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Supporters of the complainant in the junior hockey sexual assault trial rally outside the London Courthouse in London, Ont., Thursday, July 24, 2025.

It’s best not to be ruled by mobs. Not in our thinking, and particularly not in our actions.

Not by the mob that has spent the past week denouncing Christian rock singer Sean Feucht, and not by the mob currently insisting that the exoneration, in a sexual assault trial, of five former members of Canada’s 2018 world junior hockey team was wrong, both legally and morally.

Sometimes, a mob is right. Other times not. Whatever the case may be, that part is irrelevant — because there are principles that we have agreed to adhere to in our country which hold supremacy over mob rule. Namely, the rule of law and of the Canadian Constitution.

In both the Feucht and Hockey Canada examples, the mob happens to have gotten things dead wrong. If they were ignored, there wouldn’t be an issue to discuss here. But they were not ignored: politicians, in Feucht’s case,

bent to the will of the mob

and cancelled many of his shows, placing one of our most fundamental freedoms — freedom of speech, or expression — at risk. It sets a terrible precedent.

Numerous Canadian politicians demonstrated their

outright foolishness

this week, by contradicting themselves on their understanding of, and support for, free speech. Some variation of “I support free speech, but we must stop this musician from singing — he could offend somebody!” has been

uttered by

several clueless municipal and federal elected officials: Montreal mayor Valérie Plante, and Liberal MPs Shannon Miedema and Sean Casey, to name a few.

Similar displays were made by legal non-profit organizations and activists, who

decried

 Ontario Superior Court Justice Maria Carroccia’s

ruling

and misled the public about a decision that was based in fact.

The Globe and Mail, covering the activist reaction to the hockey players’ trial, included the word “heartbreaking” in its headline. The story’s feature photo shows a woman writing “BELIEVE” in chalk in front of the courthouse where the verdict was read, telling any onlooker to “believe all women.” The entire piece reads like a condemnation of Carroccia’s decision.

Carroccia described, in her ruling, “concerns regarding the credibility and reliability of the evidence of the complainant,” E.M.

“Whether or not the complainant made statements indicating that she wanted to engage in sexual activity is relevant to a determination of the issue of consent,”

wrote

Carroccia. “On the basis of all of the evidence, I find as a fact that the complainant did express that she wanted to engage in sexual activity with the men by saying things like ‘is someone going to f–k me?’ and masturbating.”

This case does not make a strong hill for the “believe all women” mob to die on. But then again, mobs seldom make sense. They tend to be driven by emotion, not logic.

A mob is, at least superficially, motivated by the desire to rectify injustices, stop wrongdoing or protect the vulnerable and innocent. But the examples provided to us by history reveal how angry mobs rarely get things right, and often fail to accomplish justice. They also, naturally, form within a specific cultural context.

An illustration: the

Salem Witch Trials

. Between 1692 and 1693 in Massachusetts, more than 200 mostly female victims were accused by the mob of being witches. Twenty were put to death. Public officials performed the bidding of persons blinded by misogynist, religiously motivated fears. Due process was non-existent, and literal braying mobs influenced judges’ verdicts.

Today’s dominant (but admittedly receding) cultural orthodoxy is one of reactionary rage against all things white, western, colonial, conservative, traditional, religious and male.

One look at Feucht, and the exonerated Team Canada players, and it becomes clear that at the centre of both of these very public controversies are persons who can be perfectly vilified within our cultural milieu. And they all have been.

Whatever our collective anger is over — Trump’s tariffs, a recession or violence against women — Feucht et al. comprise the perfect target for the mob’s rage.

Politicians, journalists and judges all have a duty to examine the claims of a mob before falling for its proclaimed narrative — and, more critically, before bending to the will of any irate, pitchfork-wielding folks.

One of Feucht’s songs

contains these lyrics

: “There is a name; Who reigns without contention; Whose power can’t be questioned or contained; With humble fame; He rules the earth and heavens; His glory knows no measure or refrain; And it’s bursting past the border lines of space.”

It’s self-evidently a song about Feucht’s thoughts on Jesus — but don’t you also think it could apply to a mob, if unwisely granted power by the people?

Let the mob speak. Listen, too — but never rule by it. Because the mob also knows no measure or refrain.

National Post


Prime Minister Mark Carney announces that Canada

The announcement by Prime Minister Mark Carney that Canada will recognize a Palestinian state at the United Nations in September should set off alarm bells across every democratic nation that values truth, justice and peace.

It is a stunning betrayal — not just of Israel, but of Canada’s own moral foundations. In rushing to follow France and the United Kingdom to endorse Palestinian statehood without any agreement between the parties — without borders, without elections and with a terrorist organization still in control of Gaza — Carney is rewarding violence and legitimizing extremism.

Despite hinging on performative preconditions — including substantial reforms to the Palestinian Authority — this decision is completely reckless. It breaks with Canada’s foreign policy and our government’s social contract with Canadians. It defies logic, abandons historical precedent and disregards the most basic requirement for peace: that it be negotiated.

One cannot impose a state from above when the so-called state itself is fragmented, undemocratic and in large part ruled by Hamas, a genocidal terrorist group that orchestrated the October 7 massacre of Israeli civilians. What, exactly, is Canada recognizing? A state with no defined borders? A regime with no legitimate leadership?

The Palestinian Authority, which Carney seeks to reward, has not held elections since 2006 and was forcibly ejected from Gaza by Hamas. It remains plagued by corruption, authoritarianism and the continued promotion of terrorism.

Meanwhile, Gaza remains a terrorist enclave governed by an Islamist death cult that still holds hostages underground and fires rockets at civilian centres. This is what Canada now sees as worthy of international recognition?

The implications of this move are far-reaching and dangerous. It sends a clear message to Hamas and its allies: terrorism pays. It tells the terrorists that the world will look the other way, that they can butcher civilians, kidnap children and commit the most heinous atrocities and still be handed statehood.

