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An illustration depicting the execution by guillotine of King Louis XVI during the French Revolution.

Elites are under fire, and not without reason. Over the past decade, nearly every pillar of the modern elite has revealed its hollowness.

Public health officials told us masks didn’t work, until they did, then closed playgrounds while leaving big-box stores open. Major news outlets pushed narratives they later quietly retracted, from the viability of the lab leak hypothesis to the Hunter Biden laptop.

University presidents couldn’t say whether calling for the genocide of Jews violated their own codes of conduct. Tech CEOs promised to protect speech, then blacklisted dissenters at the government’s request. Hollywood gave up on storytelling to produce lectures in costume.

Economists and policymakers dismissed inflation as a passing concern, then watched it gut household budgets. They insisted mass immigration was an unqualified good, even as housing costs soared, services strained and social cohesion frayed. From COVID mandates to campus mobs, from censorship to cultural decay, the people in charge have not just failed, they’ve discredited themselves.

In response, a populist revolt has gained steam throughout the West. Many now say the problem is elites themselves, that leadership is a lie, hierarchy a con and that the wisdom of the people should rule unfiltered.

This is where conservatives must draw a line. There is nothing inherently wrong with elites. The problem is simply that ours have failed us.

Conservatism, in its truest and most dignified form, has never been anti-elitist. It’s anti-revolutionary. It distrusts mob rule not because it holds the people in contempt, but because it understands human nature too well to entrust civilization to the whims of the masses. That’s not cynicism, it’s wisdom.

The conservative tradition has always accepted hierarchy as a fact of life — and often a necessary good. There will always be leaders and followers, the cultivated and the crude, the strong and the weak. The question is not whether hierarchies exist, but whether they are just and capable.

Since the French Revolution, the West has been haunted by the spectre of egalitarianism elevated to a fanatic creed. The guillotine didn’t merely decapitate a king — it aimed to destroy the very concept of natural order. In its place came Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s naive worship of the “general will,” a cult of popular sovereignty that mistook numbers for wisdom and emotion for truth.

But crowds do not think. They react. They surge, scream and stampede. As the crowd grows, the mind shrinks. That is the enduring lesson of the revolution: when the mob is sovereign, civilization burns.

The conservative does not idolize the mob. He fears it. He respects the people but insists they deserve more than flattery. They deserve leadership. Real leadership — wise, learned, prudent and self-restrained. The kind that builds cathedrals rather than chasing hashtags. The kind that governs with duty rather than ruling for applause.

Our problem today is not that we have elites. It’s that they are unworthy of the station they hold. They sneer at tradition, mock virtue and outsource their conscience to PR firms and DEI consultants. They lack the moral formation, the historical consciousness and the sense of stewardship that once defined true aristocracy — not of blood, but of character.

What we need is not to abolish elites, but to demand better ones. We need statesmen, not managers; custodians, not careerists; a ruling class that sees its role not as a license to exploit, but as a duty to preserve — to pass on the best of what came before, and to elevate what lies ahead.

That is the conservative vision: a society not of rigid castes or phony egalitarianism, but of ordered liberty, guided by a moral elite that’s worthy of its name. A society where hierarchy is not oppression but harmony; where authority is earned, and exercised with humility.

Revolution flatters the masses and devours them. Conservatism respects the people enough to guide them. That’s not elitism. That’s responsibility. And it’s long overdue.

National Post


Demetrios Nicolaides, Alberta's Minister of Education and Childcare speaks at a media conference in Calgary on Monday May 26, 2025.

There is currently no expectation that Alberta schools refrain from giving kids access to books containing depictions of child molestation and point-of-view oral sex. That is why on Monday, Education Minister Demetrios Nicolaides announced he’d be working over the summer to craft a new policy on age-appropriate content for schools, slated to take effect in September.

Public consultations for the new standards are

open until June 6

, and the ministry has indicated that the ensuing policy could come as early as “late spring, 2025.”

Which all means that Nicolaides will now have to spend his summer facing performative outrage from progressives suddenly concerned about free expression, and who insinuate at every turn that common-sense content curation is the same thing as fascist book banning. Kudos to him.

What prompted this new project was the education ministry’s

discovery

of some clearly over-the-line materials in

57

Alberta schools. Among these was the infamous autobiographical graphic novel

Gender Queer

by Maia Kobabe, which

has been banned

from the collections of at least 56 U.S. school districts. The contents are so graphic that a concerned adult in Florida

was

removed from a school board meeting for trying to read some pages into the record.

Not only does that book promote gender ideology — the idea of a gender spectrum completely detached from biological sex — it contains graphic depictions of sex and masturbation in child-friendly colours. It covers porn (the main character is an avid user), masturbation (vibrators and dildos are discussed with excitement) and kinks (the main character claims to be an autoandrophile — that is, someone who is aroused at the thought of being a male).

At one point, the main character is told — and I’m sorry to repeat this here, but the point that this is inappropriate for children needs to be made — “I can’t wait to have your c–k in my mouth — I’m going to give you the blow job of your life. Then I want you inside me.” She later dons a strap-on and receives oral sex in a panel that graces the viewer with multiple angles. The entire book is

more than 200 pages

, and isn’t entirely about sex, but that’s not the point. The problem is that some pages contain graphic sexual content — to the point where even the author

doesn’t recommend

it for children.

And yet,

Gender Queer

was found on the library shelves of some Calgary schools with students in Grades K-9, according to the ministry, as well as high schools of both major cities. Garrett Koehler, spokesperson for the education department, shared a photo with me showing the book on the same shelf as

Naruto

, a popular manga series for children; it was taken at an elementary school.

