulations whose impact remains largely opaque to consumers does not bode well for Conservative hopes of seeing a surge of support for any future campaigns to axe the “carbon tax 2.0.”

In response to Poilievre’s push, Environment Minister Julie Dabrusin’s office said the regulations have been in place since 2022 and touted how they would cut greenhouse gas emissions by some 26 million tonnes in 2030.

“Meanwhile, as Canadian communities face yet another historically devastating wildfire season fuelled by climate change, Pierre Poilievre is campaigning on the same tired approach,” spokeswoman Jenna Ghassabeh wrote in a statement.

Poilievre has spent his summer taking aim at other Trudeau-era environmental policies that remain on the books, namely the federal electric vehicle mandate, which he has vowed to fight through a nationwide campaign,

as well as the industrial carbon tax, both of which Conservatives have long opposed. 

Carney has been pushed on these issues, especially the EV mandate, which has been the subject of mounting criticism from the auto industry. It also does not come without risk for a prime minister whose coalition includes climate-minded progressives.

Predicting what Carney will do is another challenge for Poilievre. He acknowledged as much in an

interview last month,

where he said Trudeau was the type who “

dug in,” while his successor “is a mystery.”

Poilievre also made a point on Wednesday to remind Canadians that he has been right before.

He said “everyone dismissed” the Conservative campaign against the consumer carbon tax, before adopting it themselves.

For Poilievre, who rode discontent about the carbon tax to both an unprecedented polling lead and a crushing electoral loss, it’s just a matter of which chapter of history he finds himself repeating.

National Post

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The Simpsons, which has had a Quebec French-language dub since its first season, may lose that component.

Thousands of Quebecers are asking Disney’s streaming service to maintain Quebec-French-language dubbing for The Simpsons, after a change in broadcasting rights left the issue in limbo for the first time in more than three decades.

Teletoon, which is owned by Corus Entertainment, had an agreement with Disney+ to air new episodes of The Simpsons as well as Family Guy and American Dad. The broadcaster also provided a local dub for the show, using Quebec actors speaking in the local dialect, which is distinct from that spoken in France.

But when Corus chose not to renew the broadcasting rights for The Simpsons, which enters its 37th season in the fall, dubbing also came to an end. Already even the 36th season has not yet been dubbed.

Joshua Biasotto told National Post that he started a petition last Thursday when he heard that the show was not being renewed, and spoke to Gilbert Lachance, who voices Krusty the Clown for the Quebec version.

“I asked him what can I do to help and he said you can protest,” Biasotto said. “So I launched a petition two minutes after that. In two hours I had 500 people sign.”

As of Wednesday afternoon the petition had more than 27,000 signatures. “It went way further than I imagined it would,” Biasotto confirmed.

His

petition at Change.org

runs under a banner that translates as “Let’s save the Quebec dubbing of The Simpsons.”

“For decades, the Quebec version of The Simpsons has been an integral part of our collective imagination. It has allowed entire generations to embrace the series thanks to its high-quality dubbing, rooted in our language and culture,” it says.

“We sincerely hope that Disney+ will continue the adventure of dubbing this series in Quebec and ensure its broadcast in dubbed French in Quebec. The public is insistently demanding it: losing these versions adapted to our linguistic reality would be a huge cultural loss.”

Biasotto is a fan of the show, but

many Quebec actors

who provide the French-Canadian voices of Simpsons characters have also taken up the cause by sharing his petition on their Facebook pages.

Viewers of The Simpsons on the Disney+ service can switch to French, but it’s European French.

“That is really not the same thing,” said Biasotto. “The slang is really different from Quebec, and that’s why it’s so important for us Quebecers to have our version.”

Not only has there been a Quebec dub since the first season in 1989, but Matt Groening, the creator of The Simpsons, has said

the Quebec version

is his favourite dub in the world.

“In the first season there’s a reference to Montreal and Saguenay–Lac-Saint-Jean,” Biasotto said. “It’s not in the American or the French from France version. We adapt certain gags with our local references and our manners.”