Worse, it tells Canadians that our government is willing to sacrifice its principles in the name of political expediency; that instead of standing with our democratic allies, we’ll appease radical voices, both at home and abroad, who seek to delegitimize the Jewish state and justify violence in the name of politics.

Having spent my career fighting antisemitism, I believe Carney’s announcement doesn’t just embolden terrorism abroad — it empowers antisemitism here in Canada.

It will energize those who have already defaced our campuses, disrupted our streets and threatened Jewish communities across the country. It legitimizes their hate and cloaks it in the language of international diplomacy. This is a grotesque and dangerous move that endangers the safety and security of the Canadian Jewish community.

And what of Israel — the only democracy in the Middle East, a nation that faces existential threats on multiple fronts, including from Iran and its terror proxies in Lebanon, Syria and Yemen? Instead of support, Israel receives lectures. Instead of security assistance, it gets condemnation.

While Israel intercepts rockets from Yemen and navigates daily threats to its very survival, Canada is choosing this moment — this volatile, dangerous moment — to side with the forces that seek Israel’s destruction.

If we are to have a winning mindset as a nation, we need to show strength and independence. This isn’t leadership. Canada is merely following the crowd again like a “me too” country, afraid to stick to its longstanding position of a negotiated solution.

The irony is that Carney’s announcement comes while countries like France and the U.K. engage in similar posturing — none of them willing or able to answer basic questions, such as: Where are the borders? Who will lead this Palestinian state? Will it be democratic? Will it end terrorism? Will it recognize Israel’s right to exist?

These questions remain unanswered because the reality is as inconvenient as it is undeniable: after October 7, a Palestinian State is less viable.

Canada’s announcement is also detriment of all Canadians at a time when we are trying to negotiate a trade deal with the United States. On Thursday, U.S. President Donald Trump posted to Truth Social: “Canada has just announced that it is backing statehood for Palestine. That will make it very hard for us to make a Trade Deal with them. Oh’ Canada!!!”

Why are we provoking America by announcing a declaration of a Palestinian state? How does this help Canadian workers and taxpayers?

If Canada were serious about peace, it would be investing in Israeli security and demanding transparency from the Palestinian Authority. It would be calling out the glorification of terrorism, not enabling it. It would be standing firm on the principle that peace cannot be achieved through bloodshed and coercion.

Instead, Carney has chosen appeasement over peace. He has adopted a position of political theatrics rather than moral clarity. I am terribly disappointed. History will remember who stood on the right side in the aftermath of October 7 — and who chose to reward those who lit the match.

National Post

Avi Benlolo is the CEO and chairman of the Abraham Global Peace Initiative.


A cyclist in the bike lane along Richmond St. E. in Toronto, Ont. on Thursday May 9, 2019.

You’ll surely read a lot in the 

NP

’s

pages

about the Wednesday ruling by Ontario Superior Court Justice Paul Schabas which found that the province’s plans to remove exclusive bike lanes on some key Toronto arteries is contrary to the Charter of Rights. Legal conservatives will argue that this decision, if upheld on appeal, amounts to an arrogation of further new powers by a Canadian judiciary that has already been running amok for 50 years. They will characterize it as a matter of scribbling a “right to bike lanes” into the Charter.

The lefty/progressive retort is, well, 

right there in the decision itself

. Pshaw, there’s no question of creating a free-standing or universal “right to bike lanes.” What happened was that cycling advocates approached a court with evidence that ripping out the Toronto bike lanes was likely to create extra risk of death or injury for people engaged in (and possibly dependent on) cycling, which is a wholly legal and approved activity.

Our Constitution recognizes that elected authorities can do this kind of thing, but it obviously engages Charter guarantees of life and personal security, so a sort of administrative due process applies. Such a decision must be founded on evidence, and cannot be “arbitrary.”

And who decides what’s arbitrary? Why, judges, of course. Justice Schabas is not afraid to comb over the record of internal government decision-making on the bike lanes and make himself the decider of public policy. The stated goal of the bike-lane removal was to reduce automobile traffic congestion in the relevant areas of Toronto, but the government’s own evidence that “ripping out” the lanes would have that effect is sketchy and anecdotal, in the judge’s view. The cycling lobby, on the other hand, came very well prepared with data, surely seasoned with impressive-looking charts and tables gathered from the four corners of the urbanist universe.

For all I know (or care), Justice Schabas is objectively correct: I might very well reach the same factual conclusion that he did if provided with the same PowerPoints. Who would stake their life on the proposition that the Ford government, or any government, can be blindly trusted to act on nothing but rational evidence and articulable motives?

The issue here is that the Charter was originally interpreted as only inhibiting the state in a “negative” way, as forbidding certain unjust actions, rather than actively imposing “positive” political obligations on governments (ones that might have price tags). But Canadian courts have wobbled occasionally, gradually making ever-wider exceptions to

the old distinction

between positive and negative liberty, and Schabas has voraciously corralled all of these exceptions (

Chaoulli

!

Burns

!

PHS

!) to justify his own ruling. He has, inescapably, created a Charter right to a small set of 

particular

, existing bike lanes: that’s just the literal effect of the judgment, subject to further appeals to other courts.

Now, if you’re one of those trendy “abundance agenda” liberals, or a “techno-optimist” retro-libertarian, or perhaps even just a prime minister who got elected on a promise to build lots of infrastructure in an old-school heroic-age-of-engineering way, the Schabas ruling is bound to make you queasy. It is not only a Magna Carta for the endless legal delays to construction which already torment the English-speaking world; it creates the possibility that anything a government 

does 

succeed in building or providing may become effectively immovable, protected indefinitely like some endangered vole. If you are tempted to seek reassurance, Justice Schabas tries to provide it in paragraph 19 of his decision.