Other finds included

Fun Home

by Allison Bechdel, which

shows

masturbation and, some pages later, oral sex (though at least in black-and-white);

Flamer

by Mike Curato, which contained depictions of masturbation and masturbation games; and

Blankets

by Craig Thompson, which depicted the main character’s younger brother, with bare legs and buttocks visible, being molested by their father. These were found in some schools with students in the K-9 range.

Now, it’s true that many kids will come across this kind of stuff in the wild. Some find porn online. Some watch R-rated movies. Some learn new words for increasingly niche sex acts through music. Some, sadly, become victims of abuse. But that’s not a reason to hand them materials containing these things at a school.

In a similar vein, we don’t expect school libraries to introduce minors to the concept of body shots, or inform them how to use a bong or snort lines of cocaine. They can learn about drugs, sex and sexual predators without the use of comic books.

And for parents who don’t mind, or even want to allow their children access to graphic novels with adult themes, they’ll always be free to grant it through a public library or bookstore.

Some progressive voices, nonetheless, are unhappy, making a connection between reasonable safeguards and irrational social conservatism.

“Make no mistake — this actually IS about banning books — and Smith’s administration is not the first in history to target and ban books seen as contrary to its ideology in order to control public discourse,” wrote Edmonton NDP MLA Lori Sigurdson on X. Some members of the media took the same line: Sean Amato of CityNews

referred

to the banning of books; the Globe and Mail’s

headline

spoke of consultations on “which books should be banned from school libraries.”

The Alberta Teachers’ Association went as far as

implying

the province was targeting LGBT books because the announcement “specifically singled out 2SLGBTQIA+ materials.” A CUPE representative

echoed

that concern.

Their concern is political censorship, and if the Alberta government was angling to take its new policy to the extreme, I’d be concerned about that, too. But that’s not the indication: the minister’s priority appears to be overt, explicit, graphic sexual content that borders on the pornographic. The fact that his examples of over-the-line material depicted largely same-sex encounters is beside the point. Besides, it’s not like he’s making

substantive political tweaks

to the curriculum or diversity-and-inclusion-related library book

purges

, which is a common tactic of the left.

This could very well be the second time that Albertan officials have handled a matter of extreme cultural contention with the balance and nuance it deserves. The first was last year, when the province set out its rules limiting sex changes for teens and the facilitation of social transitions at school.

Now, in the case of school books, Nicolaides isn’t talking about binding orders, but general baselines. It’s looking optimistic: since the announcement, Calgary and Edmonton schools have

pulled

the books highlighted by the minister from their shelves. If that’s an indication for things to come, he won’t need to take a hard-handed approach.

National Post


King Charles III arrives at the Senate to open the 45th Parliament of Canada to deliver the Speech from the Throne on Tuesday, May 27.

The 

Post 

and other Canadian organs have been full of conscious praise for our unusual absentee monarchy lately, what with the King being in the capital to give the throne speech in person. But Canadian republicans must be hoping that our people will instinctively reject the spectacle, and at least see the genuine need for that blessing without which no sovereign state can hope to be taken seriously — a president.

There are rumblings about behind-the-scenes diplomatic tensions between Canada and the United Kingdom over the royal visit, rumblings which 

the Sunday Times (of London) put in print this weekend

. The crux of the story is that Canada and the U.K. are not quite using the same playbook in dealing with the volatile and cutthroat Trump administration.

Sir Keir Starmer’s Labour government is applying lots of soft-soap, using Trump’s fondness for the British monarchy and its highly ornamented nature as a means of getting special treatment in trade negotiations. Meanwhile, Canada and its government hope to use the presence in Canada of Canada’s King as a subtle way of asserting independence, determination and strength as we bear the economic blows of Trumpian whim.

And — wait for it — the crazy part is, THOSE TWO KINGS ARE THE SAME EXACT DUDE. WHAAAT?

To a republican, this seems like a mystery concocted to obfuscate a logical weakness in the system. No doubt they see it just the same way an atheist looks at the centuries of early Christian debate over the Holy Trinity. It’s not exactly as though the U.K. and Canada are at war, or as though there is any overt disharmony between the two states. But the monarchists have to concede at least this much: when mutually sovereign countries have a shared head of state, you do in fact end up with the exotic possibility that George XIV of Canada might one day, in theory, have to issue a declaration of war on George XIV of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. This is baked into the improvised post-Imperial ontology of our government and of Britain’s.

This is why Canadian monarchists are so fussy about the independent constitutional footing on which the Canadian Crown rests. We do this, implicitly insisting that 

our system of government was reinvented in 1931

, while at the same time arguing that the advantages of monarchy include antiquity, historical continuity and the preservation of a special bond between Commonwealth realms. Perhaps we are sneaky imperialist (or racist) hypocrites. Perhaps we just feel that those advantages are legitimate and important, and that the Statute of Westminster is an optimum compromise that preserves them while guaranteeing our sovereign freedom of action in the interplay of governments.

Or perhaps we are scurrilous free-riders. There’s a key paragraph in the 

Sunday Times

 piece by Royal Editor Roya Nikkhah: it’s a quote from a University of London historian, Philip Murphy, who is trying to explain what those devious Canucks are up to.

“The Canadians’ game plan will be to have their constitutional cake and eat it by exploiting the ambiguities of the constitutional position of monarch. They’ll be keen to stress that Charles is not just King of Canada but King of the United Kingdom, and seen throughout the world as such, so by having him there they can stress that the U.K. is on Canada’s side in any trade confrontation with the U.S.”

