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This sketch from London, Ont., shows four former members of Canada's world junior hockey team look on as Justice Maria Carroccia delivers her ruling in their sexual assault trial on Thursday, July 24, 2025.

While E.M. spent most of her 20s regretting the night she spent with some members of Canada’s 2018 world junior hockey team (and for which she received a lucrative settlement from Hockey Canada), those members spent those same years wondering whether their 30s would take place in jail.

At very least, some justice was done on Thursday when the five players on trial for sexual assault were found not guilty. E.M., ruled Ontario Superior Court Justice Maria Carroccia, had in fact consented. At the trial stage at least, the system didn’t “believe all women”: there was a pile of evidence showing that E.M. not only consented but may have initiated the evening’s events, and it was given the fair consideration it deserved.

On a careful review of the facts — which were largely derived from E.M.’s and the players’ accounts of that night, minus all the extra evidence that was excluded from trial due to Canada’s special evidence rules for sex assault — Carroccia had to consider whether E.M. was touched in a sexual way, and whether there was an absence of consent during that contact. That answer would come down to the credibility (truthfulness) and reliability (capability of accurately remembering what happened) of each witness, E.M.’s being the most critical to securing a conviction. But E.M., the judge determined, was neither credible nor reliable.

According to Carroccia’s lengthy written decision, then-20-year-old E.M. had been clubbing with friends in the early hours of June 19, 2018, when she clicked with the team’s Michael McLeod and withdrew to his hotel room to have sex, cheating on her boyfriend in the process. Some time after that, McLeod invited other teammates to his room (E.M. couldn’t say whether it was her idea or not) and she became the centrepiece of a post-club team afterparty. This didn’t help her case: defence pointed out that infidelity was a motive to fabricate.

Carroccia identified other problems going to the complainant’s testimony: she was intoxicated, which impacted her memory (though not too drunk to consent, as everyone agreed that her first bout of sex with McLeod was consensual); she didn’t remember certain key events of the night, and filled those “gaps” with assumptions (some of which were contradicted by hard evidence).

This wasn’t the justice system being cruel and unfair to women. It was the regular kind of scrutiny that we apply to alleged assault victims as a safeguard against imprisoning people for colourful stories about crimes they didn’t commit.

“The evidence of each of the witnesses has gaps and does not constitute a complete or sequential recounting of the events,” the judge explained, in the context of Carter Hart’s charge (a similar statement was made for each accused teammate).

“I have concerns regarding the credibility and reliability of the evidence of the complainant, and therefore I have a reasonable doubt about whether the complainant consented to the sexual activity with Mr. Hart.”

The loud hotel party was powered by the naked woman who had, at some point, taken up residence on the floor, where a sheet had been placed (by E.M., according to the players; by the players, according to E.M.). There, the judge’s ruling recounts, she demanded sex and called the surrounding 19-or-so-year-olds “pussies” when they refused. At trial, she agreed with one player’s assessment that she took on the persona of a porn star.

“I accept the overwhelming evidence that E.M. was acting in a sexually forward manner when she was masturbating in this room full of men and asking them to have sex with her,” assessed Carroccia. “This evidence alone does not establish her consent to engage in oral sex … but it does establish that she communicated her willingness to engage in sexual activity.”

But E.M. was mostly met with rejection: one player called as a witness testified that his teammates were shocked at the woman’s boldness, and that the group awkwardly laughed at her “offers.” Dillon Dubé noted in his police statement that most of the men were just talking as many had girlfriends. Both Hart and E.M. testified that the men egged each other on. Nobody seemed to want to have sex in a room with other people.

Eventually, some agreed. Alex Formenton “volunteered” on the condition that the intercourse take place in the bathroom, according to his police statement. Hart, who was single and initially drawn to McLeod’s room at the prospect of a three-way, testified that he was enticed by E.M.’s overtures; after less than a minute of oral sex, he quickly felt weird about it and pulled back. E.M. also gave oral sex to two others: Dillon Dubé, for 10 seconds according to his police report (he also instantly didn’t want it), and McLeod, briefly, according to two player witnesses. In a “consent video” taken around this time, E.M. smiled and stated, “I’m okay with this.”

The video wasn’t definitive proof of consent, wrote Carroccia, but it was part of the equation: “In my view it is circumstantial evidence as to the manner in which she was behaving. The first video was taken without her knowledge, so it presumably depicts how she was behaving at the time. She was speaking normally, she was smiling and did not appear to be upset or in distress. She did not appear to be intoxicated.” The Crown had argued the video was

irrelevant

to the question of consent.

Two player witnesses agreed that at some point, Dubé slapped E.M.’s butt. She also reported that a player — Callum Foote — did the splits over her face while naked, but no one else testified to contact or to pantlessness. Hart testified that Foote was over E.M.’s torso, and she was laughing.

E.M. would become upset and frustrated at the lack of sexual advances, said some of the men, and McLeod even calmed her down at one point, according to his police report. E.M. testified that she cried at least once (either because of the men’s comments or because they were laughing at her). Two men, called as witnesses, were so uncomfortable with the situation that they left.

The party wound down after 4 a.m., and E.M. had sex with McLeod one last time in the shower — an act, she told the court, she felt was necessary to get him to allow her to leave. He recorded one more video. “It was all consensual,” she said, multiple times, smiling. “Would you … You are so paranoid, holy. I enjoyed it. It was fine…. I am so sober that’s why I can’t do this right now.” Together, these rendered E.M.’s evidence “vague and inconsistent.”

She didn’t leave happy, though: towards the end, McLeod asked her if she had STDs, and whether she was going to be leaving soon, which she felt was rude. E.M. also testified that McLeod also seemed annoyed at her when she returned to the room to search for a lost ring; she took an Uber home and was found crying in the shower by her mother, who “took it upon herself” to report a sexual assault to police.

E.M. later explained to the court that her actions were driven by fear — fear that she never mentioned until she filed a civil suit against Hockey Canada, four years after the fact. Her mind “separated” from her body to cope, she claimed. The judge didn’t buy her story: important details had changed over time, and E.M.’s own concept of truth was uncomfortably fuzzy. Plus, E.M. initially told police that she didn’t think the men would have physically forced her to stay.

The judge didn’t hypothesize the complainant’s actual feelings about what happened, but I suspect E.M. was quite miserable. She may have felt shame and regret for cheating on her boyfriend, as the defence argued during the trial. The little oral sex that was had was awkward and not erotic at all. The STD question may have felt like an accusation.

Pop culture tells women that consensual sex is a neutral to empowering act, and good feminists will tell their friends that there’s nothing to be ashamed about in sex. Slut shaming, we all knew in the good year 2018, was bad. But missing from that intense belief in female agency was the other side of the coin: that women can consent to something and wish they hadn’t.