“This decision does not open the floodgates to Charter challenges of traffic decisions. Most road and traffic decisions are well-grounded in data and safety concerns, as one would expect, and are unlikely to be challenged as arbitrary. In any event, fear of opening the floodgates to such challenges is not in law a basis for denying individuals their Charter rights. Rights claims are not denied because others may make a similar claim or because it is administratively inconvenient to comply with the Charter.”

Readers will immediately recognize a troublingly familiar form of liberal argumentation: “Don’t worry, X won’t happen, unless it does, which would actually be a fine thing.” And there is surely an added dollop of toothsome irony in that second sentence.

The judge has just ruled in favour of a lobby group for cyclists — i.e., people who couldn’t hold a café conversation for 11 minutes without mentioning how our civilization is irrationally consecrated to the automobile as a consequence of a century-plus of totally daft urban-planning decisions. “Most road and traffic decisions are well-grounded in data and safety concerns” is a sentence you would expect to find in a 

defence 

of the car-centric concrete-covered world that so disgusts bike advocates (the more radical ones, anyway).

The essentially ideological character of this paragraph isn’t very well disguised, and if a judge wishes to make forecasts about the effects of an obviously novel application of the law, well, who can stop him? When some elected politician implements a bad idea confidently, and it goes wrong, he is at risk of un-election. When a judge makes one, he is not likely to even be criticized by name. (

Just ask the Longest Ballot Committee!

) This is a fundamental reason our Constitution still incorporates a principle of 

parliamentary 

supremacy: it is not even about democracy, well-liked though democracy is, so much as it is about having ultimate decision power loosely yoked to accountability.

National Post


Imagine a world without investigative journalists. Thanks to Google’s AI Overviews (AIOs), that future may not be far off.

AIOs promise instant answers — but at a potentially devastating cost. These summaries, automatically generated by Google, increasingly appear at the top of search results. The intent is to keep users within Google’s ecosystem and eliminate the need to click through to source websites. AIOs first launched in the United States in May 2024 and expanded to over 100 countries by October.

AIOs are the clearest example yet of “Google Zero” — a term coined by Nilay Patel of

the Verge

— describing Google’s aim to keep users entirely within its ecosystem, delivering answers, education — and even purchases — with zero clicks to an external site. The fallout? A potential death spiral for journalism.

AIOs are rising, and traffic is falling

As marketers, we’ve seen AIOs disrupt traffic patterns across the web. Analysts report AI overviews now appear on roughly 16 per cent of U.S. keyword volume — and as much as 55 per cent of all search queries, depending on how you define AIO coverage. Brands have already seen click-through rates drop — organic traffic has dropped 15–64 per cent, with an average decline of around 35 per cent, depending on the study. News organizations, with their reliance on clicks for ad revenue, are hit particularly hard.

The appeal for users is obvious: quick, clean answers, often with citations. But those citations don’t translate into traffic. Worse still, AIOs are prone to “hallucinations” — confidently serving up misinformation. That might be laughable when AI suggests eating rocks for nutrients, but it’s dangerous when applied to current events and news.

Why journalism matters

Why does this matter? Because journalism isn’t just content. It’s accountability. It’s Woodward and Bernstein exposing Watergate. The Boston Globe uncovering the Catholic Church’s abuse scandal. The New York Times revealing Harvey Weinstein’s crimes. These stories changed the world. Without clicks, the business model that supports such reporting collapses.

The business model is broken

Journalism, and especially investigative journalism, is expensive and time-consuming. As ad dollars have dried up — first in print, then digital — newsrooms have shrunk. Print ad revenue has dropped 75–80 per cent since its 2005 peak. Digital ads and subscriptions haven’t filled the gap. And now AIOs are accelerating the decline.

The journalism crisis isn’t theoretical — it’s measurable. Between 2008 and 2021, U.S. newsroom employment has dropped by roughly 26 per cent, with newspaper jobs falling more than 50 per cent. In the past two years alone, more than 21,000 media jobs have been lost, and the cuts continue: in early 2025 — according to reports — the Washington Post laid off four per cent of its staff, HuffPost slashed 22 per cent of its newsroom and the L.A. Times has cut its editorial staff by half in just three years.

These aren’t just numbers — they’re watchdogs gone missing, stories left untold and communities left in the dark. And as more local papers vanish at a rate of two per week, tens of millions of Americans and Canadians now live in “news deserts” without reliable local coverage. This hollowing out of journalism isn’t just an industry collapse — it’s a democratic emergency.

A closed ecosystem means lost revenue

Google’s long-term vision seems clear: a user journey entirely within its platform, from awareness to purchase. To Google, news is just another puzzle piece – scraped, summarized, and served without compensation. Social platforms aren’t any better: influencers on platforms like TikTok, Instagram and YouTube monetize headlines created by reporters, while newsrooms see nothing.

When governments step in — or don’t

Some governments have attempted to intervene. Canada’s Online News Act resulted in Google making a $100-million annual licensing agreement with Canadian publishers. And I must commend Google for this. And to be clear — this is not an attack on Google. My personal experience with Google as a business partner has always been excellent. But I cannot ignore and stay silent to what I see happening.

Meta, meanwhile, chose to block Canadian news entirely. In the U.S., proposed legislation to allow collective bargaining for media organizations stalled before a vote. Regulation is slow. Platform disruption is fast.

What needs to change

What can be done? Platforms must treat journalism like the way we license music, film or television content. If Reddit and Stack Overflow can negotiate licensing deals with AI providers, so can newsrooms.

One challenge is that news media is so decentralized, no single entity holds enough clout. A possible solution? Establishing a cross-platform journalism licensing coalition, similar to those used in the music industry.

Regardless, Google should share ad revenue based on citations, not just clicks. Social media should compensate original sources when news drives engagement. These aren’t radical ideas — they’re necessary lifelines.