The current government of the U.K. isn’t totally comfortable with this, and Nikkhah claims that Labour ministers tried to urge Canadian ones to play fair in freely choosing words and actions for the visiting King of Canada, who is certainly thought of as the “King of England” by ordinary people the world over. This seems to be perfectly proper behaviour on the part of Starmer’s government, offering no danger that the British are trying to reconstruct the Empire by stealth. No evidence is offered that the U.K. tried to appeal directly to, or interfere with, the King of Canada himself.

So they may not like our “game plan,” but they have to live with it. And, of course, this morning’s throne speech didn’t end up containing eleventeen paragraphs of bloodthirsty anti-American invective. Instead, the King spoke politely of Canada’s PM and the American president working together to begin “defining a new economic and security relationship … rooted in mutual respect and founded on common interests.”

This sounds quite a lot like the

old

economic and security relationship between Canada and the U.S., but in 2025 the words are perhaps more like a prayer. If the tongue of an anointed king can really speed them to heaven, so much the better.

National Post


King Charles III and Queen Camilla are led in procession by J. Greg Peters, Usher of the Black Rod, in the Senate Chamber in Ottawa on May 27, 2025.

Before any MP could begin the business of the 45th Parliament — and before King Charles III could even begin the Speech from the Throne — Canadian officialdom had to first participate in one of the country’s most obscure and ancient displays of governmental pageantry.

It involved swords, bicorne hats, a figure by the name of Black Rod and the ceremonial slamming of a door in his face.

The ritual is rooted in traditions that long predate European settlement in the Americas, and is so old that some of the precise origins of the practice are not known.

However, the general gist of the ceremony is to assert the independence of the people from the King: A figure glittering in the various trappings of the Crown shows up at the door of the House of Commons, and Canada’s elected representatives make a show of not immediately doing what he asks.

Tuesday’s opening of Parliament began with Canada’s new MPs gathering patiently in the House of Commons chamber to await the arrival of the Usher of the Black Rod, a figure often referred to simply as “Black Rod.”

The position, currently held by retired Mountie J. Greg Peters, is actually one of the oldest government jobs in Canada. The Usher of the Black Rod position has been occupied continuously since 1791, when it was created to serve the Legislative Council of Lower Canada.

As a result, Black Rod has some of the best regalia in the Canadian civil service. His uniform includes a bicorne hat, a white bowtie, heavy silver chain and the black rod itself. Carved from ebony, it’s a throwback to the 1300s when the possession of such a rare piece of hardwood was an assertion of power and influence.

The Usher of the Black Rod is also one of the few non-military posts in Canada where the holder is issued with a sword. In March, Peters picked up the current iteration of the sword from King Charles III himself. He was handed the weapon in

a brief ceremony

at Buckingham Palace.

 King Charles III bestows a new ceremonial sword to the Usher of the Black Rod of the Senate of Canada, J. Greg Peters, during an audience at Buckingham Palace on March 12, 2025 in London, England.

As Black Rod approached the door of the House of Commons on Tuesday, it was closed before he could enter, prompting him to rap three times on the door with his eponymous rod.

What followed has been described as a “ceremonial challenge” from the Sergeant at Arms, after which Black Rod invites everyone within to follow him to the Senate for the Speech from the Throne.

“A message from His Majesty, the King of Canada,” he said, before repeating it in French.

This particular part of the ceremony is believed to be rooted in a 1642 incident in which the first King Charles stormed into a sitting of Parliament and attempted to arrest five members.

After the subsequent English Civil War — and the eventual trial and execution of King Charles I — the result was a Westminster system that was particularly serious about maintaining boundaries between Parliament and the Crown.

The ritual is reportedly far tamer than it used to be. The door used to be conspicuously slammed in the face of the approaching Black Rod, and MPs could hurl invectives and catcalls at the figure as an assertion of their free speech and independence.

“Tradition has it that members of the Commons can be rude to the representatives of the Crown,” reads a 2000 obituary for Major Charles-Roch Lamoureux, a D-Day veteran who served as Usher of the Black Rod from 1947 to 1970.

By contrast, Tuesday’s ritual was performed amidst church-like silence. The whole ceremony was also complicated by the fact that both the House of Commons and the Senate chamber are not in their usual locations due to ongoing renovations on Parliament Hill.

Typically, both chambers are separated only by a short Centre Block hallway flanked by statuary and oil paintings. But the House of Commons is occupying a temporary home in what used to be a West Block courtyard, and the Senate chamber has taken up residence a few blocks away in Ottawa’s former central train station.

As such, the whole procession had to be broken up with mini-bus rides.

For the King, Canada’s version of the ceremony is still much less elaborate — and much less menacing — than what he’s used to.

While a monarch has not attended the opening of a session of Canadian Parliament since 1977, they are a regular feature of the opening of the U.K. Parliament.

In Britain, such openings are preceded by a ceremonial inspection of Westminster Palace for explosives, a relic of the foiled 1605 Gunpowder Plot. A ceremonial hostage is taken by Buckingham Palace to ensure the safe return of the King.

Perhaps most notably, before delivering the British Speech from the Throne, King Charles III is required to wait in a room that is specially decorated to warn him of the potentially fatal consequences of subverting Parliament.

The official Robing Room in which the King dons his state crown before delivering the speech features a conspicuously framed copy of the death warrant of King Charles I.

In the words of the BBC, “if ever there were a symbol to express the end of the divine right of kings and the limits of a constitutional monarchy, that document is it.”


King Charles III speaks with former prime minister Stephen Harper former prime minister Justin Trudeau (far right) as he opens the first session of the 45th Parliament of Canada at the Senate of Canada in Ottawa on May 27, 2025.

The King’s whirlwind visit to Canada

, featuring some brief public walkabouts and delivering Tuesday’s damp-squib throne speech, was clearly less controversial than it would have been had President Donald Trump not retaken the White House. As a fan of constitutional monarchy, I find that rather sad. But I think’s it’s also rather instructive, and perhaps even encouraging.