And certainly, the men regret it too. Their evidence suggested they took care to ensure consent was given at the time, and even that wasn’t enough to keep an investigation from pausing, perhaps snuffing out, their NHL careers. McLeod and Foote were

put on indefinite leave

last year by the New Jersey Devils, as was Hart by the Philadelphia Flyers and Dubé by the Calgary Flames. And in 2022, Formenton

may

have lost out on a new contract with the Ottawa Senators due to the allegations; he played in Sweden until the charges were laid in 2024, and now

works in construction

. As for the future of these five men, the ball is still in the Ontario Crown’s court. Prosecutors will have to decide in the next month whether to appeal for another shot at securing convictions; there’s still a way this can drag out for years.

Supporters of E.M. will say the acquittals amount to a terrible outcome for women and sexual assault survivors, but they’re the opposite. If sexual assault is to be taken seriously, it needs to mean something. It’s to the actual victims’ benefit that Carroccia didn’t bend the rules to acrobatically extend the concept of sexual assault to new frontiers of apparently regretful intercourse, as courts have done in the past; doing so would have cheapened the concept to dollar store levels.

So, now what? After the decision was read, E.M.’s lawyer, Karen Bellehumeur, immediately took to calling for reform. “While the accused’s rights are important, those protections should not come at the expense of survivors’ well-being,” she

told

a media scrum late Thursday. She expressed frustration with the fact that E.M. had to testify for nine days and was subject to “insulting, unfair, mocking and disrespectful” cross-examination. “She’s really never experienced not being believed like this before.” Nine days of careful scrutiny is a very modest ask when a man is facing jail for an apparently consensual act that didn’t pass the initial police sniff test.

It’s one thing to be of a tough-on-crime mind; it’s something else to believe that the pursuit of truth should be compromised.

National Post


Protesters in Odesa demonstrate against a law curtailing Ukraine's anti-corruption agencies on July 24, 2025. President Volodymyr Zelenskyy quickly walked back the law under public pressure.

ODESA, Ukraine — Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy

tried to dismantle

his country’s anti-corruption infrastructure last week in a shameful power grab that has stained his domestic and

international

credibility. Yet, the mass protests that followed, which forced Zelenskyy to quickly

reverse course

, illustrate that Ukrainian democracy remains resilient and that illiberal governance will not be tolerated by its citizens.

The scandal began on Tuesday morning, when an innocuous parliamentary bill (concerning the investigation of missing persons)

was radically altered

by a series of unexpected amendments. The new version of the bill — which passed by a vote of 263 to 13 — granted Ukraine’s Prosecutor General, a political appointee directly chosen by the president, considerable authority over Ukraine’s two main anti-corruption agencies.

These agencies —  the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutors Office (SAPO) —  were established in the aftermath of Ukraine’s 2014 pro-western Euromaidan revolution, and have since been indispensable to the investigation and prosecution of corruption cases involving high-level public officials, including parliamentarians. Immunity from political interference has been integral to their operations, and, by extension, the international community’s trust in Ukraine’s overall anti-graft reforms.

Last Tuesday’s bill, though, granted the Prosecutor General —  and, by extension, the President’s Office —  the authority to shut down high-stakes investigations or reassign them to other law enforcement agencies that are directly controlled by the government. Furthermore, the Prosecutor General can now appoint or dismiss these agencies’ prosecutors; order the handover of uncovered evidence; and take over plea negotiations for charged individuals.

In other words: Zelenskyy put Ukraine’s most important anti-corruption institutions under his control, effectively immunizing his inner circle from investigation.

Many Ukrainians could not believe that such a law had been passed —  especially as it had come out of nowhere, right before parliament’s summer recess. Protesters began

gathering in the streets

of Kyiv within hours, pleading with Zelenskyy to veto it. Yet, their hopes dimmed after media reports confirmed that the bill had actually originated from the president himself, and that parliamentarians had faced intense pressure to vote for it despite their deep reservations.

In a video address that evening, Zelenskyy claimed that SAPO and NABU had been infiltrated by “Russian influence” and that important corruption cases were being left to languish, which is why he wanted greater oversight. Yet most of Ukraine’s civil society actors — and seemingly the majority of the general public —  

did not believe him

.

As Tuesday night wore on, the civil unrest in Kyiv swelled. Thousands gathered in front of the President’s Office, despite the ongoing risk of Russian missiles and drone strikes, to voice their displeasure, staying up late in violation of the nightly military curfew. Smaller protests broke out concurrently in

other major cities

—  such as Liviv, Kharkiv and Odesa —  forming the largest wave of public demonstrations seen in Ukraine since Russia’s full-scale invasion.

Domestic critics argued that Zelenskyy had betrayed the values of the Euromaidan revolution, and

compared his behaviour

with that of former president Viktor Yanukovych, whose corruption and autocratic impulses had endangered Ukraine’s EU integration in the early 2010s. Similarly, European officials warned that hollowing out NABU and SAPO

could cost Ukraine

its financial assistance and render EU membership impossible.

Some of the Ukrainians I spoke with in the past few days felt confused and betrayed. After all, Zelenskyy was elected on an anti-corruption platform in 2019 and, for the first few years of his presidency, was widely seen as effective in this respect. When Ukraine’s constitutional court

issued a ruling in late 2020

that nullified most of the country’s anti-corruption programs, for example, the then-rookie president pushed back and, instigating a constitutional crisis, had them reinstated at great political risk.

Others were less surprised, though, saying that Zelenskyy’s behaviour has recently grown

more questionable

. Many of Ukraine’s anti-corruption activists, for example, seem to believe that last week’s reforms were retribution for NABU’s prosecution of Deputy Prime Minister Oleksii Chernyshov, a close ally and personal friend of Zelenskyy’s, who was named as a suspect last month in a major corruption scheme involving the construction sector.

Whatever Zelenskyy’s motives ultimately were, the withering public backlash evidently spooked him. Within two days,

he announced

that he had “heard what people are saying on social networks, to each other, on the streets,” and submitted a draft bill to preserve NABU and SAPO’s independence while mandating regular polygraph tests for agency employees with Russian relatives. “It’s very important that society speaks. I respect the opinion of society. I believe it is absolutely normal to react when people don’t want something or when they dislike something,” he said at

a media briefing in Kyiv

on Friday.

While some pro-Russian commentators — such as

far-right U.S. Congresswoman Marjorie Taylor Greene

— have exploited this week’s chaos to smear Ukraine, most citizens here have taken a more optimistic view. Many have said that

the protests

showcased the strength of the country’s democratic values and civil society actors; the spirit of the Euromaidan revolution has evidently not been forgotten. Some also pointed out that such civil disobedience is simply not possible in autocratic countries, such as Russia.

Last Thursday night, I attended a smaller demonstration in Odesa where protesters, wearing blue and yellow flags, held signs emphasizing Ukraine’s European destiny. “Cancel the law! Cancel the law!” they repeated. Their voices grew more fervent: “Ukraine is not Russia! Ukraine is not Russia! Ukraine is not Russia!”

National Post


TORONTO - July 21, 2023. A sign in a Metro grocery location alerts consumers to Canadian products. However, many individual beef products at this and other grocery chain stores do not clearly the mark the country of origin on individual meat product like steaks.

Have you returned from a grocery store this summer after having dropped a small fortune on a steak, only to peel it off the barbeque to find it just wasn’t that satisfying?