News organizations must evolve, too. They need to think like content creators, not just publishers, in order to stay relevant. But they can’t survive on hustle alone.

We must act now

This isn’t just a business problem. It’s a democratic crisis. If we allow investigative journalism to die, we risk a world where corruption festers unchecked, where the powerful act with impunity and where truth becomes a casualty of convenience.

Journalists shine a light in dark places. Without them, darkness spreads. A zero-click future can’t become a zero-accountability one. Journalism protects democracy. It’s time we protected journalism.

Alister Adams is a father, husband and president of Saatchi & Saatchi Canada.


Ten-year-old Charleigh Pollock, with her mother Jori Fales, is the only child in B.C. with Batten Disease, a rare neurodegenerative disorder.

The case of 10-year-old Charleigh Pollock

, the only person in British Columbia currently suffering from Batten disease — an incurable illness that attacks the nervous system — offers a very useful window into how Canada’s health-care systems really work. Whether we want to look through that window is another matter.

The treatment Charleigh was receiving costs roughly $850,000 per year. It might extend her life expectancy past 12, which is the normal upper limit for children suffering from the disease. But B.C.’s Expensive Drugs for Rare Diseases Committee, which decides which such drugs should be funded and which should not (every province has an equivalent panel) had determined that the treatment was no longer effective, and cut her off.

This did not go over well. Opposition politicians, pundits and random social media users alike were practically incandescent. British Columbians “were horrified by a system that chose cold, heartless logic over showing mercy to a dying girl in the short time she has left,” one provincial columnist, Rob Shaw,

fumed at online news site Business Intelligence for B.C.

B.C. Conservative Leader John Rustad weighed in: “What is the point of B.C.’s Canadian healthcare system, if it’s not there for families when they need it?”

Nevertheless, for ages, Premier David Eby and Health Minister Josie Osborne publicly deferred to the committee’s expertise. But when the political pressure became too much, they folded, apologizing profusely to the Pollock family. And they didn’t just overrule the committee’s decision; they basically threw the committee under the bus.

“There’s no question in terms of the Charleigh case that the public was not served by the current structure that we have,”

Eby said Monday

. “The current structure of a committee that doesn’t speak to the media, doesn’t speak to the public, makes decisions behind closed doors, only speaks to the treating physician, and even then only through the Ministry of Health, resulted in a scenario where it appeared as though what was happening was the exact opposite of what anybody wants.”

At last report,

10 members of the committee had resigned

, apparently in protest at having their expertise undermined. Hard to blame them. It’s not as though it’s a fun job they signed up for, denying treatment to people on grounds of cost.

Transparency is always a good thing. If our health-care systems are denying coverage for very expensive drugs for very rare diseases, we deserve to know why. But it’s very easy to figure why the members of this committee are typically anonymous, and why they don’t talk to the media: As Charleigh’s case shows, these decisions make people

very

angry at the decision-makers, however medically defensible they might be. The committee’s job is precisely to make hard-hearted decisions. And in every single case of someone being denied coverage, all the media would want to know is how the committee could possibly be so heartless and cruel, and when will it change its mind?

The central problem is that no politician will ever dare speak the truth: the “universal” in universal health care refers to every person, not every single remedy for every single disease that’s out there. If we said “yes” to everything based on emotions, Canadian health care would be even less solvent and sustainable than it is now.

If that sounds heartless, that’s because it is. Public health-care systems around the world rely on this sort of background heartless logic. Private health insurance in the United States doesn’t cover every single expensive treatment for every single rare disease; why would public health insurance in Canada?

To her credit, one ex-member of the committee

came out publicly, guns blazing

. The government “systematically undercut the principle of evidence-based medicine,” Dr. Sandra Sirrs

told the Victoria Times-Colonist

.

She bristled at the notion the committee lacks compassion. “You have no idea the amount of consideration and thoughtful discussion (that went into the decision),” she said. “We want Charleigh not to have that disease, and if we couldn’t have that, what we want is a drug that reverses the changes she suffered from Batten disease.

“And if we can’t have that, we at least would want a drug that, once started, prevents her from getting worse with Batten disease — and we have none of those.”

Is some marginal benefit, a few extra months or years of life, worth $850,000 a year to the Canadian taxpayer? It feels horrible even asking the question, which is why no one wants to talk about it. But it’s a question that needs to be asked. These newly resigned committee members could do a lot of good by explaining publicly, without spin, why these bodies exist in the first place.

National Post

cselley@postmedia.com


Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney leaves after speaking during a press conference after a Cabinet meeting to discuss both trade negotiations with the US and the situation in the Middle East, at the National Press Theatre in Ottawa, Ontario, Canada on July 30, 2025. Canada

There’s an axiom that you don’t negotiate with terrorists. Give credit where it is due, Prime Minister Mark Carney didn’t negotiate with Hamas, he just surrendered to them.

Carney’s

announcement

on Wednesday that Canada would recognize the state of Palestine at the United Nations General Assembly in September is a direct consequence of the butchery, slaughter, rape and abductions carried out by Hamas on October 7, 2023.

It is a reward for terrorism.

To be sure, there has been a lot of death and destruction since that date, and Israel cannot escape all the blame — but that mayhem could have been avoided if Hamas had handed over the hostages they took 21 months ago.

At his press conference Wednesday, Carney said, “The deepening suffering of civilians leaves no room for delay in coordinated international action to support peace, security and the dignity of human life.”

Terrific. But what if those fine words had been offered by a Liberal prime minister on October 8, 2023? What if he had been joined by the British prime minister of the time (since the current one, Keith Starmer, is also intent on recognizing a Palestinian state)? What if the UN had joined them?

If international action had been mobilized on October 8 against the obscenity that is Hamas, we wouldn’t be where we are today.

