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Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre holds an availability at the Croatian Sports and Community Centre of Hamilton in Stoney Creek, Ont., on Wednesday, April 23, 2025. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Chris Young

The election dust has settled, leaving the Liberals with a minority government. This has led to calls — from both conservatives and progressives — for Pierre Poilievre to step down as Conservative party leader. But these calls are premature, overlook the success of several of Poilievre’s policies — many of which were co-opted by the Liberals in order to win — and severely underestimate the Liberals’ incumbent advantage in the face of an unforeseeable natural disaster that plagued an otherwise normal Canadian election campaign —  U.S. President Donald Trump.

In late December, 45 per cent of voters

polled

by Angus Reid intended to support Poilievre’s Conservatives and their policies while only 16 per cent polled said they’d vote for the Liberals. Angus Reid referred to this as “The Federal Liberals’ New Year’s Eve Nightmare.”  Until this point, Poilievre’s leadership was favoured. And, it turns out under his leadership Conservatives

managed to secure

42 per cent of the seats to 41.3 per cent of the votes. So, what likely happened to that other 3.7 per cent of the vote?

The failure of the Conservatives to form government is a product of a perfect storm — a turn cloak Liberal government switching from publicly mocking Poilievre’s policies to adopting them wholesale without acknowledging from whence they came, and the entrance of a chaos agent, whose tariff threats loomed large in the backdrop of this election, and whose trolling memes were such an offense to Canadian sensibilities that at least some of us appeared to forget why we wanted to vote the Liberals out in the first place.

It turns out one party’s nightmare is another’s winning lottery ticket.

None of this suggests that Poilievre should step down as party leader — quite the opposite — it suggests that he understands what’s important to Canadians so well that his opposition has to copy his ideas.

Yet, this hasn’t stopped critics from suggesting that nothing was, as one former Stephen Harper advisor put it, “

more avoidable”

  than Poilievre’s loss, suggesting that “enough of the electorate recoiled from a man who was unable to make the transition from polemicist to statesman,” and doubted his ability to lead in “one in the most critical moment in Canada’s modern history.”

But Poilievre’s polemics were clearly not a problem in late December, and they

softened noticeably

during the campaign.

It’s also arguable that it was Liberal Leader Mark Carney who ran a highly polemical campaign against Poilievre. Carney pulled out all the stops to link Poilievre, without any evidence, to Trump.

In late March, in front of Rideau Hall, Mark Carney

told Canadians

that this election would be one where they were choosing between “a government that is unifying, standing up for Canada and is taking focused action to build a better economy” or one that promotes “want division and Americanism.” He continued, “That’s what Mr. Poilievre seems to be offering. Just endorsed by the premier of Alberta.”

This was in response to Alberta’s Danielle Smith suggesting that although there would be many disagreements, Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre would be “very much in sync with … the new direction in America” and that the two countries would “have a great relationship,” pointing to issues they’d have in common: “If we do have Pierre as our prime minister, then I think there’s a number of things that we could do together. Pierre believes in development, he believes in low-cost energy, he believes that we need to have low taxes, doesn’t believe in any of the woke stuff that we’ve seen taking over our politics for the last five years.”

Apparently, it would be just horrible if a Canadian Conservative prime minister had many disagreements on some things with U.S. President Donald Trump, but agreed on some other important issues. Isn’t that exactly what Canadians expect Carney will be doing?

Despite the fact it was Smith who made these claims, Poilievre suffered their damage.

Calling Poilievre a “

slick-haired populist with the razor-sharp mind and bunker mentality

,” Globe columnist Lawrence Martin argued that the Conservative leader was caught flat-footed to the Liberals who had been in power for 10 ten years. But of course, he wasn’t. He was caught flat-footed by a party that abandoned even one of their own most beloved policies, including the consumer carbon tax, to win, and by Trump, and those who unfairly accused him of being like Trump.

If roles had been reversed, and Conservatives had been in power for ten years when Trump’s threats began, they, too, would have benefitted from incumbency and the rally-round-the flag effect that the Liberals enjoyed.

The only difference is, of course, because of conservative policies, the country probably would’ve been in much better economic condition when it happened. In contradiction to ten years under the Liberals and a

lost economic decade

, ten years under the Conservatives instead may have resulted in a stronger energy industry in Canada which we could have used to support our neighbours in Europe when they needed our help replacing energy from Russia.

The Liberals’ failure to secure a majority was in part, due to losses in Ontario, likely because they did not adopt

enough

of Poilievre’s policies, specifically, in regards to public safety, crime, and immigration. These are some of the complaints Liberal MPs heard while canvassing lost ridings such as Vaughan-Woodbridge and

Markham—Unionville. Abacus Data pollster David Coletto suggested that crime (especially car theft) likely played a “subtle but effective role” in flipping York region to Conservatives. This suggests that in these and other Ontario ridings that flipped, Mark Carney wasn’t enough like Pierre Poilievre.

It seems strange to suggest that Pierre Poilievre should step down as leader when his policies actually worked for the Liberals and would have likely secured them a majority if only they’d taken more of them on. I see no evidence that any non-incumbent leader would have been able to withstand the Trump chaos factor which the Liberals leaned into. Poilievre should proudly stay on as party leader and fight the Liberals tooth and nail on their blatant hypocrisy. He should just do it with the confidence and subdued tone of Canada’s next prime minister. After all, Canadians may soon have buyer’s remorse.

tnewman@postmedia.com

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@TLNewmanMTL


Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre

The big election surprise was that the Conservatives can do so well and still lose. Leader Pierre Poilievre created a new Tory coalition, sweeping up working-class NDPers and anti-establishment People’s party voters, as Brian Lilley discusses with Tasha Kheiriddin and Stuart Thomson from Postmedia’s Political Hack newsletter. But Poilievre now needs even more to beat the Liberals — which means building bridges with moderate conservatives he’s shunned. That likely includes people in the laptop class, like those in Carleton who voted him out of his long-held seat, and provincial Tories (even the antagonistic Doug Ford). The panel also considers who’ll lead the NDP now; why U.S. President Donald Trump’s warming to Prime Minister Mark Carney; and whether Carney will ever get warm with the West. (Recorded May 2, 2025.)


Prime Minister Mark Carney speaks at a press conference in Ottawa, Ontario, on May 2, 2025.

First Reading is a Canadian politics newsletter curated by the National Post’s own Tristin Hopper. To get an early version sent directly to your inbox, sign up here.