It may not have been just the price that let your taste buds down. While the price of beef has

surged

since January — leading to price increases in popular grilling cuts like striploin, up 34 per cent, top sirloin, up 34 per cent, and rib cuts, up almost 12 per cent — there could be another reason why your steak left you with a bad taste in your mouth.

Unbeknownst to you, the Canadian consumer, the steaks you purchased for your backyard Canada Day barbecue could have come from the United States (or Mexico or New Zealand or Australia) despite not having been marked as such.

According to Sylvain Charlebois, who runs the Agri-Food Analytics Lab at Dalhousie University and hosts the popular podcast, “The Food Professor,” “Beef has been off this summer, both in terms of quality and price stability.” He pointed to lower cattle numbers due to drought, and more imported beef on the shelves.

According to the Government of Canada, beef and veal imports

increased

to 208,929 tonnes in 2024, from 186,629 tonnes in 2023.

“A few key factors are likely at play. First, we’re still seeing the ripple effects of drought-induced herd reductions across North America. The cattle supply has been tight for a couple of years now, and we’re at the stage where it’s really starting to impact availability and price at the retail level,” Charlebois told told the National Post in an email.

“Less beef overall means higher prices and more volatility. We are seeing more beef from Mexico and Australia in Canada as a result.”

According to the Canadian Cattle Association, “It will take time to rebuild the North American cow herd. The Canadian cattle herd is the smallest it has been since 1988, and in the United States, the cattle herd is the smallest it has been in 73 years.”

This is significant because Canada’s beef grading system is different than in other countries, most notably the U.S.

According to Charlebois, “While both countries (Canada and U.S.) grade beef based on quality, the systems differ in focus and structure. In Canada, grading is overseen by the Canadian Beef Grading Agency, with four main categories: Canada Prime, AAA, AA and A — largely based on marbling.

“The U.S. system, managed by the USDA (United States Department of Agriculture), also emphasizes marbling but includes more detailed carcass maturity assessments and broader use of branded programs like Certified Angus Beef. Canada’s system is more standardized, while the U.S. approach is more market-driven and fragmented, especially at the premium end.”

This explanation was

echoed

by Amanda Bennett, executive director of the Canadian Beef Grading Agency, who pointed out some key differences between Canadian and American beef: “Canada’s quality grades of Canada Prime, Canada AAA and Canada AA grades are correlated in the marbling levels but the Canadian grades do not allow dark coloured meat, yellow fat, older animals or other off-quality characteristics.”

It’s possible, then, that a lack of consistency in foreign standards might mean that imported beef tastes different, and if there is more of it on the shelves, it could partially explain the more pronounced differences in flavour this summer compared to previous years.

I visited the meat sections of four grocery stores in the Toronto area to speak to butchers about the rising price of beef, its quality and the availability of different cuts. They all remarked that the price had risen quickly, and said that due to this, they were no longer (or very rarely) ordering some premium cuts like T-bones, because many customers simply can’t afford them anymore.

What was more interesting, however, was what happened when the conversation turned to quality. The first butcher I spoke with at a Metro store noted that the aging process is different between American and Canadian beef and the cattle are fed differently. This, he explained, may affect the taste.

I asked him how I would even know I was buying American beef, as I did not see any labels that would indicate that the items weren’t Canadian. He said that there was no way to tell. The labelling does not show this information.

He pointed to a grilling steak in his display case and said, “The only way to know would be for the butcher to check the boxes out back.” When I asked him to write down his name for the interview, he seemed very nervous about what the company might think of him revealing this information.



Some Canadians would probably be surprised to learn that the absence of a label specifying that the meat was imported doesn’t mean that it’s Canadian. Many who believe they have been giving the ol’ elbows up to American beef may have, ironically, only been consuming American beef, if they haven’t been checking very carefully.

This practice would at least appear to contradict the

rules

laid out by the Canadian Food Inspection Agency (CFIA), which state that the country of origin “must be declared on the label of an imported meat product in close proximity to the product’s common name.”

The rules further state that, “This applies whether or not the imported meat product is subsequently packaged or labelled in Canada without being manufactured or prepared in Canada.”

Next, I spoke with a butcher at a Longos store who informed me that this would not be an issue at its locations, since “it’s all only Canadian beef. We don’t sell anything American.”

I stopped by another Metro store to see if the labelling practice was shared by another location. I asked a fellow working behind the counter making sausage if he’d noticed a difference in the quality of the meats. “There’s only been a couple of things that came in and I was like, this is smaller than it used to be, striploins,” he said.

Asked if they came from Alberta or everywhere, he responded: “Honestly, I couldn’t tell you where it came from. The boxes were there. We worked them, we noticed they weren’t very good. Got rid of them. That was it.”

When questioned about where the meat comes from, he said that, “The chicken is almost 99 per cent Canadian. The beef and the pork, one day we could get 10 cases of back ribs and it’s all Canadian, and the next day we get two cases of American.”

Yet “none of the labels would tell you. That’s what the little flags are for,” he explained, pointing to signs sitting above a bin of meat. “Every couple of hours, they’re constantly revising it in terms of what is and what isn’t (Canadian).”

Again, there was nothing on the individual packages of meat to indicate whether the beef is foreign or homegrown, just flags or signs being shifted around to indicate whether beef is Canadian.

I spoke to a fourth butcher, this time at a Loblaws store, who confirmed that if it is not marked, there is no way for consumers to tell if the beef they are buying is from the United States or elsewhere.

At this location, a display case with unpackaged prime cuts featured some pieces of meat with flags indicating that they were Canadian. However, other meats in the case did not have any country-identifying information.

There were packages of beef marked “Canadian Beef,” with stickers saying, “Pick the Beef with the Leaf,” and clearly displaying a black Canadian flag with “Canada” written in the centre on each individual package.



However, there was also beef that was unmarked. For example, a section filled with stewing beef, striploins and eye round marinating steaks with and without “Canadian Pepper Seasoning” did not bear the same Canadian symbol on the individual packages.



The Loblaws butcher did, however, point to price tags above one bin of meats that had Canadian flags on it. These, he told me, were brought in as part of the “Buy Canadian” movement against U.S. President Donald Trump’s tariffs. But these weren’t everywhere in the store. In this location, they were above some vacuum-sealed, pre-seasoned pork products.



Grading requirements aside, I needed to determine whether the butchers were correct about Canadians not being able to tell if their meat is not Canadian.

I contacted Metro, Loblaws and the CFIA to ask why, as per the butchers I spoke with, there appears to be a lack of clarity around the labelling of meats from foreign countries, despite the rules posted on the food agency’s website.

I asked Stephanie Bonk, communications manager for Metro, if the butchers were correct in saying that beyond marked boxes out back, consumers in the store would not be able to know if their meat was Canadian. Bonk said that Metro follows

Ontario rules

, which do not require country of origin labelling.

When I asked about store inspection, Bonk said that, “To ensure compliance with federal and provincial requirements, the stores could be inspected by CFIA and/or” the Ontario Ministry of Agriculture, Food and Agribusiness.