The country’s most resolute anti-monarchists got their arguments and complaints in, of course. “Calling on a foreign sovereign to assert … sovereignty … shows the weakness of this country, and the fact that this country (was) cobbled together by … the French (who) lost the (Seven Years’) War, and the British who took refuge here having lost the American War of Independence,” Journal de Montréal columnist Antoine Robitaille

told TVA Nouvelles

.

Say this much at least for Quebec nationalists: They give good quotes. They go wide.

Most casual anti-monarchists seemed to sit on their hands a bit, however, and rightly so. If we “called on” Charles to visit, and we did, then it is difficult to view that as a statement of weakness. Even in its appallingly diminished state, the United Kingdom is a much more populous and important country than Canada is. Yet the idea of Buckingham Palace refusing the request for our King to devote his time to Canada, almost 70 years after

a monarch (Charles’ mother) last opened Parliament

, is very difficult to envision.

I am sure the Palace would balk if we asked the monarch to come every time we reopened Parliament, but in the event this was a no-brainer: The King acted at the prime minister’s request and advice, just as the Governor General usually does. Canada doesn’t have a lot of resources with which to express its sovereignty, but we used one to great effect on Tuesday.

In this respect, the Canadian Liberal government is basically attempting the same manoeuvre vis-à-vis Trump’s White House as the British Labour government has been using, making use of Trump’s warm feelings for the House of Windsor.

“(British Prime Minister) Keir Starmer and Donald Trump (are) not going to see eye to eye on everything,”

royal historian Ed Owens told CNN in January

. But “the fact that (Trump) is deferential to the British royal family, impressed by them, I think that bodes well for the U.K., if the U.K. can use the royals strategically.”

There are gaping holes in this strategy, of course. Loyalty and consistency aren’t exactly Trump’s fortes. He and Vladimir Putin clearly do see eye-to-eye on many things; at the very least Putin has Trump’s respect. But in recent days

the U.S. President has been publicly bemoaning the Russian president’s escalation of the war in Ukraine

, declaring that Putin might have “gone crazy.” If Trump doesn’t have a compelling pecuniary-or-otherwise-transactional interest in a relationship, it’s safe to assume it could go under the bus at any moment.

But the King’s visit, and the King’s speech from the throne, should be remembered as far more than a tactical manoeuvre. For all the media talk of “pomp and circumstance,” watching Charles and his wife Queen Camilla kibitz before the speech with Prime Minister Mark Carney, and former prime ministers Stephen Harper, Kim Campbell and Justin Trudeau, and various premiers including Manitoba’s Wab Kinew, carried on television more the impression of a Canadian family reunion — just one where granddad had finally made it across from England.

The

Quebec-separatist contingent wasn’t at the reunion

, obviously (though they have taken their oaths to King Charles III, because foregoing salary and pension would go well beyond the parameters of their radicalism). Some family feuds die hard. But when the official proceedings concluded, a fiddler began playing, and the pleasant conversation continued. It was noticeably, uniquely Canadian.

And then what did we do with our head of state, having summoned him for a brief visit? We put him on a plane back home at around 1 p.m. local time, to arrive back in London presumably in the middle of the night. If you ask me, this an absolutely ingenious system — especially since the King seems to speak French better than the Governor General does. We all have something and someone to talk about, whether we like it or him or not.

You don’t have to like every single person at a family reunion to enjoy a family reunion. This one seemed to go off rather well.

National Post

cselley@postmedia.com

Get more deep-dive National Post political coverage and analysis in your inbox with the Political Hack newsletter, where Ottawa bureau chief Stuart Thomson and political analyst Tasha
Kheiriddin
get at what’s really going on behind the scenes on Parliament Hill every Wednesday and Friday, exclusively for subscribers. Sign up here.


King Charles III sits on the throne in the Senate Chamber for the State Opening of Parliament during an official visit to Canada on May 27, 2025 in Ottawa.

There is an inherent absurdity to the speech from the throne, where the monarch, or his representative, recites a prepared text written by an anonymous partisan (although, such is the current ubiquity of the prime minister it would be no surprise if the author was one M. Carney).

King Charles made a decent effort at putting his own spin on things by pointing out that he has made 20 visits to Canada over the past 50 years but this was his first as the sovereign.

With the limited amount of daylight allowed to alight on the magic of the monarchy, it is hard to tell, but the King and Queen Camilla appeared genuinely pleased to be in Ottawa. Charles was certainly more engaged than his late father, who

on the 1969 inauguration of an annex to Vancouver City Hall

, once said: “I declare this thing open — whatever it is”.

Lexicologists poring over the speech in the hope of finding a blunt rebuttal to President Donald Trump’s ambitions of making Canada the 51st state were destined to be disappointed. Fears from

unnamed British ministers quoted by The Times

that Canada would drag the monarch into an unsightly spat with the president proved groundless.

The King concluded by saying his visit had reminded him that

“the True North is indeed strong and free,”

reinforcing the message to the White House that Canada is not for sale.

But the speech did not go beyond the language used by Prime Minister Mark Carney’s Liberals during and since the recent election campaign.

The system of open trade and relations with partners are changing, the King said,

reading the government’s speech

. “We must be clear-eyed — the world is more dangerous and uncertain than at any point since the Second World War.”

Canadians are anxious and worried but the moment creates an opportunity for renewal “to think big and act bigger.”

“A confident Canada can seize this opportunity and give ourselves far more than any foreign power on any continent can ever take away.”

The King said the prime minister and the U.S. president are defining a new economic and security relationship “rooted in mutual respect and founded in common interest to deliver transformational benefits for both sovereign nations.”