TOP STORY

The immigrant vote, long considered a reliable vote store for the Liberal Party, is quickly emerging as an important factor in having denied Prime Minister Mark Carney his expected majority.

Not only did immigrants break for the Tories in any number of pre-election polls, but immigrant-heavy ridings were the most likely to see their share of the Conservative vote increase as compared to 2021.

An analysis

published Thursday

by The Economist found that among the 31 Toronto-area ridings whose population was at least 40 per cent immigrants, almost all of them experienced a shift to the Conservatives as compared to the 2021 federal election.

The reverse was true in ridings where the Liberals picked up support. The fewer new Canadians in a riding, the more likely they were to flip red.

The Economist concluded that while Canada’s 2025 election yielded effectively the same result as in 2021, underneath the surface the country had undergone an electoral realignment similar to what’s occurred in the United States. “Just as in the United States, working-class and immigrant voters swung right,” wrote the publication.

“The immigrant community of Canada just blocked the Liberals from forming a majority,” declared Angelo Isidorou, executive director of the B.C. Conservative Party, in a post-election assessment.

“These new Canadians share our conservative values of hard work and the Canadian dream.”

The B.C. Conservatives experienced a similar phenomenon in their own election in October. Although they lost to the B.C. NDP, the party

saw its most dramatic gains in the immigrant-heavy suburbs

of Metro Vancouver.

Mainstreet Research polls leading up to the Oct. 19 vote also found that the B.C. Conservatives were conspicuously preferred by non-white voters, be they Black, East Asian, Latino, Middle Eastern or South Asian.

This trend wasn’t as noticeable in Monday’s federal election, as the Liberals were able to capitalize on a wholesale collapse in NDP support and head off Conservative gains.

But the trend was there: A

comprehensive map

of 2025 Liberal-Conservative vote shifts making the rounds on reddit on Thursday showed that the more immigrant and non-white a Vancouver riding, the harder their shift to the Conservatives.

One of the few Canadian ridings to flip from Liberal to Conservative on Monday, in fact, was the majority Chinese-Canadian riding of Richmond Centre—Marpole.

In the final week of the campaign, a survey by Innovative Research Group had noted that B.C.’s Chinese-Canadians had been emerging as

far more Conservative than average

, with this support almost entirely concentrated among first-generation immigrants.

Among Chinese-Canadians who had immigrated to Canada since 2011, Conservative support stood at an overwhelming 65 per cent. This was compared to just 18 per cent of Canadian-born Chinese-Canadians.

Conversely, the B.C. capital of Victoria has

long charted rates of ethnic diversity and new immigration

that were well below the national average. On Monday, the city ended up posting some of the most dramatic vote shifts to the Liberals in the country.

The 2025 election also saw a noticeable shift among younger voters, with a plurality of Canadians under 34 supporting the Conservatives.

A post-election Nanos poll concluded that 41 per cent of Canadians under 34 voted Conservative, against 32 per cent who voted Liberal. Among the over-55 cohort, meanwhile, the Liberals dominated at 52 per cent to the Conservatives’ 34 per cent.

The 2025 election thus represents one of the few times in Canadian history where the average 25-year-old was more likely to vote Conservative than the average 65-year-old — and where the average immigrant was more likely to vote Conservative than the average native-born Canadian.

As to why both groups are shifting right at the same time, one explanation is that both have been disproportionately vulnerable to the decline in living standards that has defined Canada’s last 10 years, particularly in the area of housing affordability.

Increasingly unaffordable homes have not only shut out young people from real estate ownership, but large numbers of new Canadians.

A July 2024 poll published by the Angus Reid Institute found that recent immigrants were some of the most likely to report being overwhelmed by high shelter costs. “Many recent immigrants are departing the country because of the high cost of living, and especially housing,” read an accompanying analysis.

A Leger poll from that same year found that 84 per cent of recent immigrants to Canada

reported that they found life “more expensive”

than they’d anticipated.

New Canadians have also started to emerge as prominent opponents of some of Canada’s more liberal social policies, including harm reduction, repeat bail for chronic offenders and even

lax integration of other immigrants

.

This was highlighted by Abacus Data’s David Coletto in a comprehensive Friday breakdown of how the election fared in the Toronto suburbs, where Coletto concluded that — even in the face of a nationwide Liberal upsurge — Conservatives “maintained their base and grew it.”

Coletto

pointed to large populations

of South Asian and Chinese Canadian voters in the suburbs bordering the City of Toronto and said they jibed with the “cultural conversatism” represented by the Tories.

“They value family, faith, entrepreneurship, and community order,” wrote Coletto. “For many, the Liberals’ progressive stances on gender, parental rights, and criminal justice reform felt out of touch.”

 

IN OTHER NEWS

The King is coming to Canada. Although King Charles III has been our head of state for more than two and a half years at this point, he hasn’t yet made a trip to Canada, which is somewhat understandable given that he was diagnosed with cancer early last year. But Prime Minister Mark Carney, who spent a lot of time with the King while governor of the Bank of England,

appears to have convinced him

to read the speech from the throne when Parliament reconvenes on May 27.

 Former Alberta premier Jason Kenney was careful to stay out of the public eye for the first year or so after being forced out of his position by his own United Conservative Party. But he’s recently been much more vocal about his opinions, including this blistering social media rant against the Alberta separatist movement.

Ujjal Dosanjh is one of the only Canadians who might be able to empathize with what just happened to NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh. In 2000, Dosanjh was leader of the B.C. NDP when it suffered one of the most lopsided defeats in Canadian history, going from a majority government to just two seats. But Dosanjh, who also served as minister of health under then prime minister Paul Martin, didn’t mention any of that in a

recent blog post

. Instead, he welcomed the new government of Mark Carney, said he trusted him on fiscal issues, but warned the Liberals to be more diligent about requiring new immigrants to assimilate. “We need immigrants but not the kind that tell us to bend to their whims, religious or otherwise,” he wrote. “I hope Mr. Carney doesn’t believe one can come to Canada and not change even a bit and be in Canada ‘who you were where ever you were.’”

 The man on the left is Damien Kurek, and he is no longer the Conservative MP for Battle River—Crowfoot after stepping down to make way for Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre, who failed to win his Ottawa-area riding on Monday. Poilievre won’t be taking any chances with his new seat; Battle River—Crowfoot is one of the safest seats for any party in the history of Confederation. On Monday, the rural Alberta riding went for the Conservatives by a staggering 81.8 per cent.