She explained that, “There is no requirement for country of origin on retail meat cuts that are cut and packaged at store level. This would include ground meats, stewing meat, kabobs, stir fry meat, etc.”

Loblaw’s public relations department confirmed that, “In the case of meat, Canadian labelling requirements differ depending on how the product is packaged. For prepackaged meat (i.e., products that come into the store already separated, weighed, etc.), the country of origin is required and indicated on the label.

“However, for meat processed and packaged at the retail level, as is the case in many of our Loblaws stores, regulations do not require country of origin labelling on each package. If the retailer wants to highlight the meat grade, it can be displayed via counter signage.”

Loblaws said that its “approach is aligned with CFIA guidance and ensures consistency across our store network while reflecting the realities of today’s dynamic supply chain.”

I contacted the Canadian Food Inspection Agency to find out if it believed these stores were following its guidelines.

A spokeswoman at CFIA said that, “A meat product that is imported and sold to the consumer in its original packaging must include a country of origin statement, for example, ‘Product of Australia.’ For imported meat products that are re-packaged or labelled in Canada, the country of origin declaration must be displayed on the new packaging.”

However, she also explained that, “When imported meat is further processed in Canada, such as cutting or grinding, the final meat product no longer requires the country of origin statement on its label. However, companies can voluntarily declare or advertise the origin of the meat product as long as it’s not false or misleading.

“For example, the label can include a ‘Made in Canada’ claim with a qualifying statement to indicate whether the meat is made in Canada from imported ingredients or a combination of imported and domestic ingredients.”

This would appear to contradict the CFIA’s own website, which states that country of origin is required “whether or not the imported meat product is subsequently packaged or labelled in Canada without being manufactured or prepared in Canada.” (I asked about this contradiction, but did not receive a response by press time.)

The spokeswoman did, however, note that that, “Consumers can use the address on the label to contact the company, or inquire with the retailer, to obtain more information about the food, including the country of origin.”

According to Charlebois, Canadians have

taken notice and have begun to do just that

. He said that the CFIA “

received 97 complaints related to product origin claims between November 2024 and mid-July 2025. It conducted 91 investigations and confirmed 29 violations.” Charlebois sees this as signalling “a growing lack of tolerance for deceptive marketing in the grocery sector.”

Canadian’s shouldn’t have to guess, find a sign or ask their butcher to check the box out back to find out which country their steak is coming from.

National Post

tnewman@postmedia.com

Twitter.com/TLNewmanMTL


The TikTok logo outside the Chinese video app company's Los Angeles offices in Culver City, California.

On Nov. 6, 2024, Canada

ordered

TikTok’s local offices expelled but left its influence engine

untouched

. The result? Fewer Canadian jobs, no new oversight, and continued foreign control over our digital public square. It makes about as much sense as banning foreign diplomats while allowing their propaganda broadcasts to continue uninterrupted.

Canada’s shutdown order, issued after a national security review, eliminates TikTok’s

350 Canadian employees

and halts cultural sponsorships worth millions. Yet the algorithm that shapes what Canadians see, share, and believe remains entirely in Chinese hands. We have managed to achieve the worst of both worlds: less accountability with zero additional protection.

This backwards approach reveals how Canada thinks about digital threats with analog tools. We are treating algorithmic sovereignty like a traditional corporate takeover — kick out the foreign company, problem solved. But in the attention economy, corporate presence matters far less than code control. The algorithm is the empire, not the office lease.

Contrast this with the United States, which pursued

forced divestiture

— demanding that ByteDance sell TikTok to American owners or face a complete ban. While controversial, this approach at least recognized that ownership matters for algorithmic control. The U.S. understood that keeping the platform while changing its governance structure could address security concerns without eliminating the service entirely.

Why didn’t Canada consider forced divestiture? The option deserves serious examination. Unlike our current approach, divestiture could have preserved Canadian jobs, maintained cultural sponsorships, and potentially brought algorithmic decision-making under friendlier jurisdiction. Instead of corporate whack-a-mole, we could have pursued structural change.

While Canada plays these games, serious digital powers are asserting algorithmic control. The European Union mandates transparency reports for recommendation systems, requires platforms to offer non-profiling feeds, and conducts algorithmic audits through its European Centre for Algorithmic Transparency. Even authoritarian China

requires

tech companies to file algorithmic parameters with regulators.

Canada? We disbanded the company but kept the black box.

The irony runs deeper. TikTok’s Steve de Eyre

argues

that eliminating Canadian operations removes “the accountability of having a TikTok entity within Canada’s legal jurisdiction.” He is right. We now have algorithmic colonialism — where our information flow is governed by foreign logic systems we cannot audit or influence — without even the pretense of local oversight.

This approach stems from fundamental confusion about how digital sovereignty works. Traditional sovereignty meant controlling territory and physical infrastructure. Digital sovereignty means controlling the logic systems that govern information flow. When algorithms decide what news Canadians see during elections, or when TikTok’s system shapes teenage mental health through curated feeds, corporate nationality becomes secondary to algorithmic accountability.

Canada had better options beyond both office closures and forced sales. Transparency reports. Data localization. User-choice toggles between chronological and algorithmic feeds. Algorithmic audits with real oversight powers. We used none of them. Even worse, we eliminated most enforcement mechanisms while solving none of the actual concerns.

The deeper problem is that Canada keeps applying 20th-century policy tools to 21st-century challenges. We regulate TikTok like a broadcast network when it operates like a personalized influence machine. We focus on corporate presence when the real power lies in algorithmic architecture.

This confusion extends beyond TikTok. Canada has no comprehensive algorithmic transparency regime. Meanwhile, our Broadcasting Act now prohibits regulators from requiring specific algorithms — a pre-emptive surrender written into law.

Canada’s trade posture makes this worse. While the E.U.

asserted

algorithmic oversight through the GDPR and Digital Services Act, Canada wrote algorithmic surrender into domestic law without any binding trade obligation to do so.

Section 9.1(8)

of the Broadcasting Act was not compelled by the USMCA/CUSMA, yet we preemptively ceded sovereignty.

The European experience proves that smart digital governance outperforms corporate bans. E.U. platforms now offer transparency on content moderation, recommendation systems, and ad targeting. Researchers gain platform data access. Users control their algorithmic experience through real choices.

Canada could have led. We could have been the sophisticated middle power that bridges European regulatory foresight with North American commercial dynamism. Instead, we chose a path that satisfies no one: toothless for security hawks, excessive for rights advocates, and useless for anyone who understands how algorithms operate.

The path forward requires algorithmic accountability, not just corporate nationalism. Canada should focus on transparency requirements for content recommendations, data localization keeping Canadian user information under Canadian law, user choice over algorithmic experiences, and independent audit mechanisms for black-box systems.

Until we grasp that algorithms govern more powerfully than offices, we will keep fighting digital wars with analog weapons. The algorithm is already here — structuring discourse, shaping markets, influencing minds. Corporate shutdowns will not change that.

It is time Canada started governing the governors instead of just changing their mailing addresses.