Carney also

said

, “Canada is always among the first to stand to defend peace and security around the world.”

Not on October 8, 2023 it wasn’t.

Carney said, “International cooperation is essential to securing lasting peace and stability in the Middle East and Canada will do its best to help lead that effort.”

Where was Canada’s peace and stability efforts in the wake of the October 7 massacre?

Carney’s official statement

reads

, “For decades, it was hoped that this outcome (a two-state solution) would be achieved as part of a peace process built around a negotiated settlement between the Israeli government and the Palestinian Authority. Regrettably this approach is no longer credible.”

To clarify, it’s almost nine decades since a two-state solution was first proposed and then rejected by the Palestinians.

It is instructive to look back at that

proposal

by the Peel Commission which issued a report in 1937 urging the partition of the British Middle East into a Jewish and an Arab homeland.

Because almost ninety years later nothing has changed.

The Peel Commission

said

, “For Partition means that neither will get all it wants. It means that the Arabs must acquiesce in the exclusion from their sovereignty of a piece of territory, long occupied and once ruled by them. It means that the Jews must be content with less than the Land of Israel they once ruled and have hoped to rule again. But it seems possible that on reflection both parties will come to realize that the drawbacks of Partition are outweighed by its advantages. For, if it offers neither party all it wants, it offers each what it wants most, namely freedom and security.”

The offer was freedom and security. The Palestinians rejected it then, and in the intervening years (in 1948 the Arabs rejected the Partition Plan. In 2000, Palestinian Authority chairman Yasser Arafat rejected the Camp David Accords and in 2008 Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas rejected another land-for-peace deal.)

A two-state solution was always contingent on compromise, and the Palestinians have refused to do so.

Now, Carney has grown so tired with the Palestinians continually rejecting a state that he has decided to unilaterally recognize a non-existent one.

Where is this new state? Is it Gaza, a territory Israel left in 2005 and which was subsequently ruled and governed by terrorists with one overriding aim being the complete destruction of Israel? Or the West Bank, ruled by the corrupt Palestinian Authority?

One of Carney’s stated reasons for recognizing Palestine was “because the Palestinian Authority has committed to lead much needed reform. “

Apparently, said Carney, Abbas has committed to holding general elections in 2026.

This is the same Abbas who was elected in 2005 for a four-year term. He’s still there. There have not been any other elections in 20 years, but now that Abbas has “committed” to holding them next year, Canada will, this year, give him what he wants?

This is the kind of negotiation strategy that will doom us in trade talks with the U.S., conceding long-held positions on nothing more than pinky promises.

Meanwhile, Carney’s announcement has

enflamed

U.S. President Donald Trump.

“Wow! Canada has just announced that it is backing statehood for Palestine. That will make it very hard for us to make a Trade Deal with them. Oh’ Canada!!!,” Trump

wrote

on his Truth Social account.

And while Canada was recognizing Palestinian statehood, the U.S.

announced

that it was sanctioning members of the Palestinian Authority and the Palestine Liberation Organization because of their continuing support for terrorism, for inciting and glorifying violence (especially in textbooks) and providing financial aid to terrorists and their families.

Carney’s announcement also smacks of political chicanery. We are at a pivotal moment in trade talks with Friday being a significant tariff deadline. And yet Carney’s press conference was almost exclusively about Palestine.

Why is foreign policy suddenly so paramount at such a crucial time? What are the Liberals hoping to bury?

Carney said, “The two-state solution Canada supports is built on the promise of Israelis and Palestinians living side by side in peace and security.”

The exact same hope was offered ninety years ago.

“To both Arabs and Jews, Partition offers a prospect — and there is none in any other policy — of obtaining the inestimable boon of peace,”

said

the Peel Commission.

Peace, but the Palestinians must choose it. Or does Carney think he can unilaterally impose that as well?

National Post


A cyclist in the bike lane along Bloor St. W., near Christie St. in Toronto, Ont. on Thursday May 9, 2019.

Removing bike lanes is …

unconstitutional

?

I know it sounds completely insane. Yet, that’s exactly what the Ontario Superior Court 

ruled

on Wednesday with respect to Premier Doug Ford’s plan to remove bike lanes on three busy Toronto intersections — Bloor Street, Yonge Street and University Avenue — to improve the flow of traffic and reduce congestion.

The advocacy group Cycle Toronto set out last December to prevent the lanes from being removed: in a notice filed to the court, it

claimed

the Ontario government had “embarked on an ill-conceived, arbitrary and hurried legislative campaign against people who ride bikes in the City of Toronto by mandating the removal of approximately 19 kilometres of protected bike lanes.” This, it added, was done “in full awareness of, or lacking all concern about, the increased number of injuries and deaths that will result.” Hence, the cycling advocates wanted to bring an end to this “reckless legislative act.”

Ontario Superior Court Justice Paul Schabas

granted

an 

injunction

on April 22 that temporarily paused the removal of the bike lanes. This was ridiculous in itself, but even worse was his decision Wednesday to take the side of Cycle Toronto.

“The evidence shows that restoring lanes for cars will not result in less congestion, as it will induce more people to use cars and therefore any reduction in driving time will be short-lived, if at all, and will lead to more congestion,” Justice Schabas

wrote

. He also accepted the expert testimony on Cycle Toronto’s behalf that “bicycle lanes, and in particular separated or protected bicycle lanes, reduce motor vehicle traffic congestion by providing an alternative method of transportation that is safer for all users of the roads.”

Moreover, the removal of these bike lanes “will put people at increased risk of harm and death, which engages the right to life and security of the person.” Hence, the ruling 

stated

that “any steps taken to ‘reconfigure’ the target bike lanes that removes their protected character for the purpose of installing a lane for motor vehicles in order to reduce congestion, would be in breach of s. 7 of the Charter.” (This particular section of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms 

ensures

that “everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of the person and the right not to be deprived thereof except in accordance with the principles of fundamental justice.”)