Get all of these insights and more into your inbox by signing up for the First Reading newsletter here.


Philippe Lagassé says Prime Minister Mark Carney should be applauded for inviting King Charles III to delivery his throne speech.

King Charles III will be giving the Speech from the Throne to open Canada’s 45th Parliament. Prime Minister Mark Carney should be applauded for inviting the King to do so.

Canada’s existence has been called into question by the president of the United States. Having the Sovereign, the personification of the Canadian state, open the federal legislature sends a message: ours is a country of institutions that date back a thousand years, inherited from the United Kingdom but shaped by our unique history and aspirations.

We will not abandon them for American statehood, especially when the United States’ much vaunted constitution of “checks and balances” is abjectly failing. Indeed, our system — with its hereditary head of state, appointed head of government, and executive branch that must hold the confidence of elected legislators — has never looked so good.

Having the King open Parliament can help Canadians better understand and appreciate their system of government. Lack of trust in institutions is a dangerous trend, one we must address if we want Canada to be stronger and more unified in the face of economic coercion and growing threats to our security. A first step toward building trust in institutions is sparking genuine interest in them.

Monarchy is good at that. Love it or hate it, royalty gets people talking and asking questions. Seeing the Sovereign read a throne speech will stir curiosity about our constitution and how it evolved. Canadians love to talk about the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, but there’s a lot more to our constitution than that, and we would do well to elevate those other parts, notably those aspects of the Constitution Act 1867 that determine how we are governed and manage foreign affairs.

The Crown, in the late political scientist David E. Smith’s words, is the first principle of Canadian government: the more you grasp it, the more knowledgeable you are about our parliamentary democracy and cabinet government. Most of the constitutional events we’ve seen in recent months, including the prorogation of Parliament and the appointment of a prime minister who wasn’t a parliamentarian, are directly connected to the Crown’s powers.

Canadians will also need to muster an energetic, positive patriotism to stay united and build a resilient country. This will involve reclaiming our shared history, acknowledging our faults, but celebrating our accomplishments above all.

 King Charles III holds an audience with the Prime Minister of Canada Mark Carney at Buckingham Palace on March 17, 2025 in London, England.

The Crown is a key part of our national story. Canada would not be Canada without King George III’s Royal Proclamation of 1763, which recognized the rights of Indigenous peoples and laid the foundation of the treaties that the Crown would sign with them. Canada was confederated as a Dominion of the Crown of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in 1867.

We subsequently leveraged the Crown to achieve our autonomy and independence. The Statute of Westminster 1931 effectively divided the Crown, such that the Crown of Canada became separate and distinct from its British counterpart. Canada’s standing as a de facto sovereign state was then cemented on Sept. 10, 1939, when King George VI declared war for Canada on the advice of his Canadian government, seven days after it was declared for the United Kingdom. Canada then achieved full independence and sovereignty when Queen Elizabeth II proclaimed the Constitution Act 1982 into force on Parliament Hill in 1982.

Not everyone is thrilled that the King will be giving the throne speech, of course. Having loudly complained that the King was not doing enough for Canada a few months ago, the Crown’s critics are now upset that the monarch is showing up. Perhaps they could pick a lane.

The Bloc Québécois and Parti Québécois are annoyed, too. Considering that Bloc leader Yves-François Blanchet recently called Canada an “artificial country with very little meaning” and stated that he’s a member of a foreign legislature, he may not be the best judge of the monarch’s role and importance.

Other naysayers will argue that the “King of England” has no business opening the Canadian Parliament. It’s true that we share our monarch with the United Kingdom and that the British Parliament decides our laws of royal succession. We haven’t been as forceful as our Australian and New Zealand cousins in asserting full control of our Crown in that respect.

Yet when he gives the throne speech, speaking in both official languages, Charles III will be doing so as the King of Canada, an office that is fully separate and distinct from its British counterpart. His presence will reflect a fundamental truth about the country we will be defending this 45th Parliament: we are a state of many nations united by institutions that reflect historic compromises. The Crown and Parliament capture this reality perfectly, and the King-in-Parliament even more so.

Philippe Lagassé is an associate professor and Barton Chair at Carleton University.


Alberta Premier Danielle Smith announces proposed changes to several pieces of democratic process legislation, in Edmonton on Tuesday April 29, 2025.

If more provinces stood up for themselves when the feds started encroaching, we’d be a lot better off as a country. That in mind, it was good to see Alberta announce on Thursday that it would be

challenging

the federal Clean Electricity Regulations, which became law in December.

The

new rules

aim to net-zeroify the entire Canadian grid by 2050, banning carbon emissions by new units with at least 25 MW of electrical generation capacity over a preset “technology-neutral annual emissions limit” by 2035; the ban will also cover existing units by 2050 at the latest. It’s

expected

to cost the country $40 billion from now until 2050 — and it’s justified because magic math in Ottawa pegs the benefits to society in that time will be worth $55 billion.

Aside from spelling disaster in Alberta (and other provinces, to a lesser extent), there’s a pesky little document that could stand in its way: the Constitution. In 1867, it was

decided

that legislating on the “development, conservation and management of sites and facilities … for the generation and production of electrical energy” was exclusively the job of provincial legislatures.

On that basis alone, the Clean Electricity Regulations should have set off alarm bells in premiers’ offices across the country. Premier Danielle Smith saw that plain and clear.

“Section 92 of the Constitution … enumerates our exclusive jurisdiction,” she said Thursday, speaking at a news conference. “That’s the word (used) in the Constitution: ‘exclusive’ jurisdiction over resource development and the development of electricity — and there’s a reason for that. It’s because every province has different endowments and different abilities to generate electricity. That is why it has been assigned to the provinces to make these decisions.”

Like Smith, the feds are well aware that Alberta is a fossil-fuel rich province that relies on natural gas for most of its power and does not have an abundance of dammable rivers. This was explained in the regulatory impact analysis

statement

that was released alongside the official, final version of the Clean Electricity Regulations.

“Notably, Alberta, Saskatchewan, Nova Scotia, and to some extent, New Brunswick and Ontario, rely more on unabated emitting generation than the national average. Accordingly, these provinces are expected to experience the biggest shift in generation sources as a result of the Regulations.” In other words, “You guys better get ready to lay out a whole lot of solar panels.”