Barry Appleton is an international trade lawyer, Distinguished Senior Fellow and co-director at the Center for International Law at New York Law School and a Fellow at the Balsillie School of International Affairs.

National Post


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One-day sentences for aiding and abetting the Islamic State terror group, a few short years for murder, but possibly more if you’re an anti-vaccine trucker: these stories and loads of others from recent Canadian court cases seem to be undermining the public’s faith in our justice system. Brian Lilley chats with Postmedia columnists Jamie Sarkonak and Chris Selley about how things went so wrong and what to do about it. They also discuss the recent acquittal of the five hockey players for sexual assault, and how the judge’s exceptional handling of the case shows that all is not lost if we want to fix the system — if anyone in government is ever willing to try. (Recorded July 25, 2025.)





Freedom Convoy organizers Tamara Lich and Chris Barber arrive at the Ottawa Courthouse in Ottawa on Friday, Nov. 3, 2023. Sean Kilpatrick/The Canadian Press

First Reading is a Canadian politics newsletter curated by the National Post’s own Tristin Hopper. To get an early version sent directly to your inbox, sign up here.

TOP STORY

Last week, Crown prosecutors announced

they were seeking jail sentences of up to eight years

for Tamara Lich and Chris Barber, two organizers of the Freedom Convoy protest.

Both were convicted of mischief, but the Crown is seeking a minimum sentence of seven years in jail for Lich, and eight for Barber, who was also found guilty of counselling others to disobey a court order.

The Crown has argued that the disruptiveness of the Freedom Convoy blockades warrants the harsh sentence, but in a statement this week, Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre said courts are throwing the book at Barber and Lich while simultaneously giving free reign to “rampant violent offenders” and “antisemitic rioters.”

It’s certainly the case that you can do an awful lot of heinous things in Canada before a prosecutor would ever think of asking for seven years. Below, a not-at-all comprehensive list of things you can do in Canada, and have the Crown seek a lighter sentence than the one they’re seeking for the organizers of the Freedom Convoy.

Sexually assaulting a baby

The accused can’t be named due to a publication ban, but he’s a B.C. man convicted of sexually assaulting his one-year-old daughter. Specifically, he rubbed his penis against the child’s exposed genitals while filming it on his cell phone.

In March, Crown prosecutors

sought five to six years

for the man’s conviction for sexual assault, possession of child pornography and sexual interference with a minor.

Using a car filled with guns to ram into Justin Trudeau’s house

Defence lawyers for Barber and Lich have argued that the pair were active in keeping Freedom Convoy peaceful, and urging supporters away from violence. Ironically, there is another case also from the Ottawa area in which an anti-mandate demonstrator was much more violent in his demands — and yet still faced a lighter proposed sentence.

Months before Freedom Convoy ever got underway, an army reservist angry about COVID lockdowns

filled up a car with guns

, smashed through the gates of the official prime ministerial residence and was stopped as he attempted to approach the residence to “arrest” then prime minister Justin Trudeau. The reservist’s crimes were much more serious than mischief; he was convicted of seven weapons charges and one charge of destruction of property. But the Crown in his case sought a sentence of six years.

Killing multiple innocent people via drunk driving

When it comes to crimes that kill people, vehicular manslaughter is routinely among the most lightly punished. There exist any number of examples of a Canadian driver killing someone through inattention or recklessness,

and getting off with nothing more

than a fine and a brief driving ban.

Even in cases where a drunk driver wipes out a whole generation of a family, a seven-year sentence would be considered on the tougher side.

Edmonton man Taylor Yaremchuk killed a senior couple while driving drunk in 2022. The Crown in his case sought, and received, a five-year jail sentence, with the sentencing judge

declaring it sent a “strong message.”

Five years was also the sentence sought by the Crown in the case of a Newfoundland man who took to the wheel after drinking all day at a 2019 music festival,

causing a crash that killed couple John and Sandra Lush

, and seriously injured their daughter and her boyfriend, who were in the back seat.

Stabbing a man to death because he told you to stop abusing your girlfriend

Under Canadian law, a convicted murderer has to spend at least 10 years in jail; that’s the mandatory minimum sentence for second-degree murder. Nevertheless, it’s common to see cases in which a killer receives only a few years in jail simply because the homicide they committed is prosecuted as manslaughter.

In 2018, 26-year-old Abeal Negussie Abera received fatal stab wounds in Downtown Vancouver after he attempted to intervene between a man yelling at his common-law spouse. “Yo, bro, she’s just a girl. You don’t have to treat her like that, calm down,” Abera reportedly said just before Benny Rae Armstrong plunged a blade into his chest.

At a hearing last month

, Crown prosecutors sought a five-year jail term for Armstrong.

Being a police officer who stalks and sexually harasses crime victims

Edmonton Police constable Hunter Robinz was convicted earlier this year not just for sex crimes, but for sex crimes against vulnerable women he would track down using his status as a police officer — sometimes forcing himself on the women while in uniform.

In one instance, Robinz returned a distressed and intoxicated woman to her apartment, only to spend two hours attempting to kiss her while ignoring calls from his police radio.

The Crown

sought two to three years for Robinz

, but in May a sentencing judge opted instead for six months.

Amassing enough child pornography to fill a video store

Joshua Stairs’s child pornography collection was tallied up by police as containing 7,170 videos and 1,148 images. At trial, Judge Johanne Lafrance-Cardinal said the images were so graphic, violent and disturbing that she occasionally urged lawyers not to detail their contents so as to spare court staff members. The ages of the victims depicted in the images ranged from four to 12.

The Crown sought three to three-and-a-half years for Stairs, and

he was sentenced to two

.

Torturing a toddler to death

It’s not unusual that the killing of a baby or toddler will

yield a sentence of only a few years

, particularly if the killer is the child’s parents. But there were some aggravating factors in the death of Gabriel Sinclair-Pasqua, an 18-month-old who died in 2021.

Sinclair-Pasqua’s last days were spent in extreme pain after a scalding caused him to suffer burns across a third of his body. His parents not only refused to seek medical care, but in text exchanges they referred to the emaciated and screaming child as “a paycheque.”

The Crown

would end up seeking the exact same sentence

for the parents as that being sought for Barber: eight years in jail.

Shooting at police

In the summer of 2023 Siavash Ahmadi was pulled over by West Vancouver Police for suspected impaired driving. When instructed to retrieve his licence, Ahmadi instead reached into a bag of loaded guns, retrieved a pistol and fired at two officers from a distance of just two metres.

Admadi didn’t hit anyone, and neither did the officers when they returned fire. At trial last November, the Crown

sought a sentence of seven years

. Ahmadi ultimately received just four years, in addition to a $1,000 fine for impaired driving.

Intentionally ramming a car loaded with children and pregnant women

Michael Augustine, 60, pled guilty to a 2022 incident

in which he used his truck

to intentionally ram a minivan carrying his step-daughter, whom he had just threatened to kill.

The minivan, which was carrying a total of four children and two pregnant women, rolled multiple times before coming to a stop in the woods, 83 metres from the road. Miraculously, nobody was killed, despite one of the children being ejected from the crash.