Aside from mentioning that

Canada will join ReArm Europe

, a defence procurement arrangement that could reduce reliance on U.S. military hardware, that was it.

The point was not what was said, but rather who was saying it. For Trump and Fox News, there are five kings in the world: the kings of spades, clubs, diamonds and hearts — and the King of England (the Saudi King and the Emir of Qatar may have jumped up that list in recent weeks).

The Americans may not have grasped the inherent silliness of a throne speech but they likely appreciated the grandeur and the splendour.

Charles’s presence in Ottawa as King of Canada may also have helped to address the hurt caused by British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, who

refused to stand up for Canada in the White House earlier this year

, and then compounded the insult by revealing that Trump had agreed to accept an invitation from the King for a second state visit to the U.K.

The Royal Family is in danger of falling into disrepute in Canada: 

an opinion poll 

this week suggested that Canadians in every region of the country reject the idea that it should continue as a constitutional monarchy “for generations to come” (nationally, only 30 per cent said yes, against 46 per cent who said no).

But, if the throne speech reinforced Canada’s sense of itself as a sovereign country, and perhaps bolstered the monarchy’s image, that was not its main purpose.

The intent of any speech from the throne is to outline the government’s priorities for its legislative agenda.

In doing so, the speech reiterated

the succinct ministerial mandate letter

the prime minister sent out last week.

It promised a “fundamentally different approach to governing,” focusing on seven priorities: a new economic and security relationship with the U.S.; removing barriers to interprovincial trade; bringing down costs for Canadians; making housing more affordable; protecting Canadian sovereignty by strengthening the armed forces; reducing immigration levels to “sustainable” levels; and spending less on government operations.

It is instructive to compare this throne speech to

its predecessor from 2021

, when the Trudeau government’s focus was on government-mandated vaccines, fighting climate change by capping oil and gas emissions, increasing the carbon tax, mandating the sale of electric-vehicles and strengthening gun control.

“Equity, justice and diversity are the means and ends of living together. Fighting systemic racism, sexism, discrimination, misconduct and abuse, including in our core institutions will remain a priority,”

the 2021 speech said

. “This is the moment to fight for a more secure, just and equitable world.” It was an agenda that helps explain many of the divisions that have split the country.

Carney’s concerns are more explicitly on the sustainability of social programs that have been undermined by weak productivity and stretched government finances.

His mandate letter suggested that the government remains committed to Indigenous reconciliation, fighting climate change and celebrating diversity.

But the focus is almost exclusively economic.

One concern remains the weight of expectation being placed on ministers who have mixed (or worse) track records.

The prime minister has said that he is looking to ministers to “identify the key goals and measures of success on which to evaluate the results you will achieve for Canada.” That sounds a bit like ministers will be required to mark their own work.

But expectations have been raised and there was no sense in the throne speech that they were being tempered.

“Canada is ready to lead — this will be demonstrated in June when Canada convenes the G7 summit,” the King said. “The government’s overarching goal, its core mission, is to build the strongest economy in the G7.”

That may be less impressive than it sounds: the International Monetary Fund’s 

growth projections

 for this year puts Canada second only to the U.S. among G7 countries. If Trump’s trade war with Europe and China goes badly, Canada could come first by default.

But there can be no sleight of hand in governing differently and making good on promises around the cost of living and housing.

With the King’s departure from Ottawa Tuesday afternoon goes all the pomp and circumstance. Tomorrow morning, as my granny used to say, it’s back to old clothes and porridge.

National Post

jivison@criffel.ca

Get more deep-dive National Post political coverage and analysis in your inbox with the Political Hack newsletter, where Ottawa bureau chief Stuart Thomson and political analyst Tasha
Kheiriddin
get at what’s really going on behind the scenes on Parliament Hill every Wednesday and Friday, exclusively for subscribers. Sign up here.


King Charles III delivers the speech from the throne in the Senate chamber in Ottawa, on Tuesday.

King Charles III successfully walked a diplomatic tightrope Tuesday morning, delivering the first

throne speech

from a monarch since 1977 on his first official visit to Canada since his ascension. But for Prime Minister Mark Carney, the hard part is just beginning.

In the lead-up to Tuesday’s throne speech, the

British

and

Canadian
press

were filled with stories about the competing interests that would be dissecting the King’s speech, trying to decipher hidden messages within.

Alberta Premier

Danielle Smith wanted

a clear indication that the federal government is going to reverse course after a decade of trying to suppress the oil and gas industry.

Canadians wanted to know that the monarchy would have our backs in a time of crisis, while sources within the British government expressed concern that Ottawa may put words in the King’s mouth that would anger the orange bear to the south, hindering a relationship that U.K. Prime Minister Keir Starmer has desperately been trying to cultivate.

In the end, the “tightrope” King Charles was asked to walk proved to be no problem for a skilled diplomat such as himself. Throughout his speech, Charles made numerous references to Canada’s proud history, its sovereignty and its deep ties to the Crown, but refrained from making incendiary comments about the American president.

Following the now perfunctory land acknowledgement, the King referenced Canada’s efforts during the Second World War. He noted that in the nearly 70 years since Queen Elizabeth II first opened Parliament in 1957, Canada has patriated its Constitution and achieved “full independence.”

He talked about how the “Crown has for so long been a symbol of unity for Canada,” how it “represents stability and continuity from the past to the present,” and how it continues to stand “proudly as a symbol of Canada today.”

He acknowledged that Canada is now facing a “critical moment,” in which the “system of open global trade” and “Canada’s relationship with partners” is changing, and that we’re living in a “more dangerous and uncertain world” full of “challenges that are unprecedented in our lifetimes.”