As for who will feel the most pain, take a wild guess: “Ontario and Alberta are modelled to take on nearly 70 per cent of the total costs net of cost-savings accounted for in the (cost benefit analysis), largely driven by incremental capital costs for new electricity system capacity.”

Before the regulations were finalized, Alberta did its best to

express

concerns with the real-life effects of the proposed framework. For example, the draft regulations proposed to cap power generation at peaker plants, which run at peak times to ensure blackouts don’t happen, at 450 hours per year, which would limit these facilities to using only five per cent of their capacity. Alberta protested, and the time limits were removed — but even so, the

other provisions

of the regulations will cap these facilities to operating at a maximum of 20 per cent capacity. In the end, it means Ottawa is still strangling the provinces’ ability to manage their grids at peak times.

For another example, look at how the regulations treat emergency management. The first draft actually required the federal government to sign off on allowing exemptions to the rules in cases of local emergency — which exposed anyone who needed to break the rules to the risk of jail. Alberta objected, and now the final rules allow emissions in emergency circumstances (which must meet federal criteria) to be exempt from the overall emissions cap for 30 days (extensions would be allowed, but only with federal approval) — with an added requirement that any use of this provision must come with a detailed justification.

So, instead of getting rid of this leash that limited a province’s emergency response, Ottawa merely lengthened it while trudging into the zone of provincial emergency management. And criminal penalties for those who step outside the federally drawn lines are

still on the table

.

“We have zero large-scale natural gas plants being proposed,” Smith told the news conference. “That tells me something about the level of uncertainty that natural gas plants have, because remember, this is written as (a) criminal violation if you do not meet the target by 2035.”

“What CEO is going to, by 2035, building with today’s technology, be able to guarantee a 95 per cent abatement on their CO2 within 10 years, with technology that doesn’t exist, on the risk of going to jail? I’m going to tell you there are zero,” she added.

It’s unclear how this will go in the courts. The feds will no doubt point to the top court’s 2021

ruling

on greenhouse gas pricing, which opened up new bubbles of federal jurisdiction within what was otherwise provincial domain if the intent was to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. A majority of the court figured that climate change was such a dire and existential threat that it was entitled to greenlight one very specific policy tool to deal with it: former prime minister Justin Trudeau’s carbon tax.

In reality, climate change turned out to be not as cataclysmic as originally thought, because the Liberals set the carbon tax to zero in March.

Meanwhile, it’s also been demonstrated that playing the environment card doesn’t always work. Major provisions in the federal government’s overzealous Impact Assessment Act were declared unconstitutional after a different court challenge by Alberta; the law cast its net so wide that it unlawfully pulled provincial projects into the onerous federal review process. (This law has since been revised, but unsatisfactorily, so it’s off to the courts again).

Smith is doing the right thing by fighting out these incursions in court. Just like how lawns need to be edged, the naturally expanding bureaucratic hulk of federal jurisdiction needs to be checked. If Alberta ends up winning — and it’s very possible it does — it would be a victory for not just the province’s grid, but for every province that believes in preserving the Constitution’s division of powers.

National Post


Canada Revenue Agency income tax forms and statements to prepare taxes. Getty Images

I

recently noted

that even struggling New Mexico, the only U.S. state to end the last four decades less economically free than it began, is still more prosperous than most Canadian provinces. That’s largely a result of Canada

losing ground in terms of wealth

relative to its southern neighbor after decades of hand-in-hand growth. But Canada’s provinces outstrip almost all states in at least one area.

Unfortunately, that area is the tax burden that provincial and state governments inflict on residents.

In a

report published last month

, the Fraser Institute’s Tegan Hill and Nathaniel Li point out that, until a decade ago, Alberta offered the lowest combined federal and provincial/state personal income tax rate on the North American continent. “Paired with no provincial sales tax, the ‘Alberta Tax Advantage’ made the province an incredibly attractive place to start a business, work, and invest,” they write.

But Albertans’ taxes went up in 2015. At 48 per cent, Alberta now has the tenth-highest top personal income tax (PIT) rate in Canada and the U.S. While lower than every other province but Saskatchewan, this is higher than peer energy-producing U.S. states that compete for workers and investors. Worse, Alberta imposed its top rate at a relatively low anything over $355,845 (CAD) in 2024. “By comparison, the

top rate in competing U.S. jurisdictions

applies at $834,688 (CAD).” Among Canada’s provinces, only Newfoundland and Labrador imposes its top combined rate at a higher threshold — $1,103,478 (CAD) — than any state.

Among U.S. states, California’s combined top personal income tax rate is the highest — though lower than that of every province but Alberta and Saskatchewan. Hawaii is tied with Alberta. Notably, Alaska, Texas, and Wyoming, among energy-rich jurisdictions, don’t tax personal income at all.

It’s not just the top marginal rate paid by the wealthiest that stings so sharply.

“An Albertan with $50,000 in annual taxable income, for instance, faces a combined marginal tax rate of 25.00 per cent, while the combined rate in select U.S. jurisdictions ranges from 12.00 to 16.90 per cent, a gap of between 8.10 to 13.00 percentage points,” write Hill and Li. “The gap becomes smaller, but continues to exist at $75,000 and $100,000, ranging between 3.38 and 8.50 percentage points.”

And, while Saskatchewan has the lowest combined top personal income tax rate in Canada, it taxes lower incomes a bit more heavily than Alberta.

When it comes to top combined federal and provincial/state capital gains tax rates, California has the highest tax burden in North America. But eight Canadian provinces rank immediately after California in their capital gains tax burdens. Saskatchewan, at 18, ranks one slot better than Alberta. But once again, the top rate applies at a lower threshold — $250,000 for Saskatchewan and the portion over $355,845 for Alberta — compared to CAD $710,789 for U.S. jurisdictions.

In terms of combined federal and provincial/state sales taxes, the nine most heavily taxed jurisdictions are all Canadian provinces. Alberta, to its credit, still has no provincial sales tax, only a federal levy, which puts it close to the other end of the rankings. “Alaska is the only energy jurisdiction that has a lower sales tax (1.82 per cent) than Alberta. Four U.S. states — Montana, New Hampshire, Oregon, and Delaware — have no sales tax (federal, state, or local),” note Hill and Li.