He added that Disney has long been at the forefront of producing local dubs for its movies and TV shows, all the way back to the animated film The Little Mermaid, which was also released in 1989.

Corus said exclusivity rather than cost was the reason for its decision. “After reviewing our portfolio, we opted to acquire more exclusive content for our channel,” Julie Godon, general manager of French-language specialty channels at Corus, said in a statement to the Canadian Press.

“With Disney+, among others, offering dubbed episodes, we no longer had exclusivity for The Simpsons for several years,” she said, adding that “since 2019, the decline in viewership of the series was significant enough to make us reconsider broadcasting it.”

National Post has reached out to Disney+ for comment. Biasotto is also hoping to hear back from them. “I’m sure they’ve heard about it now,” he said.

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Shoppers in a grocery store aisle, where American goods may soon come down in price even as

Last Friday, Prime Minister Mark Carney announced that counter-tariffs will be removed, effective Sept. 1, for all U.S. consumer goods that are compliant with the Canada-U.S.-Mexico trade agreement. Canadians are hopeful that prices on groceries will start to fall. But is that a reasonable assumption?

Professor David Soberman, Canadian National Chair in Strategic Marketing at the Rotman School of Management, doesn’t think it will make a huge dent in the average consumer’s weekly shopping bill, for two big reasons.

The two ways Trump’s tariffs on Canada could collapse — despite his fight to keep them

“The first is that most of the things that we buy in the grocery store, at this point in time of the year anyway, don’t come from the United States,” he said. “And the second thing is that Canadians have adopted their buying habits and to a much greater degree are buying Canadian, so they wouldn’t actually see a change in the prices of the products based on tariffs being removed.”

Numbers from Loblaw Companies Limited bear this out. The retailer’s CEO, Per Bank, posted to

his LinkedIn page

last month that he was seeing sales declines in the 15-to-20-per-cent range on products marked with a T for tariffs, “while volumes on products prepared in Canada increase, demonstrating … the strong desire by consumers to continue supporting Canadian products and brands.”

He added: “Some declines are closer to 50%, where a strong alternative exists on our shelves.”

More recently, after Carney’s announcement,

a statement

by Loblaw reads: “We are pleased with this development, as will be Canadian consumers. In the days ahead, the price of goods in all grocery stores impacted by tariffs will start to come down. Prices will come down over time, as we sell-through inventory that was purchased based on tariffed pricing.”

 U.S. President Donald Trump, left, greets Prime Minister Mark Carney upon his arrival at the White House this year.

It added that the T symbol would remain as long as the price of that item is impacted by tariffs.

Matt Poirier, v
ice-president of federal government relations at the Retail Council of Canada, said grocers are expressing cautious relief at the change.

“As an industry, we certainly welcome … the government’s reversal of our counter-tariffs because it was just adding to cost and complexity and really messing with supply chains,” he said.

He noted that the last year has been one of complexity and administrative burdens for retailers, between the on-again off-again tariffs, the GST holiday implemented by the Trudeau government before Christmas, and labour disputes at ports, Canada Post and most recently Air Canada, “which is actually a method of shipping goods too, not just passengers.”

As to the million-dollar question of whether food prices will drop, he said: “The short answer is it depends, and that’s simply because there are so many products that were affected by Canada’s counter-tariffs. So it’ll really depend on the goods.”

He noted that some products like orange juice and produce have short shelf lives and will get renewed quickly. Those that can be stockpiled for longer may take more time. And in some cases, grocers may have been able to bring in a large shipment before the tariffs took effect, and only to need to restock after they end, resulting in no change in the price of that product.

Cynical customers may suspect that grocers are quicker to raise prices than they are to lower them.

 “Shop Canadian” signs on grocery store shelves in Victoria, B.C., on Feb. 10.