And in clear recognition of our souring relationship with the United States, the King assured us that, “Canadians can give themselves far more than any foreign power on any continent can ever take away.”

Fears that the Sovereign would take a campaign-style swipe at U.S. President Donald Trump were always unfounded. As Prime Minister

Mark Carney did

when he visited the White House at the beginning of the month, and as Starmer has done in his dealings with Trump, the King emphasized that the bilateral relationship between Canada and the U.S. will continue to be “rooted in mutual respect and founded on common interests.”

Following a lengthy introduction that struck the right balance between upholding Canadian sovereignty and appeasing competing diplomatic interests, King Charles laid out the government’s agenda for the 45th Parliament.

In some respects, it was a breath of fresh air, as it offered more specific policy proposals than the typical Liberal throne speech, which are generally full of lofty goals but short on details. Yet the government’s agenda is ambitious and wide-ranging, and some of its plans seem to have been left intentionally vague.

There were promises to “introduce legislation to remove all remaining federal barriers to internal trade and labour mobility by Canada Day,” tighten border security, restore “balance” to the immigration system, rebuild the Canadian Armed Forces and “double the rate of home building.”

The government committed to work with the provinces to create a “one project, one review” system for new infrastructure developments within six months. It promised to remove “barriers that have held back our economy,” unleashing “a new era of growth that will ensure we don’t just survive ongoing trade wars, but emerge from them stronger than ever.” And in a clear break from the Trudeau era, it pledged that Canada will become “the world’s leading energy superpower in both clean and conventional energy.”

There was a lot in the throne speech that even conservatives should be able to get behind, but how many of the government’s goals will be realized remains an open question. Phrases such as “speed is of the essence” and assurances that the “government will be guided by a new fiscal discipline” already ring hollow given all the big-ticket promises the Liberals have made and the fact that after a short, three-week spring session, parliamentarians will take an

extended summer break

. They won’t get down to the business of passing legislation or tabling a budget until the fall.

And the Liberals don’t exactly have a great track record when it comes to meeting the goals laid out in a throne speech. After the 2021 election, Governor General Mary Simon spent a lot of time

talking about

reconciliation, growing the economy, fighting climate change, strengthening our health-care system, making communities safer, reducing the cost of living, building housing and spending wisely.

If these priorities sound familiar, it’s because Canada faces many of the same problems today. Though the context has shifted from pandemic recovery to dealing with Trump’s trade war, many of the government’s priorities remain the same, as the Liberals completely failed to fix the vast majority of problems they set out to address three and a half years ago.

Despite pledging to build “more housing units per year” and end “chronic homelessness,”

new housing starts

actually decreased 11.4 per cent between 2021 and 2024, while the number of people

in homeless shelters

skyrocketed. Despite all the carbon taxes and emissions caps, greenhouse gas

emissions remained stagnant

.

Despite promising to combat “hate and racism” and make our streets safer, antisemitic incidents jumped 122 per cent between

2021

and

2024

, according to B’nai Brith Canada, while the

police-reported crime rate

and

crime severity index

both increased between 2021 and 2023.

Meanwhile, reconciliation is still a pipe dream and affordability is still a pressing concern. Inflation

increased

from 3.4 per cent in 2021 to 6.8 per cent in 2022, before falling to 2.4 per cent in 2024. The

deficit

nearly

doubled

. And the average time it takes to receive treatment after getting a referral from a doctor rose to

30 weeks

in 2024, from

25.6 in 2021

, according to the Fraser Institute.

In other words, by virtually every measure, the Liberals utterly failed at almost everything they set out to do.

Getting the King to come to Canada to assert our sovereignty and assure Canadians that the monarchy has their backs was nothing short of a coup for Carney, and Charles adeptly performed his duties. But now comes the hard part for the prime minister: succeeding where the previous government, which was largely made up of the same cast of characters, did not. Of this, Canadians would be right to be skeptical.

National Post

jkline@postmedia.com

Twitter.com/accessd


Prime Minister Mark Carney makes remarks at a meeting of the Liberal caucus, on Parliament Hill in Ottawa, on Sunday, May 25, 2025. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Justin Tang

With Parliament now back in business, pundits and politicos are focused on this session’s agenda. What will the government do about Trump and tariffs? How will Mark Carney perform in Question Period? When will Pierre Poilievre return to Parliament? And how will the NDP survive without party status?

But not much will happen on the Hill in the next few weeks: the PM will be busy hosting the G7 at Kananaskis, and the House will rise in late June. No, the real intrigue lies just over the horizon in the fall. The big question: can the Liberal minority morph into a majority by then, to secure four years of power and avoid tangling with the opposition?

The math is simple: The Liberals currently hold 169 seats, after the Newfoundland riding of Terra Nova—The Peninsulas flipped to the Conservatives following a recent recount. If the courts order a byelection in the Quebec riding of Terrebonne, where Elections Canada sent mail-in ballots astray due to improperly printed postal codes, the riding would likely flip to the Bloc Québécois, bringing the Liberals’ total down to 168. And with Liberal MP Francis Scarpaleggia now elected as Speaker, they technically would only have 167.  The majority threshold is 172. That means Carney would need five more MPs to lock in power.

Small wonder, then, that the Liberals did not extend the NDP the courtesy of official party status. If the NDP had any hope of maintaining it, that went out the window when it botched its interim leader selection process, prompting three of its MPs to pen a letter of complaint — and sending blood into the water for circling Liberal sharks.

What could the Liberals offer to get NDP members to cross the floor? They could start with pharmacare, by expanding the list of “free” drugs from diabetes and birth control. During the election, former leader Jagmeet Singh had pledged to

expand coverage

to “around 100 of the most prescribed medications,” including antibiotics, pain medication and cancer drugs. Regional development money could also be targeted to NDP-held ridings, to help tackle the impact of tariffs.