It’s more of a mixed bag when it comes to combined corporate income tax rates which are “one of the most economically damaging types of taxes because they reduce returns from business investment, which stifles innovation, lowers wages, impacts job creation, and lowers overall economic growth,” according to Hill and Li. The most heavily taxed jurisdictions include both states and provinces. Alberta, which once had the lowest corporate income tax rate, still comes in at a respectable seventh lowest between Canada and the U.S. — far better ranked than also energy-rich Alaska, but more highly taxed than Wyoming, Texas, and South Dakota.

Taxes fund government services. But they do so by reducing the return on people’s labour and investments, and there’s always disagreement about how much government people want. High taxes can deter entrepreneurs from starting and growing businesses. They can even drive people away.

Last year, a 

paper

  published in the American Economic Journal: Economic Policy looked at the adoption of income taxes by U.S. states from 1900 to 2010. While governments increased their revenues, they didn’t collect as much as they expected. That’s because, as 

summarized

 by the University of California-Riverside, “the introduction of income tax in the post-World War II era led to out-migration by wealthy Americans.” That is, people with means moved from high-tax states to lower-tax ones.

Co-author Ugo Antonio Troiano warned politicians pushing for changes in tax policies that “raising taxes too much might backfire, as the state might lose too many relatively wealthy contributors.”

The ability of taxes to repel people has only increased as it’s become easier and more affordable (

and politically attractive

) to move. In January of this year, Katherine Loughead of the Tax Foundation examined data from the U.S. Census Bureau, U-Haul, and United Van Lines. She found that “Americans are continuing to leave high-tax, high-cost-of-living states in favor of lower-tax, lower-cost alternatives.”

“Of the 26 states whose overall state and local tax burdens per capita were below the national average in 2022 (the most recent year of data available), 18 experienced net inbound interstate migration in FY 2024,”

observed

Loughead. “Meanwhile, of the 25 states and DC with tax burdens per capita at or above the national average, 17 of those jurisdictions experienced net outbound domestic migration.”

That doesn’t mean that everybody is going to end up in Texas, even if it

sometimes seems that way

. For one thing, it’s more difficult for people to cross national borders than it is for them to move from one state or province to another. And pulling up a life to restart someplace else is always a challenge.

But many people remain very mobile, especially in the energy industry, which often requires a willingness to relocate. Plus, investment flows where it gets the highest returns, with borders of any sort offering little resistance. That means Alberta and Saskatchewan are poised to benefit when competing with other provinces for productive Canadians. But all of Canada’s provinces are currently at a disadvantage when they’re competing with U.S. states for investors and entrepreneurs.

We could all benefit from less of a bite by the tax man. That’s even more true of Canada than of the U.S.

National Post


Prime Minister Mark Carney gives his victory speech at TD Place in Ottawa the evening of the federal election, April 28, 2025. Columnist Fr. Raymond J. de Souza says the speech was strange but pleasantly surprising.

During the federal election campaign I

wrote

that the “politics of humiliation” had become toxic to Canadians in the Trumpian era. Election night then delivered some humbling, and a call for humility — both of which are different from humiliation.

The humbling was personal for Pierre Poilievre, who lost his own riding. The NDP collapse fuelled a Liberal surge. Poilievre’s riding is immediately north of mine; the incumbent Conservative here, Michael Barrett, held off an astonishing 19-point Liberal gain by holding his vote from last time (50 per cent). Poilievre would have squeaked through had he held his vote, but the most famous Conservative in the country lost six points from 2021, in a riding where voters had known him for 20 years.

It is an opportunity, even if unwelcome, for humility. I have crossed paths with Poilievre since the early 2000s and have found him gracious and engaging. He can be humble. Yet the campaign was curiously centred on the man himself. Why the all-Pierre-all-the-time approach — including emblazoning his name on the campaign plane — when he consistently polled worse than his party did? As he charts out a return to Parliament and a future election campaign, the lesson ought to be that less Pierre is more.

Prime Minister Mark Carney delivered what surely must be the strangest — in a pleasantly surprising way —

victory speech

in memory. While Poilievre was defiant in defeat, Carney began by telling his excited partisans that they might wish to hold off their cheers until “after this next section, because I am going to begin with the value of humility, and by admitting that I have much to be humble about.”

They cheered anyway; they would have cheered if he had read a take-out menu. So he told them, again: “It’s not an applause line, it’s just a statement of fact.”

“Over my long career, I have made many mistakes, and I will make more, but I commit to admitting them openly, to correcting them quickly, and always learning from them,” he said.

As an aside, admitting mistakes would be welcome from the CBC. On

election night

, Rosemary Barton “reminded viewers” that four consecutive election victories was “incredibly rare in Canadian politics.”

It is not. Since 1887, when Sir Wilfrid Laurier became Liberal leader,

every single Liberal leader

has been part of four consecutive election victories, save for John Turner, Stéphane Dion and Michael Ignatieff. Twice the Liberals put five straight victories together.

Put another way, over 138 years, the Liberals have only been led for 11 years by leaders who were not part of a four-straight string. What Carney achieved is impressive, but it is what Liberals simply do.

Back to humility. Carney seems to be proposing — time will tell how sincerely and effectively — virtue as an approach to governance. His election was due in large part to not being Justin Trudeau, the great woke narcissist, and not being Donald Trump, the great anti-woke narcissist.

Narcissism is not a partisan affliction — they come in all political flavours, from Italy’s Silvio Berlusconi to Great Britain’s Boris Johnson to France’s Emmanuel Macron. Forty years ago there were genuine giants in global leadership; today we have lesser men who think that they are greater. It is a cultural illness which makes for bad politics. Perhaps Carney sees that.

There is a danger in political leaders speaking about virtues. The charge of hypocrisy always lurks nearby. Nevertheless Carney charged on with his victory-speech-cum-moral-philosophy-instruction.

“We see kindness as a virtue, not as a weakness,” he said. He recalled meeting two women in Gander who hosted stranded passengers on 9/11, and who showed him a thank you card from a young girl which read, “Your kindness motivates me to use my kindness.”

“Virtue is like a muscle that grows with its exercise,” Carney said, in about as brief as summary of Aristotelian-Thomistic ethics as can be imagined at a political rally. “We become just by doing just acts; brave by doing brave acts. When we are kind, kindness grows.”

It is true. We cannot simply wish to be honest. We possess the virtue — the good habit — of honesty only by being honest until it becomes habitual. Likewise, repeatedly telling untruths establishes the opposite vice, a dishonest character. Politicians of all stripes face that challenge on a daily basis.