“That’s a game that retailers have been accused of exploiting for a long time,” said Soberman. “So for example, they’ll get a price increase on a particular type of jam or canned tuna or soup, for example, and they use that increase as a basis to increase their prices at store level, yet what they’re selling for the next three or four weeks is all product that was purchased at the previous wholesale price. So there’s always a little bit of gamery that goes on.”

Poirier pushed back on the notion, based on what he’s heard from grocers.

“They’re very sensitive to their customers’ price sensitivity over the last few years,” he said. “So they’re not planning on messing around with these things. But certainly, there’s so many different goods that were impacted, and everyone might treat that good differently. So you might see orange juice go down faster in some stores than others, but there might be good reasons for that. But retailers are certainly aware of that expectation from consumers and they’re going to try to service that as best they can.”

Poirier also mentioned the Buy Canada movement, comparing it to the drop in travel to the U.S.

“You can look at travel where there weren’t really any tariffs on travel, but Canadians have decided to not travel to the U.S., and boycott regardless,” he said. With tariffs bringing down the cost of some U.S. goods, he said, it will fall to consumers to decide whether to switch back for economic reasons, or keep buying Canadian goods for political ones.

And Soberman pointed out that there hasn’t been an instance of U.S. food products being delisted in the same way that U.S. alcohol was

pulled from LCBO shelves

by the Ontario government and several others at the provincial level.

“For the most part, grocers will put anything on the shelves that people want,” he said. “It’s all based on what’s moving on the shelves, and their objective is to make sure that their shelves are generating profit. If there are products sitting there that aren’t selling, they want to put something on the shelf that is.”

A hopeful note was sounded by Dr. Sylvain Charlebois, a visiting scholar at McGill University and the scientific director of the Agri-Food Analytics Lab at Dalhousie University. He

wrote on X

: “Putting politics aside, ending Ottawa’s tariffs was the right decision for consumers. It’s not often we can expect food prices to fall, but September may be an exception. The 25% counter-tariffs had a significant impact on our food inflation rate, as the latest data from Statistics Canada clearly shows.”

Indeed, the

latest data

from Statistics Canada shows that, year over year, prices for food purchased from stores rose at a faster pace in July (3.4 per cent) compared with June (2.8 per cent). As of July, Canadians were paying a whopping 27.1 per cent more for food purchased from stores than they were just five years ago.

The agency’s charts of food inflation look like a literal roller coaster, as numbers rose to

hit a peak

of 11.4 per cent at the end of 2022, then fell steadily for the next year and a half, bottoming out at 1.4 in April 2024 before beginning a long, slow climb to their current level.

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Taylor Thomson, heiress to the Thomson newspaper fortune, photographed in London in 2004.

Taylor Thomson, the 66-year-old middle child of Canada’s billionaire Thomson family, is

suing

her former friend after a crypto investment, bought by the two friends and allegedly recommended by a psychic, went south.

Now an

Uber driver

, 47-year-old Californian Ashley Richardson is representing herself. She lost her personal wealth in the doomed crypto investment. Thomson reportedly lost US$80 million. It also cost them their friendship.

The two friends reportedly met back in 2009 at a Malibu house party.

Richardson grew up in an affluent part of Monterey County, Calif., attending an elite prep school and skiing by age two. She built a career designing social-media campaigns for companies like Ford Motor and McDonald’s. But Thomson’s wealth was of in a different ballpark. “We would go somewhere for a few days and she’d be buying houses like other people buy mugs,” Richardson told the

Wall Street Journal

.

However, money didn’t interfere with their relationship, Richardson says. “The reason we could be friends is because there was no financial connection.”

She claims she could be defensive about the way people used Thomson. At an art fair in London, she says attendees descended on Thomson. “People know who she is and know she will drop millions. It was nauseating.”

The friendship collapsed in 2022 after the cryptocurrency they invested in crashed within a year.

Thomson has accused her former friend of making hundreds of thousands of risky trades behind her back, according to the Wall Street Journal. Richardson denies the allegation and blames the billionaire for destroying their friendship and leaving her struggling to make ends meet.