Despite Augustine’s long history of violent criminal convictions, the Crown sought eight years, and Augustine was ultimately sentenced to five.

Beating a fellow homeless shelter resident to death

While staying at an Edmonton homeless shelter, Stanley Jago attacked a confused fellow resident who had been returning from the bathroom, beating the man so badly that he suffered a fatal seizure.

In the court proceedings that followed, Jago gained a reputation for unstable behaviour, such as threatening court participants or attempting to attack sheriffs.

Jago was convicted of manslaughter, and sentenced to five years —

just slightly less

than the five-and-a-half years the Crown had been seeking.

Raping a minor and bragging about it online

In arguing that 56-year-old Prakash Lekhraj didn’t feel any remorse for raping a teenaged girl, the Crown would only have needed to point to Lehkraj’s testimony that “he never needs to seek the consent of a female to have sexual relations with her.”

Lehkraj was convicted of both sexual assault and the production of child pornography for an August 2020 assault in which he photographed himself raping a minor before uploading the images to an online group chat. The victim “took it like a champ,” wrote Lekhraj.

The Crown

sought a sentence of four to five years

, but a judge went with three years and three months.

 

IN OTHER NEWS

 By this time next week, Canada could well be in the ruinous situation of having no new trade deal with the U.S., and thus blanket 35 per cent tariffs on billions of dollars in Canadian exports. “We haven’t really had a lot of luck with Canada,” U.S. President Donald Trump said Friday, adding that Canada might end up being a U.S. trade partner where “there’s just a tariff, not really a negotiation.” This follows on Prime Minister Mark Carney’s own admission that Canada’s probably going to have a permanent tariff of some kind.

Amidst Canada’s bid to fortify its economy against U.S. trade aggression, easily the most low-lying fruit has been the spectre of interprovincial trade barriers. The various regulatory issues that make it hard for provinces to trade with one another 

cost the Canadian economy an estimated $160 billion per year

.

Nevertheless, despite 

some early successes in knocking down the barriers

, a major setback occurred this week when Manitoba Premier Wab Kinew 

bowed out of a trade deal

 with Alberta, Saskatchewan and Ontario that would commit all four provinces to collaborate on new pipelines, rail links and other infrastructure. Kinew didn’t sign on the grounds that no such projects should proceed without Indigenous “consensus.” That also happens to be the high standard that Prime Minister Mark Carney has suggested for any new federally administered infrastructure; that nothing gets built unless it has “a consensus of all the provinces and the Indigenous people.”

 On the issue of whether Canada has too much immigration, a new poll found that immigrants and native-born Canadians are pretty sympatico in their views. Namely, both groups think there’s too many immigrants. According to a new Leger poll conducted for the Association for Canadian Studies, 57 per cent of immigrants think Canada is bringing in too many immigrants, while 60 per cent of non-immigrants say the same.

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Students walk in the grounds of Dalhousie University in Halifax in a file photo. Universities across Canada are facing serious financial challenges due to decreased government funding, limitations on tuition and caps on international students, writes Peter MacKinnon.

In a

recent article

in Halifax CityNews, journalist Rachel Morgan asked an important question: can Nova Scotia universities survive the red line? Budget deficits, tuition controls and caps on international student numbers combine to threaten their stability and perhaps, in some cases, their existence. The issues are not for Nova Scotia alone; they are present in all provinces.

Though we sometimes speak of universities in generic terms, there are sharp differences among them. Dalhousie University in Halifax is a medical-doctoral institution well known throughout the Atlantic region and across Canada. Other universities in the province vary in size and stature but have more of a local impact, and some are embedded in communities that are dependent upon them, e.g. Acadia in Wolfville, St. Francis Xavier in Antigonish, and Cape Breton University in Sydney. Ten universities are a lot in a province with a population approaching 1.1 million, but they are all established institutions with communities that are intent on their survival and success.

The hurdles in their way are substantial. In Nova Scotia, as in other provinces, the percentage of budgets from government grants has been steadily declining but the decline has not been met by offsetting fee increases, and provincial governments continue to control tuition, prescribing levels that are insufficient to make up budget shortfalls. Where, historically, universities have been able to set their own tuition fees — for international students — the federal government has intervened to impose caps on their numbers. While the impact among universities varies depending on the extent of their reliance on students from other countries, it is felt by all.

Clearly this situation is not sustainable; as the old saying goes, something has to give. Public support has to increase or universities must be given the latitude to make up through tuition the shortfalls between government grants and what they need to do their work well. Governments must recognize this choice and be guided by it.

Universities, too, have choices to make. When the Council of Nova Scotia University Presidents meets, do they talk about collaboration, rationalizing programs, collective procurement, outreach to business and working in solidarity to achieve better collective bargaining outcomes? Or are they focused on the latest issue or crisis? (I would bet on the latter). They should ask themselves, too, about why the standing of our universities with the public has declined. Canadians are losing confidence in their political neutrality and in what should be their commitment to non-discrimination and freedom of expression. These are not conditions that lead people to press their governments to support more public funding.

But despite their shortcomings, our universities are vitally important in shaping the future of Canada. Their futures depend on broad non-partisan support for their missions and activities and, until that support is recovered, they are unlikely to fare better — in Nova Scotia or elsewhere in Canada.

National Post

Peter MacKinnon served as the president of three Canadian universities and is a senior fellow of the Macdonald-Laurier Institute and the Aristotle Foundation.


U.S. President Donald Trump meets with Prime Minister Mark Carney at the G7 Summit in Kananaskis, Alta., on Monday, June 16, 2025.

Donald Trump’s threat to impose sweeping tariffs on Canada landed with all the grace and subtlety of a toddler in full meltdown mode. He and his team are considering duties as high as 35 per cent on everything from lumber to autos. Predictably, Canada is preparing retaliatory measures.
 

We’ve seen this movie before, but as any parent knows, reasoning with a tantrum rarely works. With two sons and 13 years spent honing my skills in tantrum diplomacy, I’ve learned firsthand that yelling louder or digging in rarely helps. You win by stepping back, staying calm, and changing the game entirely.
 

That’s exactly what Canada needs to do right now.
 

Rather than being drawn into another endless tit-for-tat tariff war, we need to seize this moment to position ourselves as the best destination in North America, and indeed the world, to start a business, invest capital, and raise a family. Let the U.S. posture. We need to compete on other metrics: stability, livability, and economic leadership.
 

First: cut the cost of capital. Canada’s combined federal-provincial corporate tax rate sits around 26.2 per cent — among the highest in the G7, and significantly above the OECD average of 23.9 per cent. And with falling corporate and personal tax rates in the U.S., we’re lagging even further behind. If Canada does nothing, we risk losing investment to our neighbours south of the border for good.
 

Consider Ireland, home to just 5.5 million people, where a 12.5 per cent corporate tax rate attracted giants like Apple, Intel, and Pfizer. Far from gutting public services, this strategy created a 24 billion euros (C$38.5 billion) surplus in 2023 and gave Ireland the fiscal strength to establish a sovereign wealth fund. Similarly, Singapore’s statutory corporate tax rate of 17 per cent often drops even lower thanks to smart exemptions and streamlined processes. Last year, Singapore, with a population of nearly six million people, attracted nearly $190 billion in foreign direct investment — almost double Canada’s performance.
 