Carney must tread carefully. His predecessor exasperated Canadians by lecturing them, denigrating those who disagreed as being of lesser value. He virtue-signalled but did not possess the actual virtue. There is a safeguard that will protect Carney from such a fate: humility.

It goes for Poilievre too, who, now humbled, may be better able to persuade Canadians to accept what he has to offer, which is considerable.

National Post


President Donald Trump delivers a speech marking his 100th day in office at Macomb County Community College Sports Expo Center in Warren, Michigan, on April 29, 2025.

On Wednesday, in the prelude to a cabinet meeting, U.S. President Donald Trump made yet another remark to chill the blood for those concerned about his country. Trump’s cat-and-mouse game of arbitrary changes to American import tariffs is starting to raise concerns about prices and supply chains for consumer goods. The American economy has unexpectedly shrunk in the first 100 days of Trump 2.0, even though workers and businesses are scrambling to make purchases before the effects of Trump tariffs set in. The underlying state of the economy is probably worse than the short-term numbers.

Trump says this is all a matter of “get(ting) rid of the Biden ‘Overhang,’” i.e., it’s his immediate predecessor’s fault. And let’s face it: no other politician on Earth would say anything else 100 days into an executive term. If that was as far as Trump went, it wouldn’t be of unusual concern. What struck me was his separate remark implying that, yeah, tariffs might foul up supply chains a little in the transition to the glorious economy of the future, but haven’t we Americans had it too soft for too long?

“Maybe the children will have two dolls instead of 30 dolls,” the president mused. “So maybe the two dolls will cost a couple bucks more than they would normally.” The message, which brazenly puts the contentment of children front and centre, is one you can’t imagine any other American leader delivering so directly in peacetime: have you all considered being happy with less?

The answer one would expect the median American voter to give is “Hell no.” It’s crazy that I should have to write this, but consumer abundance is a defining feature of the United States! During the Cold War, American supermarkets were the unanswerable argument for economic freedom: you could summarize the United States pretty reasonably as “It’s the country that coined the word ‘super-market.’” In our hyper-interconnected social-media world, I see a dozen conversations a week in which some European boasts of affordable healthcare, walkable neighbourhoods and having July and August and half of September off work every year: the inevitable answer from Americans is “OK, but have you been inside a

Buc-ee’s

, Gustav?”

In all post-Protestant countries there exists a lingering feeling that consumer abundance is a secret source of civilization weakness, an addictive vice depleting the moral strength one might need in a true crisis. The United States has done the most to shake off this harmful superstition, and its government has made, I don’t know, 150 years of policy choices favouring abundance over egalitarianism. Until quite recently, when any new form of life-altering technology appeared on the face of the Earth, you could be dead certain Americans would make mass popular use of it first. It was for the leadership of less fortunate peoples to talk endlessly of sacrifice, of heroic austerity in the pursuit of collective goals or of mere social harmony.

Trump’s polling numbers have sagged badly among political independents, but his loyal voters haven’t started loathing him yet despite the bad economic signals. In the longtime American client states like Canada, we are all feeling newly awkward about the U.S.’s status as a vanguard of the species. We’ve been jolted into an awareness of our dependence on the United States.

The awkward part is that we mostly don’t want the U.S. to become just another country. In the balance sheet of history we must still count ourselves lucky in our choice of sole neighbour, and the good luck includes the albedo effect of American values we share: individualism, enterprise, brute materialistic competitiveness. If the American voter really does start voluntarily choosing two dolls at Christmastime instead of 30, something precious will have been lost from the world.

National Post


As an international organization of Islamic scholars and faith leaders based in Canada, the Global Imams Council (GIC) respectfully calls on all parliamentarians to advance a vision rooted in the principles of compassion, mutual understanding, and dedication to democracy and human dignity.

The GIC reaffirms our commitment to these principles as Canadians welcome a newly elected Parliament. We envision Canada as a beacon, inspiring unity and reminding us of our humanity under a shared Creator.

In a time when discord threatens to fray our social fabric, our elected representatives share a sacred duty: to transcend party lines, helping weave the diverse threads of our Canadian tapestry into a unified whole.

We must remain vigilant, for the forces of extremism seek to erode our shared values and darken our collective future. It falls to you, our elected leaders, to safeguard the principles that could guide Canada toward a future where all citizens can flourish in harmony.

We call on Canada’s new Parliament to:

1. Draw a clear distinction between Islam — our personal faith — and Islamism — a political ideology that misappropriates Islamic concepts to foment revolution and division, undermining democratic values and institutions. Islamism is a malign strategic force that tears at our social fabric, setting Muslims against each other and fracturing the bonds between Canada’s diverse communities. By recognizing this crucial difference, we can better preserve the integrity of our faith while addressing the very real challenges posed by extremist ideologies that cloak themselves in the language of our Holy Quran.

2. Protect Canadians and the global community from the threat of extremism, including Islamism. As Islamic scholars, we firmly reject any misinterpretation of the Holy Quran that seeks to justify lawlessness, violence, or terror. Such distortions betray the true essence of Islam and stand in opposition to our shared humanity. We respectfully urge parliamentarians to implement thoughtful policies that safeguard our society from radicalization while preserving our cherished freedoms. This includes measures to counter the spread of extremist ideologies that may seek to take root in Canadian communities, always balancing security concerns with our commitment to inclusivity.

3. Protect Muslim individuals, who are worthy of safety, dignity, and respect from anti-Muslim bigotry, but leave all ideologies, whether political or religious, open to scrutiny. As faith leaders, we unequivocally oppose all forms of hatred, including prejudice against Muslims. At the same time, we maintain that thoughtful criticism of extremist ideologies, including Islamism, must not be misconstrued as bigotry or “phobia.” We encourage parliamentarians to uphold this nuanced approach, fostering an environment where open dialogue can thrive while protecting individual rights. This balance aligns with the spirit of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, promoting both free expression and the dignity of all citizens. By doing so, we can create a society that values both diversity of thought and mutual respect.