Richardson also claims

the heiress made a pass at her

during a 2019 trip to British Columbia. A Thomson spokesperson denied this, telling the WSJ: “This is all false.”

“After spending years living a lavish lifestyle on Ms. Thomson’s dime, Ms. Richardson has taken her bogus story to the media in an attempt to extract more money from Ms. Thomson — which we know because Ms. Richardson has threatened multiple times she will do just that,” a spokesperson for Thomson told

The New York Post

in a statement.

The crypto investment came about due to a newsletter subscription Richardson had that was put out by celebrity psychic Michelle Whitedove. Her recommendation to invest in Persistence crypto coin got Richardson’s attention, and she raised the possibility with Thomson, who allegedly sought advice from her own psychic, Robert Sabella, an astrologer she regularly consulted, according to the New York Post.

“Taylor trusts her own instincts and would use Robert as a sounding board,” Thomson’s spokesman told the WSJ, “but by no means would she make substantial life decisions based on his suggestions.”

Richardson put most of her savings into the coin while Thomson reportedly poured in more than US$40 million. Richardson

claims

she reined in the heiress when Thomson suggested spending another US$60 million on the token after successful early gains.

Thomson also allegedly wrote an email to her brothers, who own the largest stake in the Thomson fortune, accusing them of restricting her ability to invest family wealth in the crypto market, the WSJ reports.

Thomson’s spokesman told the WSJ that an email was never sent.

The Thomson family is worth a reported $98.15 billion and Maclean’s named them Canada’s richest family in 2024. Woodbridge, the family’s holding company, owns about 70 per cent of the shares of Thomson Reuters as well as The Globe and Mail and a minority interest in the Montreal Canadiens.

Woodbridge and the Thomson brothers didn’t respond to the Wall Street Journal’s requests for comment.

Control of the Thomson family empire has passed down the male line. Taylor is the middle child and only girl. Her efforts to forge her own path led to occasional periods of estrangement, sources familiar with the family told the WSJ.

Thomson initially pursued a career in acting, training at the American Repertory Theater in Cambridge, Massachusetts. She performed with Shakespearean theatre companies in Massachusetts and Los Angeles and had roles in the U.S. TV show Matrix and Canadian drama Forever Knight. In 1999, she had a daughter.

During their trading spree, Richardson says she spent as much as 20 hours a day researching cryptocurrencies and executing trades for Thomson — at times stewarding US$140 million of her friend’s investment, according to the WSJ.

Then the crypto market crashed in 2022. Richardson lost everything and Thomson, feeling betrayed, hired lawyers to get her money back.

Thomson sued Richardson and Persistence in 2023, seeking at least US$25 million for their alleged role in roping her into the investment. Her lawyers accused them of lying about the potential returns, aiming to bring in a “whale” or wealthy individual whose investment in the crypto coin would show up publicly in the digital investment record, boost its reputation and entice other potential investors.

According to Thomson’s lawsuit, Persistence allegedly rewarded Richardson an undisclosed kickback or finder’s fee of $783,702 worth of the coin. Richardson countered she and Thomson agreed on a finder’s fee but that it would only be paid if Thomson’s investment was profitable after a year. Richardson now says she ultimately received nothing.

In July, Thomson and Persistence settled for an undisclosed amount.

Richardson has filed a countersuit for US$10 million, alleging Thomson has defamed her. She claims in her court filings that Thomson decided to invest on her own. She also claims she never made a trade without Thomson’s approval and always did her best to “minimize losses.”

“Because of you I have lost everything, and you decided to sue the person who had nothing left to lose,” Richardson wrote in one of her last messages to Thomson, reports the WSJ. “

I loved you

more than anything.”

One of their final interactions via text involved Richardson calling Thomson a “rich motherf–king sociopathic b–h,” according to the WSJ. “Send your f–king goons to take my life. Please, you have destroyed me,” she added.

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