But the big carrot could be foreign policy. The NDP has long supported Palestinian statehood, and was

pushing for recognition

in the Commons last year. Former PM Justin Trudeau said

last fall

that Canada was discussing the subject with its allies, and just last week Carney delivered

a statement

with Britain and France that the three nations are “committed to recognizing a Palestinian state.” There is speculation that the Liberals are planning on putting forward a resolution — one that would undoubtedly pass if all seven NDP MPs voted for it, or enough made the switch to Liberal ranks.

If the Liberals don’t find enough friends on the left, they may also look to poach some Conservatives, who have their own set of problems. The party is rife with rage about its recent loss, much of it directed at management. A dozen MPs

told reporters

on background that they want campaign manager Jenni Byrne out of the picture. If Poilievre doesn’t play ball, MPs who don’t see a future in the party might be tempted by the promise of influence elsewhere — particularly if they’re staring down the barrel of four years in opposition.

This summer, the traditional barbeque circuit could look quite different. Instead of trolling for votes, the Liberals could be trolling for recruits. Securing a majority would mean both killing the NDP and wounding the Conservatives, who might be tempted to play knife the leader again, given that there would be no imminent possibility of an election. Let the 45th session of Parliament begin.

Postmedia News

Tasha Kheiriddin is Postmedia’s national politics columnist.


King Charles rand Canada's Prime Minister Mark Carney during an official two-day visit to Canada on May 26, 2025 in Ottawa, Canada. (Photo by Blair Gable - Pool/Getty Images)

A great constitutional drama is unfolding these days in Ottawa, with King Charles III arriving to deliver the Speech from the Throne on Tuesday. It is a testament to His Majesty that the drama has been resolved in not only satisfactory, but spectacular fashion. It is a vindication of the subtlety and suppleness of the Crown-in-Parliament tradition, when executed by a creative first minister.

It is only fair, in passing, to note that this column was critical of the Prince of Wales (and the late Diana, Princess of Wales) for many years, identifying in them a spirit of self-indulgence which is deadly for monarchies in a democratic age. Yet since his accession nearly three years ago, the King has not put a foot wrong. By sending his brother Prince Andrew, Duke of York, into internal exile, and keeping his son, Prince Harry, in external exile, he is done much to cauterize that wound in the Royal Family.

The King is the sovereign of several realms, and by convention takes the advice of his several prime ministers. The prime ministers therefore ought to ensure that their advice does not conflict, or cause discomfort for the King in his other realms.

Sir Keir Starmer failed precisely in that when he ostentatiously and obsequiously brandished an invitation to President Donald Trump from King Charles for a second state visit. Sir Keir should not have advised the King to invite Trump for a second state visit, contrary to precedent, on the simple grounds that surely Trump did not merit an honour not even granted to Ronald Reagan in the high affection of the Thatcher premiership. The manner of the invitation, delivered like a grand prize on a television game show, was exceedingly vulgar, perhaps calculated as such; it brought evident delight to the vulgarian to whom it was addressed.

Apart from the personal abnegation of Sir Keir, adopting the posture of the class nerd meekly offering his lunch money to the schoolyard bully, the first minister of the United Kingdom should have never involved the King in appeasing Trump at the very moment that the American president was declaring that Canada, one of the King’s realms, was not “a real country.” We do not know if the King’s first minister for Canada, then Justin Trudeau, was consulted, or what advice he offered. The upshot was that King Charles was let down by both Sir Keir and Trudeau, who should never have put the sovereign in between the interests of two sovereign nations.

National Post readers likely remember better than most the fiasco that ensued when Her Late Majesty Elizabeth II, upon the advice of former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, was set to award a peerage to Conrad Black, our founding proprietor. Then-Prime Minister Jean Chrétien objected to Black’s appointment to the House of Lords, and so advised the Queen not to proceed. Lord Black, as he eventually became, graciously withdrew to prevent the sovereign having to choose between her prime ministers. The matter was (unpleasantly) worked out by Black giving up his Canadian citizenship (which he subsequently resumed), in effect removing one first minister from the advice-giving.

That was Chrétien indulging personal pique against the National Post’s reportage. This is far more serious, with Sir Keir having asked the King of Canada to potentially undermine the foreign relations and economic prosperity of Canada itself, in effect sacrificing Canada’s good for the (apparent) good of the United Kingdom.

How then to repair the damage? Prime Minister Mark Carney’s solution was both elegant and effective; instead of using the King as a shiny new toy for Baby Trump — as he was

depicted

in the giant balloon that bobbed over protests in London and will return for the second state visit — Carney asked the King to be more, not less, kingly. He advised the King to come to Canada do the most kingly thing of all, to open Parliament.

Queen Elizabeth only read the Speech from the Throne twice, and the second time was honorific, to celebrate her Silver Jubilee in 1977. Parliament was prorogued one day, only to be opened in a new session the next to afford the Queen the opportunity to read the throne speech. Only in 1957, with that stalwart monarchist John Diefenbaker in office, did the Queen open an entirely new Parliament — then on her first visit to Canada as sovereign. It was a triumph then and it will be another triumph now, in more urgent circumstances.

The desired resonance of Carney’s invitation to Charles III is that, when institutions and customs — even signed international agreements — are being vandalized by Americans, Canadians are returning to a deeper manifestation of our own institutions, customs and traditions of Crown-in-Parliament. It is exactly the correct response.

Indeed, it is worth considering whether a new custom might arise, that of the sovereign reading the Speech from the Throne at the beginning of every new Parliament, i.e., after every election. The custom has been for royal tours to be long and detailed affairs, but this one is just overnight.