4. Recognize that Canadians of all faiths are inherently members of the human family, and foreign conflicts must never be exploited as a pretext to undermine our common humanity. Pursuant to the Ottawa Declaration issued by the Global Imams Council on December 4, 2024, we categorically reject those who falsely distort the teachings of Islam as justification to promote hatred against other communities, including our Abrahamic brothers in faith. We reaffirm the Islamic Fatwa Council’s Fatwa against Hamas and assert a categorical prohibition against the glorification of and support for extremist groups. We appeal to parliamentarians to direct authorities to take appropriate measures against such public displays of extremism, which damage Canadian society and threaten public safety.

5. Support Canadian foreign policies in the Middle East that advance peaceful co-existence for all. The Abraham Accords represent an essential and historic opportunity to build a future protected from the global onslaught of Islamist extremism. We believe Canada should work with states and organizations seeking to realize and expand upon the vision of cooperation and mutual understanding reflected in these momentous agreements. We urge parliamentarians to advance this noble goal in Canada’s regional policies and foreign aid programs, enabling the forces of coexistence to flourish.

We hereby pledge to uphold these principles and to work collaboratively towards their realization, in goodwill and cooperation with parliamentarians of all stripes. Let Canada be a nation in which every citizen knows the blessings of peace, prosperity, and dignity.

Mohammed Tawhidi is the vice president of the Global Imams Council and is a member of its Governing Committee

National Post


Prime Minister Mark Carney dances at a victory party in Ottawa after the Liberals won the April 28 federal election.

PM’s words ‘ring hollow’

Re: Mark Carney promises to ‘govern for all Canadians’ after Liberal win — Catherine Lévesque, April 28

It is now crystal clear: Canadians do not deserve a democracy. That form of government requires work on the part of its citizens. It needs to be nurtured by people who monitor it regularly, watched over by a robust, impartial media, brought to heel by organizations dedicated to preserving it, and, most importantly, have safety valves that release pressure when its dynamics start to take wrong turns.

The Canadian electorate chose to ignore the past 10 years of constant alarm bells ringing in Ottawa, and through ignorance or apathy or the call of a pop-culture mindset have put in place the same incompetent, entitled people under the thumb of a hyper bureaucrat who is thought to be and thinks he is above everyone else intellectually, technically and ideologically.

Canada is closer now than it ever was to becoming #51 because we failed to see what Justin Trudeau’s post-national agenda was leading us to: Canada Inc., to be subsumed in a hostile (but non militaristic) takeover by Trump.

Larry Baswick, Stratford, Ont.


To those who believe or say Canada isn’t broken, the numbers say otherwise. Liberals generated an overwhelming amount of their support east of the Manitoba/Ontario border. West of that border, they generated just enough interest to justify calling them a rump political splinter group.

Mark Carney says he’ll govern “for all Canadians,” but those words ring hollow. Justin Trudeau made the same promise three times and conveniently forgot what he said the moment he said it.

The numbers show there’s a huge East-West divide and it’s clear that a lot of Canadians have little faith in Liberal promises. Suggesting he’s going to govern for all Canadians, Carney is already mouthing standard boilerplate rhetoric. What else would he say?

If Carney wants to bridge the divide, he should stop with the bromides and start creating change that involves the hopes and dreams of the alienated.

Paul Baumberg, Dead Man’s Flats, Alta.


So, Mark Carney promises to govern for all Canadians. When did we last hear that pledge, or one similar to it? I remember, it was Justin Trudeau’s acceptance speech in 2015: ”You want a PM who never seeks to divide Canadians, but takes every single opportunity to bring us together.” The words were barely out of his mouth before Trudeau began his campaign to divide Canadians by making Alberta the whipping boy of Confederation.

As for Carney, he couldn’t resist taking a jab at Alberta (and Saskatchewan) during his acceptance speech. Do I believe that he will do anything to help Alberta unlock its resource potential for the benefit of all Canadians? Or anything to build a pipeline to get Alberta oil to new markets? I don’t, but apparently a lot of Canadians outside Alberta believe his assurances because they elected him. I guess those Canadians still believe in the tooth fairy, too.

Nancy McDonald, Stratford, Ont.


Western alienation threatens national unity

Re: A national unity crisis is brewing — Tasha Kheiriddin, April 29

Columnist Tasha Kheiriddin suggests that “nation-building projects like pipelines and nuclear-powered energy corridors” will be doomed to fail, as the three minor parties (NDP, Bloc Québécois and Greens) are hard-left and therefore would not support the Liberals in these efforts. Fair enough, however I disagree with her premise that there would be no support forthcoming from the Conservatives, as such projects were and are some of the core policies of the party.

To shun supporting the Liberals in progressing “nation-building” projects — especially building pipelines — for partisan political reasons would be suicide. If the Conservatives cannot get beyond this feud and work for the good of the nation, the nation will notice, and they will find their party devastated when they “look ahead to the next time.”

Tom Tulloch, Halifax


If one thing is clear in the aftermath of the federal election, it’s that Canadian voters did not take into account the danger posed by the feeling of alienation that exists in western Canada. This, of course, is due to the opposition by previous Liberal governments to the development and export of our oil and natural gas reserves. (Note Bill C-69 — dubbed the anti-pipeline bill — among others.)

As a result, our Canadian GDP and all Canadians have suffered greatly. Liberal Leader Mark Carney has removed the consumer carbon tax on gasoline, but will surely reapply it at the producer level, thus raising the cost of fuel again. He also has not shelved the proposed emissions cap on oil and gas production.

We must not forget the fact that Carney is first and foremost an environmentalist — perhaps even a climate alarmist. He was the UN Special Envoy on Climate Action and Finance and creator and co-chair of the Glasgow Financial Alliance for Net-Zero (GFANZ). He has recently called for Canada to “build, baby, build,” borrowing U.S. President Donald Trump’s syntax, but made no mention of oil or pipelines.

I’m sure Trump will enjoy watching this scenario — western Canadians threatening to leave Canada without his help!

Harry K. Hocquard, King, Ont.


Never waste a good crisis

Re: Too many Canadians happy with Liberal decline — Adam Pankratz, May 1

The election results, says National Post columnist Adam Pankratz, send a message that a “great many Canadians have determined the previous decade is one they approve of.”

Really? Didn’t the campaign start with an electorate dissatisfied with high taxes, burgeoning housing costs, eye-watering food bills and wasteful government spending?

Or did Mark Carney and Liberal strategists take a page right from the Democrat playbook — “never let a good crisis go to waste” — to capitalize on voters pumped with patriotic adrenaline, elbows up and wallets closed to the U.S.?

Dorothy Lipovenko, Westmount, Que.