The Superior Court ruling is preposterous on many levels. Creating bike lanes in our cities and communities has always been an impediment to traffic. They reduce the amount of space on the roads for cars and trucks to move at proper speeds, which slows down the overall traffic flow and creates more congestion. At the same time, anyone who has ever driven a car on a busy street in a metropolitan city like Toronto knows that plenty of cyclists weave in and out of traffic. Cars and trucks are therefore forced to slow down to avoid hitting, injuring or killing cyclists who don’t seem to care where a city’s bike lanes have been painted.

While people are free to ride bikes for work, exercise and transportation, they’re not making our roads any safer and they’re consistently slowing down traffic. Any so-called “expert” who suggests otherwise likely doesn’t have much experience driving vehicles of the four-wheel variety.

The Ontario government is obviously going to appeal this ridiculous decision.

Dakota Brasier, a spokesperson for Transportation Minister Prabmeet Sarkaria, 

told

CBC News that “we were elected by the people of Ontario with a clear mandate to restore lanes of traffic and get drivers moving by moving bike lanes off of major roads to secondary roads.” Ford was also approached by CBC News after an event in Brampton and made this succinct assessment: “I believe, and the people of Ontario believe, that they elect parties to make decisions — they don’t elect judges.”

That’s one of the key arguments for Ford and the Ontario Progressive Conservatives when they begin the process to hopefully reverse the Superior Court’s ruling.

Governments are elected by the people to serve the people. They propose ideas, like removing bike lanes, that they feel would make sense in political and economic terms. They shape many of these ideas into specific policies. If they have a sufficient number of legislative seats and votes, they’ll pass these policies into law.

That’s stating the obvious, of course. What’s also obvious is that Canada’s unelected judges don’t run our governments or make political decisions. They serve an important role in our society, but it has absolutely nothing to do with the political arena.

There needs to be a proper separation of powers between Canada’s legislative and judicial branches. This would help ensure our judges don’t overstep their boundaries and interfere in decisions that are supposed to be made by our elected officials. This bizarre Superior Court ruling that it’s somehow unconstitutional for the Ontario PC government to remove a few bike lanes in Toronto shows that some judges are more than willing to weave in and out of political lanes.

Let’s hope that sanity prevails when the Court of Appeal for Ontario gets involved.

National Post


French President Emmanuel Macron, left, and Prime Minister Mark Carney.

French President Emmanuel Macron’s announcement last week that his country intends to recognize Palestine as an independent state in September was quickly followed by similar pronouncements from British Prime Minister Keir Starmer and, as of Wednesday, Prime Minister Mark Carney. The three G7 powers are thus set to join a growing list of countries taking a performative step that does little but signal their enmity towards the only democracy in the region — Israel.

Carney’s

announcement

following a cabinet meeting on Wednesday shouldn’t come as much of a surprise, as Ottawa has shown no interest in supporting its former allies in Jerusalem since Israel was brutally attacked on Oct. 7, 2023. But for Macron, it represents a radical about-face.

Less than a month after the October 7 massacre, Macron

visited Israel

(something former prime minister Justin Trudeau refused to do) and

suggested

that the 86-member coalition that fought against the Islamic State “should also fight against Hamas.”

Had anyone listened to him at the time, we might be living in a much different world today. A coalition of countries willing to put boots on the ground in Gaza would have shown Israel that the international community was united against terrorism. Israel’s allies would have had more say over how the war was conducted and how aid would be distributed.

More importantly, a broad international coalition that included other Arab countries could have established a transitional government in Gaza capable of maintaining law and order, providing essential services and ensuring that Hamas wasn’t able to reassert control when Israeli forces pulled out.

But the rest of the world wasn’t willing to lift a finger to eliminate the terrorist threat posed by Hamas and further the cause of peace in the Middle East.

Thus here we are, nearly 22 months later. Israel is still at war. The humanitarian situation in Gaza is dire. Mideast peace is as elusive as ever. And world powers seem to think that gathering a bunch of politicians together for a drab UN confab will somehow bring about a solution for peace that has eluded everyone for nearly a century.

That

conference

, which was organized by France and Saudi Arabia and held earlier this week in New York, was billed as a means of finding a path towards a two-state solution. This is a policy that has long been favoured by Canada and many of its allies. But it has some major obstacles to overcome, including the fact that none of the parties involved seem particularly interested in it.

A recent

Pew poll

found that only 21 per cent of Israelis support a two-state solution, the lowest number since the survey began in 2013, with 75 per cent citing a lack of trust as a “major obstacle” to peace — and who can blame them, after the October 7 massacre? Israel’s government, which rests on the support of ultra-nationalists intent on annexing the territories, is also firmly against Palestinian statehood, arguing that it would be akin to a reward for terrorism.

In the West Bank, a

Gallup poll

released last fall found that support for a two-state solution was also near historic lows, with only 28 per cent support. The Palestinian Authority (PA), which controls the West Bank, has rejected numerous offers for statehood over the years and is unlikely to get a better deal this time around. And Hamas, which maintains a grip on power in Gaza, is resolutely committed to the total destruction of the Jewish state.

How do you force two nations with a long list of grievances and a history of mistrust into a peace that neither side particularly wants? Foreign Minister Anita Anand was right when

she said

on Monday that, “Peace is not only about borders and agreements. It is also about shared stories and understanding that humanize all sides and foster trust.”

But building that kind of trust is a decades-long project that will require serious reform of the hate-laden Palestinian education system and cannot be achieved so long as some Palestinians are intent on massacring their Israeli neighbours.

So, it would seem, a growing list of countries are attempting to will a two-state solution into existence by unilaterally recognizing a Palestinian state that simply does not exist.