Of course, reducing taxes and regulations won’t be painless. In the short term, this transition will mean challenges — especially for those industries that have come to rely on our overly regulated, taxpayer-subsidized, Ottawa-knows-best, economy. Instead, let’s shift current subsidies toward retraining programs, job transition assistance, and targeted support to help workers adjust and thrive in a more competitive, forward-looking economy.
 

Tax reform alone isn’t enough — we need to replace cumbersome red tape with red-carpet service. Investors don’t just look at costs; they’re closely watching timelines and value predictability. Right now, Canada is infamous for project delays. Ottawa needs to deliver on its promised “one-door, one-year” approvals guarantee. If regulators can’t reach a decision within 12 months, the default answer should become yes.
 

Let’s also make livability our defining advantage. Corporations don’t just invest in markets — they move their families. Canada used to be a natural winner here, but our shine has dulled. Carjackings in Toronto have more than doubled since 2019, violent crime rates are climbing, and housing costs have soared — starter homes in Toronto and Vancouver regularly exceed seven figures. Our education system often seems more focused on woke social justice initiatives than on mastering the basics, and our students’ math and reading scores are slipping. The reality is, the highly skilled immigrants that accompany foreign direct investments are beginning to look elsewhere.
 

If we want to attract and retain talent, livability must become central to our economic strategy. This means building more housing supply that families actually want to live in; making our streets safer, and ensuring our schools properly prepare kids for a rapidly evolving world. These aren’t merely social policies — they’re economic infrastructure. They signal to the world that Canada is a country where businesses can flourish and families can thrive.
 

Our competition is starting to figure this out. Canada can and should do the same, not by simply copying others, but focusing on our own strengths: a highly educated workforce, a stable democracy, and abundant natural resources.
 

Of course, any talk of lowering taxes or streamlining regulations inevitably brings predictable squawking from the usual voices on the left, shouting warnings about killing the environment, gutting health care, and undermining public education. Nothing could be further from reality.
 

Here’s the truth: tax reform and strong public services are not mutually exclusive. Ireland collects more corporate tax per capita than Canada, investing heavily in health, education, and infrastructure. Similarly, environmental protection should focus on outcomes rather than processes. Singapore outranks Canada on key clean-energy metrics precisely because they make it easier—not harder—to build solar farms and battery hubs.
 

Let’s stop reacting to every tantrum from south of the border. Instead, let’s build a country with clear rules, fair costs, and compelling reasons to stay.
 

As my sons move into their teens, they’re learning something important: yelling doesn’t get you what you want. Canada should lead by the same example. Let Washington shout. We’ll respond with calm, clarity, and confidence.
 

Because the best way to handle a tantrum isn’t to yell back — it’s to be the grown-up in the room.
 

Laryssa Waler is founder and CEO of Henley Strategies 


Member of Toronto city council gather at an executive committee meeting including mayor Olivia Chow on Wednesday March 19, 2025. Jack Boland/Toronto Sun/Postmedia Network

In Toronto today it’s deemed entirely acceptable to build a mammoth residential/retail/commercial/hotel tower reaching 80, 90 or 100-and-more storeys into an increasingly obliterated sky, and be celebrated for your vision, ambition and architectural brashness. But just try to get permission for a modest structure able to house six families and see how far you get.

Toronto’s city council was so alarmed by the notion of six-plexes being

introduced

to local neighbourhoods that it banned them from all but nine of the city’s 25 wards. A much-watched

vote

in June balked at a proposal to allow six-unit low-rises across the city, limiting them to a few corners of the country’s most populous burg.

Four-plexes are acceptable, if still viewed as a bit dodgy by residents wary of finding one going up just down the street. And it’s perfectly permissible

to erect a fortress/mega-mansion large enough to house Drake and his entire circle of essential hangers-on — which the singer

did

with his 50,000 square feet of “ultra-luxurious living space” in the tony Bridle Path neighbourhood — as long as it’s the abode of a single incredibly wealthy owner. But accommodating six families in a fraction of the space is verboten. Especially if you were foolish enough to want to put it anywhere near the Bridle Path.

So great does City Hall view the threat of six-plexes that Mayor Olivia Chow — the long-time New Democrat and advocate for Canada’s less advantaged — refused to intercede to force through approval. Under “strong mayor”

powers

introduced by Ontario Premier Doug Ford, leaders in many communities have the ability to override council decisions in certain instances. The contentious regulations were introduced to ensure municipal bodies adhered to certain provincial priorities, in particular Ford’s pledge to deal with a housing crunch by building more homes, roads and utilities.

Toronto was among the first to get the powers, but Chow declined to invoke them to help hard-pressed Torontonians find a place they could actually afford to live.

“I don’t believe a top-down way of doing things will mean that people are going to rush out and build housing,” she

said

in defence of her decision. “We need to work with the homeowners so that they feel comfortable doing it.”

Chow believes in consensus, even if it means enabling those Torontonians fortunate enough to have acquired homes before prices tap-danced into the stratosphere to continue hindering less-affluent late-comers from moving in next door, across the back fence or somewhere down the street. Current Toronto stats show the

average

home lists for just under $1.1 million, and don’t expect to get much even at that price.

Council’s aversion to six-plexes risks losing $30 million in

funding

from a federal program introduced specifically to spur on home construction. Ottawa promised the city $118 million but

warned

in March it would hold back 25 per cent unless six-plex construction was approved.

While agonizing over six-plexes, the city is eagerly filling its crowded core with a bevy of new towers so high they’ve been accorded their own descriptive. At least eight “supertall” skyscrapers are in the works, the largest (for now) being

the

SkyTower at the very foot of Yonge Street on the Lake Ontario shoreline, in a neighbourhood once envisioned as a sort of waterfront oasis away from the downtown crowds, but long-since abandoned to forests of obstructive condo towers and office buildings.

SkyTower is just the first of six high-rises

planned

for an address that was previously home to the Toronto Star newspaper, traditionally a campaigner for a “liveable,” low-rise city, but which decamped last year for a posh location a short distance away.

At 105 storeys, SkyTower is six storeys

taller

than 19 Bloor West, another “supertall” planned farther north at the confluence of Yonge and Bloor, ground zero for high-end shoppers and fashionistas. That structure, in turn, is just down the street and nine metres taller than The One, a much-troubled 85-storey real estate

catastrophe

that’s been through partnership battles, financial crises, creditor protection and high-wire legal

warfare

in the decade since it was announced as what would then have been the city’s tallest condominium building. It’s now being revamped and completed by a court-approved builder after failing to attract a

buyer

a year ago.

Glitzy as the supertalls may appear, they find themselves thrusting skyward in a

market

fast plunging in the opposite direction. A

survey

by research firm Urbanation Inc.

reported

that a

total

of just 502 condo units were sold in the second quarter across the entire Greater Toronto and Hamilton region, an area stretching well beyond Toronto itself to include some seven million people.