“It was Poilievre’s job to reveal the abysmally poor job the Liberals had been doing’

Re: Poilievre has a strong case to stay Conservative leader, but it’s not ironclad — Chris Selley, April 30

Back in December, the Conservatives were riding high in the polls. Hundreds of thousands of Liberals had concluded that they would vote Conservative in order to do what their Liberal MPs had stoutly refused to do: fire Justin Trudeau. Make no mistake, these Liberals had not suddenly become Conservatives. They would and many did move back to the Liberal fold at the first opportunity.

As Leader of His Majesty’s Loyal Opposition, it was Pierre Poilievre’s job to reveal to Canadians the abysmally poor job the Liberals had been doing since 2015. By late December 2025, his abrasive ridicule of Trudeau had finally lured so many Liberal voters into the Conservative fold that even the Minister of Finance and Deputy Prime Minister, Chrystia Freeland, was convinced her boss had to go. Poilievre had finally accomplished what a responsible Liberal caucus could have achieved after the SNC-Lavalin scandal broke in 2019. This was a huge service to Canada and to Canadians, but not, as it turned out, to the Conservative party or to Poilievre himself.

Mark Carney is a decent man, but if he governs as obliviously as Trudeau did and if his caucus then refuses to dismiss him, the Leader of the Opposition should flay and roast him just as mercilessly as he did Trudeau.

Patrick Cowan, North York, Ont.


Sadly, Pierre Poilievre’s humiliating defeat in his own Ontario riding might have been avoided if Ontario Premier Ford, master at playing both sides against the middle, had not snuggled up to Mark Carney as the partner most likely to support billions in subsidies already committed to manufacturing EV batteries, while anticipating Carney’s promise to build “energy corridors” will use Ontario steel.

So much for co-ordination between federal and provincial Conservatives. The only upside in that voters in Carleton got a lesson in map-folding as they wrestled with a ballot almost a metre in length listing 91 candidates.

Kope Inokai, Toronto


Federal civil servants exercise their voting power

Re: Pierre Poilievre didn’t stand a chance — Carson Jerema, April 29

Today, one in five Canadians work for a government of some sort. With that kind of voting strength in place, left-leaning governments will be difficult to displace. This was on display the night of the election when Pierre Poilievre lost his seat in Carleton, where a significant number of voters are federal employees. Apparently, the fear tactic used by the Liberals to win the seat was that if the Conservatives were elected, federal employee jobs would be at risk. Poilievre had held that seat for almost 21 years.

So as the certainty of a full socialist welfare-like state looks irreversible, or at the very least the death spiral to the left continues unabated into the foreseeable future, that leaves the West to continue to pay the bills without a strong voice at the federal table, and little to no choice in our economic destiny. Is it not time to consider that the West should leave this experiment known as Canada?

Jim Tyndall, Cokato, B.C.


Jagmeet Singh leaves little legacy

Re: Singh the author of his own demise — Jesse Kline, April 30

After years of supporting a failed Liberal government, the Jagmeet Singh NDPers have finally hit the wall, with no room to move, no bolstering of the Liberals professing to “work for the people” and in the end, left with only sweat on their hands. No doubt many NDP supporters feel the same about the party’s reluctance to defeat the Liberals, as do Conservatives, who saw the larger issues facing the country, and their significance to Canada.

It turns out that Singh was on the wrong side of party politics, and will not leave a meaningful legacy, doubtless to be known as the leader of the party that let the Liberals and Justin Trudeau run out the clock until a saviour arrived.

Duane Sharp, Mississauga, Ont.


The art of Quebec’s deal

Re: Bloc Québécois leader says he won’t ‘threaten to overthrow the government anytime soon’ — Antoine Trépanier, April 29

Apparently, Bloc Québécois Leader Yves-François Blanchet prefers negotiating Quebec’s exit from Canada with Canada, rather than the U.S.A.

Will Halpenny, Niagara-on-the-Lake


Americans ‘appalled’ by Trump’s actions

Re: Mark Carney’s election victory speech — April 29

I was saddened to hear Prime Minister Mark Carney’s statement that “Our old relationship with the U.S., a relationship based on steadily increasing integration, is over … We are over the shock of the American betrayal, but we should never forget the lessons.”

I am one of a very large number of U.S. citizens who are appalled by so many of President Donald Trump’s actions, from his climate denial and serial dishonesty, to his cruelty in the treatment of individuals and of nations.

I have a lot of fond memories of Canada, and great friends there. My teaching degree is from the University of Toronto, and as a young man I took several fishing trips to Manitoba. I still have a beautiful photo of a sunset on Clearwater Lake.

Perhaps my deepest bonds come from working on lobby teams in D.C. with the wonderful members of Citizens’ Climate Lobby Canada. In the summer of 2013, I lobbied side-by-side with Sonia Furstenau, who until recently was the leader of the Green Party of British Columbia.

In your understandable anger and frustration, I hope that Canadians will not paint all Americans with the same broad brush.

Terry Hansen, Milwaukee, Wis.


Hopefully you have received many letters like this, but I would like to add my voice to the Americans who are totally ashamed of our so-called President Trump’s treatment of Canada since he came to office.

Many of us can still recall Canada’s great kindness to American citizens during the 1979 Iranian hostage crisis, and in the wake of 9/11 when thousands of Americans were stranded at the Gander Airport, and were taken in by caring Canadians. Please don’t judge all of us by Trump’s idiocy.

David H. Zeuch, Albuquerque, N.M.


CTV should apologize for airing comment

Re: Nova Music Festival Exhibition to open in Toronto with personal items from victims of Hamas attack — Ari David Blaff, April 22

As the daughter of Italian immigrants raised in a richly multicultural Toronto, I was devastated to see CTV broadcast a statement from a pro-Palestine group referring to the ongoing Nova music festival exhibit as a “grotesque spectacle of selective grief.” I attended the exhibit — it is a raw, emotional tribute to the nearly 400 young people brutally murdered and 44 others taken hostage at the Israeli musical festival during the Hamas attack of October 7, 2023. It demands empathy, not political spin.

That such a dehumanizing comment was aired on Yom HaShoah, a day meant to honour the memory of Holocaust victims, is beyond appalling. This kind of coverage is tearing at the social fabric of my beloved city, making it increasingly unrecognizable.

CTV owes the public an apology.

Nancy Post, North York, Ont.


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