While there is no single definition of what constitutes a state, they are generally believed to includes

four key elements

: a population, a clearly defined territory, an established government and sovereignty. “Palestine” currently lacks most of those things.

The two Palestinian territories are noncontiguous and the borders of the West Bank are yet to be defined under international law. They are controlled by different governments, one of which is a genocidal terrorist organization that lacks international legitimacy. And neither one has full security control, and thus full sovereignty, over their respective territories.

Carney has conditioned his recognition of a Palestinian state on the PA enacting significant reforms, including a pledge to hold elections next year (something its dictatorial leader hasn’t done since 2006), and promised to send $10 million to Ramallah over the next year to help it make those changes.

There’s little doubt that the notoriously corrupt Palestinian Authority government is in serious need of reform, not only if it wants Canada’s recognition, but if it has any hope of regaining legitimacy in the eyes of its people and convincing Israel it is capable of reasserting control over Gaza.

But if foreign handouts alone could bring about the “legitimate, democratic governance” that Anand said Canada is seeking, the Palestinian territories would be pinnacles of democracy, rather than failed pseudo-states run by a tinpot dictator and a messianic death cult.

If Canada and the rest of the world truly hopes to bring stability, if not a lasting peace, to the Middle East, they should follow the Macron of 2023, who was willing to send troops into Gaza, not the Macron of 2025, who’s intent on playing political games that are purely for show.

National Post

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Twitter.com/accessd


Gagandip Jhuty, an Indian national, should have been deported in 2009 due to his criminal history, but it was only this July that Canadian officials scheduled his flight out. Why? Because for 16 years, India refused to issue him a passport.

That’s how it works in Canada: anyone being deported needs to have travel documents on hand. So, if they entered illegally and never had such documents to begin with, they can’t be sent home until that problem is resolved. If a country doesn’t want to repatriate the deportee in question, it can simply ignore our requests — for years.

The Canada Border Services Agency (CBSA) wouldn’t tell the Post how many people scheduled for deportation are stranded here awaiting travel documents, but it did note that it tracks such figures. The agency also said that the top five countries “for which foreign nationals remain longer in our inventories due to travel document-related challenges” are Pakistan, Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Algeria and Ghana.

Jhuty’s

story

only came out because he made a last-ditch plea to the Federal Court to remain in Canada for another five months. He was denied, but his story illustrates just how absurdly helpless Canada is when other countries refuse to take responsibility for their citizens.

In 2005, Jhuty was deported from the United States for committing crimes. Federal Court

files

 

obtained

by the Post show four convictions in Washington state between 2000 and 2001: trespassing, assault, disorderly conduct and, for stealing US$2,800 from the electronics store where he worked, theft.

In 2006, he came to Canada with false documents and made an asylum claim. In 2007, he was ordered deported, but was able to stall the process by mounting legal challenges. In 2009, his refugee application was denied for — surprise — criminality, and his removal order came back into force. In other words, it took us three whole years for the Canadian system to decide to deport a known criminal.

But it didn’t end there due to the paperwork problem. “The removal order could not be enforced due to a lack of the necessary travel document,” notes the Federal Court decision. “A new travel document was eventually issued on May 30, 2025.” That’s a 16-year gap. Eighteen, if you count from his initial removal order.

In those years, Jhuty settled into a life in Canada, working full time and somehow running his own business. His wife and kids, all U.S. citizens, would cross the border and visit him on weekends and holidays.

All of this factored into Jhuty’s request for a deportation deferral: he wanted an extra five months to “sell his businesses in Canada and leverage those funds in order to sustain the expenses for his family and for himself after his removal.” He argued that sudden deportation would irreparably harm his ability to pay for his children’s education, and would cause job losses at his business.

He also feared that India wouldn’t issue him a passport to allow him to see his children. Finally, he made the thin suggestion that he might face harassment in India for claiming asylum abroad — there was no “assurance” that he would

not

be persecuted there, he claimed.

Try as he did, none of his concerns met the legal test to halt his imminent deportation, and Judge Phuong Ngo — who

came to Canada

as a legitimate refugee when she was a child  — ordered him deported. Whether he’s actually in India, we don’t know. The CBSA won’t comment on individual cases.

It’s possible that he’s still here: aside from uncooperative foreign countries and individuals, the CBSA told the Post that other “impediments to removal” exist, such as “the inability to use commercial airlines due to their lack of flights to certain destinations, their limits on the number of deportees per flight or refusal to transport foreign nationals with criminality.”

Uncooperative foreign governments are a recurring problem. Right now, probably still locked up in a CBSA detention facility is Somali national

Lahi Abdi

, who came to Canada in 2003 and has committed many serious crimes here since, including assault with a weapon, robbery, gun offences, drug offences and, of course, court-order breaches. Deportation proceedings finally commenced in 2017, and he was ordered deported in 2020. He wasn’t removed from the country, however, and went on to commit more gun crimes in 2021. He was finally jailed by the CBSA in 2022.

Abdi tried to have the Federal Court release him in 2024, but was denied. The

decision rejecting his bid

notes that CBSA officials have tried since 2023 to have Somali officials provide the appropriate travel documents, to no avail. Thus, his care was left to Canadian taxpayers.

Ankit Kundu, a work- and study-permit holder from India, got here in 2016 and, by 2019, was convicted of sexual interference against an underage girl. He was ordered deported that year, but he continued to live in Canada, using administrative levers to stall his removal. “Between 2021 and 2023, the CBSA was unable to remove the applicant due to a lack of proper travel documentation,” notes a Federal Court

decision

that green-lit his scheduled January 2024 deportation. It’s not clear whether Kundu was the uncooperative party in this case, or India.

This is the Canadian system working on autopilot. An endless series of processes set out by careless legislators allows convicted criminals repeated kicks at the can, and when foreign countries refuse to co-operate with our border officials, we sit back and let it happen.