That’s down 69 per cent from last year, and 91 per cent below the average of the past decade, the

lowest

levels in 30 years. Only 170 of those sales were in Toronto itself. Meanwhile, 19 Bloor West alone is expected to add almost 1,300 new units when it’s completed.

Don’t reach for your hankie just yet, mind. For years now, Toronto condo sales have been largely a game of buy-and-flip. Some 70 per cent of new units went to investors hoping to make a quick profit by flipping the end product once construction ended, or renting it out at eye-watering rates. But rents are

falling

along with the market glut, leaving investors holding units worth less than they agreed to pay and having trouble borrowing enough to cover the difference. Dozens of developments have been cancelled or delayed as a result, many stuffed with tiny units 400- to 600 square feet in size, built by developers persuaded people would happily attempt to raise families in shoeboxes.

Anyone old enough to remember when Canadian teams still won Stanley Cups should know that busts are as integral to the real estate business as tyrants are to Russia. There hasn’t been a serious one in Ontario since a crash in the 1990s that lasted about seven years, so a substantial shock now could hardly be deemed unreasonable.

 

Maybe it will force some useful changes. Something has to happen to that mass backlog of tiny, unwanted boxes in the sky. You can’t solve a housing shortage with base prices starting at $1 million. Nor can you pretend you’re building “homes” when seven in 10 go to quick-buck investors planning to flip them at the first opportunity.

If Toronto politicians want to get serious about a problem they love to moan about but never really address, they’ll organize a future with fewer hundred-storey playpens that will “Transform Toronto’s Skyline” — as if that should be a priority for an overcrowded city with some of North America’s worst traffic — and recognize that a few hundred six-plexes would do a lot more to serve home-hungry people than another vanity project in the sky.

National Post


Kawartha First Nation Chief William thinks it was less than Christian of U.S. musician and pastor Sean Feucht to abruptly cancel a prayer service due to concerns about the quality of free accommodations.

Kawartha First Nations, Ont. — Controversial American musician and pastor Sean Feucht, who has been deplatformed and unwelcome at venues throughout Eastern Canada, is now himself under fire for cancelling a prayer service at a First Nations reserve.

Kawartha First Nations, near Fenelon Falls, Ont., reached out to Feucht last week after learning that six of his concert events in Eastern Canada had been cancelled.

Feucht and an entourage turned up around midnight Saturday to inspect accommodation and the venue at the First Nations Treasure Island Resort and were less than pleased.

“Maybe he heard Treasure Island Resort and thought it was more glamorous,” said Chief William of the Kawartha First Nations in an interview with National Post.

The resort is more humble than the word would suggest, catering as it does to selling ATVs, servicing people who drive them and offering some accommodation to homeless types.

“Even if the accommodations weren’t the Taj Mahal, we believe worship is about humility, not comfort,” said Deputy Chief Steve Lesperance in a statement.

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
Kawartha First Nation Responds to Last-Minute Cancellation by Sean Feucht – Worship Gathering Will…

Posted by Steve Lesperance on Sunday, July 27, 2025

However, Treasure Island Resort does have a Christian ethos and was hoping to attract a couple of hundred people to hear Feucht speak, some from as far away as Sault St. Marie, Ont.

Feucht had agreed to hold a 9 a.m. prayer service at the resort on Sunday, July 27, but after viewing the accommodation, his Canadian national director sent the First Nations an email at 5 a.m. cancelling.

In that email, Nichola Shilton said Feucht “was appalled with the sleeping conditions of the lodging that was provided, especially after a very long few days. He also had two women travelling with him and could not put them through sleeping in those conditions.

“He will not be leading worship there in the morning as care for his team is paramount.”

In an email reply to Shilton, Lesperance said they had a clean mobile home ready for Feucht as well as accommodations for 15 crew.

Lesperance wrote, “Cassie, Sean’s road manager, told me, ‘all they wanted was a place to lay their heads and a shower’ after sleeping on the bus for the last few days. We delivered exactly that.”

 “Maybe he heard Treasure Island Resort and thought it was more glamorous,” Chief William of the Kawartha First Nations said of Sean Feucht.

It is ironic that Feucht has risen to fame on the back of his shows being cancelled in Canada, only to cancel on a Christian First Nation that had reached out to help him.

A disappointed Chief William believes that Feucht’s actions were decidedly less than Christian.

“We offered to put him up for a week so we could pray here. We would have prayed in the parking lot if necessary.

“He didn’t seem interested.”

There was no response to a request for comment from Feucht’s team by press time.

Canadian venues which were supposed to host Feucht suddenly found themselves citing “safety” concerns after discovering the missionary and musician held strong Christian beliefs on a range of topics, including abortion, gender, and LGBT communities.

Feucht is also a major supporter of U.S. President Donald Trump, which, in the current climate, may have influenced the decision about whether to allow his concerts to go on.

 Sean Feucht had all six Canadian venues on the first leg of his Canadian tour revoke his permit to perform.

Feucht was supposed to begin a series of concerts beginning in Halifax last week at the York Redoubt National Historic Site. But Parks Canada pulled his permit, citing “heightened public safety concerns.”

Five other venues in Charlottetown, Moncton, N.B., Quebec City, Gatineau, Que. and Vaughan, Ont., also cancelled with similar reasoning.

All six Canadian venues cancel Christian musician Sean Feucht’s shows

On Friday evening, an evangelical church in Montreal allowed Feucht to perform a concert despite the local government trying to stop the concert on the grounds the pastor held views that the city found objectionable.

“This show runs counter to the values of inclusion, solidarity, and respect that are championed in Montreal. Freedom of expression is one of our fundamental values, but hateful and discriminatory speech is not acceptable in Montreal,” Philippe Masse, a spokesperson for Mayor Valerie Plante, said in a statement.

The church is now

facing a $2,500 fine

for holding a concert without a permit.

There were also protests outside the Montreal venue. One man was arrested for obstruction and a smoke bomb was set off inside the building.

 A church staff member throws out one of two smoke bombs that were set off inside Église MR during Sean Feucht’s performance on Friday, July 25, 202,5 in Montreal.

Feucht’s concerts would have passed unnoticed if not for local governments and Parks Canada deciding to police what they believe people can or cannot say.

More people are likely to be sympathetic to Feucht’s free speech rights than to the “rights” of government to ban what they consider intolerable.

Feucht may not be for everyone; certainly, he has upset the Kawartha First Nations.

In the last few months, various Christian magazines such as Premier Christianity, a UK Christian magazine, and Christianity Today, in the U.S., have reported critically on Feucht’s organization.

Feucht told Premier Christianity that the accusations were a “complete sham” by “embittered former volunteers.”

“They have not uncovered a single shred of any impropriety of any kind. Every penny is accounted for and used for kingdom purposes,” he said.

A copy of the Premier Christianity story was being circulated among the people who had gathered to hear Feucht speak at Treasure Island Resort on Sunday.

Chief William said he was happy that the allegations were being made public.

“God works in mysterious ways,” he said, before heading back to his church service.