It doesn’t have to be this way. If countries refuse to co-operate when we exercise our sovereign rights, they should face consequences. If, say, Pakistan is causing problems in this regard, Canada should refuse to issue visas to its travellers until it can cough up the travel documents we need. Public statements should be made by the public safety minister (hopefully a future, competent one who

hasn’t

tried to help an admitted terrorist immigrate to Canada).

We could use some transparency, too: the CBSA should have an outstanding-travel-document dashboard on its website for all to see. It should also be obligated to confirm whether a particular deportee has actually been sent home.

The CBSA could be staffed to the brim with the greatest officers in the country, but it wouldn’t change the high-level issue here: the agency is constrained by the meekness of its minister, and by Parliament via Canadian immigration laws — laws that support endless “due process” for foreign criminals at the expense of public safety.

A little fortitude would be very welcome, because as long as Canadian officials tolerate other nations using this country as a dumping ground, we’re going to be treated that way.

National Post


If the Canadian government decides to alter or abandon its current plan to acquire 88 F-35 jets, a series of negative consequences will quickly follow, write Tom Lawson and Gaëlle Rivard Piché.

By Tom Lawson and Gaëlle Rivard Piché

As the Liberal government proceeds with its review of the F-35 acquisition, it finds itself trying to balance two competing impulses: the strategic necessity to replace the aging CF-18 fleet with the most capable fighter available — Lockheed Martin’s F-35 — versus a reluctance to purchase yet another product from the U.S. defence industry. Before making a final decision, it would be wise for the government to reflect on a previous Royal Canadian Air Force (RCAF) procurement — one that offers a cautionary tale about what can happen when political discomfort trumps operational need.

In 1992, the Progressive Conservative government signed a $4.8-billion contract with a European consortium to replace the aging Sea King helicopters deployed aboard Royal Canadian Navy (RCN) ships. For purely political reasons, when the Liberals came to power the following year, they cancelled the deal — incurring $500 million in termination penalties — and set out to find a more politically acceptable solution. That search dragged on for over a decade, culminating in a 2004 contract with Sikorsky to procure 28 CH-148 Cyclone helicopters.

What the government failed to realize — or chose to overlook — was that Sikorsky was not offering a ready-made military platform. Instead, it proposed to adapt its civilian S-92 model into a maritime helicopter fit for military use, with the hope of replicating the global success of its venerable Sea King.

But developmental issues plagued the project from the outset. The original delivery schedule of 2009 slipped repeatedly, prompting then-minister of national defence Peter MacKay to call the

procurement

“the worst in the history of Canada.” By 2014, the program was on the brink of cancellation. Only a tense meeting between senior ministers and Sikorsky’s president salvaged the deal, leading to a

revised agreement

that saw the Cyclone finally enter operational service in 2018.

Yet the challenges did not end there. The Cyclone has consistently posted poor serviceability rates. A

crash

that cost the lives of six Canadian Armed Forces members in early 2020 was linked to inadequate documentation and flawed software. More recently, the fleet has again been largely grounded — this time due to a shortage of spare parts. The Commander of the RCN has voiced

public frustration

over the shortage of deployable helicopters, even threatening to replace them with drones if necessary.

To be fair, Sikorsky is not solely to blame. It offered an attractive idea: a modern fly-by-wire maritime helicopter based on a successful civilian platform. The government accepted, underestimating the complexity of the transformation. The key lesson here — one that directly applies to the current fighter jet debate — is that there is enormous risk in buying aircraft, like the Cyclone, that exist in limited numbers worldwide.

The best path forward with the Cyclone may now be to phase out the fleet and absorb the sunk costs. A more reliable option could be the MH-60 Seahawk, also made by Sikorsky. Unlike the Cyclone, the Seahawk is a proven design, with nearly 1,000 units in active service with the U.S., Australian and some NATO navies. While it would be politically awkward to cancel a Sikorsky platform only to purchase another from the same manufacturer, pragmatism must prevail. Perhaps a deal could be struck to return the Cyclones for parts, recouping some value through the civilian S-92 supply chain.

This brings us back to the F-35. If the government decides to alter or abandon the current plan to acquire 88 of these jets, a series of negative consequences will quickly follow:

First, Canadian companies involved in the F-35 global supply chain — currently contributing over $2 million in parts for every jet produced — will lose contracts. Those roles will go to suppliers in member nations that remain committed to the program.

Second, the RCAF will be saddled with a purchase of inferior, older-generation fighters flown by a limited number of air forces.

While there are already 1,200 F-35s in service with NATO allies and other close partners, that number is expected to exceed 2,500 within a decade and double that number over the full life of the fleet. Such a global user base ensures plentiful parts, broad interoperability and shared development. By contrast, only around 300

Swedish Gripens

have been produced since 1987. Their operators include countries like Brazil, South Africa and Hungary — not exactly paragons of long-term defence collaboration. The

French Rafale

has similar production numbers and is used by nations such as Egypt and India, with whom interoperability is not required. While both the Gripen and Rafale are reasonably capable platforms, the crucial point is this: there is safety in numbers.

To its credit, the government is taking a broader view of procurement — aiming to distribute defence dollars more globally and support Canadian industry. But fighter procurement is not the place to make that stand. The F-35 is not only the fighter of today — it is the fighter of the next 50 years. It will serve Canada and its allies reliably, effectively, and in sync with the evolving demands of modern warfare.

The Cyclone saga offers a painful reminder of what happens when procurement decisions prioritize optics over operational outcomes. Let’s not repeat that mistake. The F-35 path is not only well charted — it’s the right one.

National Post

Gen. (ret’d) Tom Lawson is Canada’s former chief of defence and a former adviser for Lockheed Martin Canada. Gaëlle Rivard Piché is executive director of the Canadian Defence Association Institute.