King Charles had planned to come earlier for a longer tour, but his cancer diagnosis and treatment prevented that. The silver lining is that a short visit is possible, and to come overnight to open each new Parliament would be a fitting 21st-century rejuvenation of Crown-in-Parliament — a democratic tradition older than most of the world’s democracies. Should the King be granted the long years of the late Queen and Queen Mother, he might even be able to do so in the proper Senate chamber, whenever the Centre Block reopens.

God save the King! Long may he reign

National Post


Detail of a chart showing the massive increase in non-permanent migration over the last three years.

First Reading is a Canadian politics newsletter curated by the National Post’s own Tristin Hopper. To get an early version sent directly to your inbox, sign up here.

TOP STORY

The share of native-born Canadians in the labour force has dropped nearly 10 percentage points since 2006, according to

a new Bank of Canada report

documenting how the country’s economy is becoming increasingly reliant on low-wage migrant workers.

“Not only has Canada experienced an unprecedented surge in immigration, but the composition of recent newcomers has been markedly different than in the past,” reads a discussion paper published May 9 by the bank’s Economic Analysis Department.

The paper found that, driven largely by a surge in temporary migration, the average Canadian immigrant has now become younger, lower-skilled and more likely to hail from poorer regions such as India, sub-Saharan Africa or the Middle East.

They’re also paid less. Particularly among Canada’s surging ranks of temporary migrant workers, wages have “reduced significantly relative to Canadian-born workers,” reads the paper.

Since 2015, “the average nominal wage gap between temporary and Canadian-born workers has more than doubled,” it read.

The authors calculated that the average migrant worker in Canada is now paid more than one fifth (22.6 per cent) less than a comparable Canadian-born worker. Prior to 2014, that gap was only 9.5 per cent.

The paper, entitled The Shift in Canadian Immigration Composition and its Effect on Wages, is one of the most definitive official documents as to the massive surge of migrant workers brought to Canada in the immediate wake of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Starting in 2022, Canada began accepting more than one million newcomers per year, mostly in “non-permanent” categories of immigrants ranging from international students, who are among those admitted under the international mobility program, to temporary foreign workers.

The Bank of Canada document shows that this wasn’t just unprecedented for Canada, but it went well beyond the pale of any comparable advanced economy.

Between 2019 and 2023, Canada charted population growth of more than six per cent. This was triple the rate seen in the United States, and double the rate seen in Switzerland, the only other developed economy analyzed by the paper whose demographic shift came anywhere close to those of Canada’s.

The paper casts this as being out of character for Canada, whose immigration flows are “generally stable and predictable over history.”

Right up until 2015, in fact, Canadian population growth was almost entirely unaffected by what statisticians refer to as “non-permanent residents.” Any immigration into Canada was via permanent channels, with the “NPR” cohort so small that any new temporary immigrants entering the country were usually cancelled out by the ones leaving.

By mid-2024, non-permanent residents were representing “almost two-thirds of population growth” in what the study called a “sharp divergence” from the norm.

Temporary migrants were also coming from different places. Between 2006 and 2014, the region providing the highest level of non-permanent immigration to Canada was Northern and Western Europe. As of 2024, it’s India. “An increasing number of NPRs have been migrating from lower-income regions,” it reads.

This all happened simultaneous with the cratering of Canadian “net births.” That is, the number of births minus the number of deaths.

Net births were the primary driver of population growth in Canada as recently as the early 1990s. By 2024, notes the paper, they became “negligible.” In other words, the number of Canadian babies born in that year were virtually equivalent to the number of Canadians who died.

The paper also documents a marked decrease in the share of Canadian-born workers making up the labour force.

In 2006, the share of Canadian-born workers in the labour force stood at 77.6 per cent. As of 2024, notes the paper, this had dropped to 68.1 per cent.

Canada’s post-pandemic surge in migrant workers has corresponded with a massive uptick in youth unemployment.

Particularly among retail and food services — two sectors that traditionally relied on part-time, entry-level workers — employees are now increasingly in the country on temporary work visas.

A November report by King’s Trust Canada found that between 2016 and 2023, the rate of temporary foreign workers in Canadian restaurants increased by 634 per cent.

The authors of the Bank of Canada report do not touch on how high immigration is altering unemployment rates, but they do surmise that the trend could be affecting Canada’s overall productivity — that is, how much the average Canadian worker is able to produce.

Canadian productivity has plunged into sharp decline in recent years, with each passing year yielding a lower rate of per-capita GDP than the year before.

Analysts have previously suggested that this trend is likely being exacerbated by Canada’s surge in cheap, low-skilled temporary labour. In 2023, former Bank of Canada governor David Dodge warned that a “large and rising inflow of workers with lower skills” was serving to depress wages and prop up “uncompetitive” businesses.

The new Bank of Canada discussion document says that dropping wages among “non-permanent workers” could be a sign that “the productive capacity of the Canadian economy grew less than it would have if recent newcomers had the same socio-economic characteristics as in the past.”

 

IN OTHER NEWS

The NDP’s first legislative goal has already failed.

The party won just seven seats in the April 28 election, which means they fall well short of the 12 seats needed to obtain official party status. This is a big deal for the NDP, since the various perks and subsidies that come with official party status are essentially the only revenue for their otherwise-broke political organization. So, interim leader Don Davies’ plan was simply to ask that they be given official party status anyway. The Liberal government’s answer to that, announced this week, 

is “no.”

Canada’s newest Speaker of the House is Quebec Liberal MP Francis Scarpaleggia. He benefits from pretty low expectations for the job; provided he

doesn’t invite a retired Nazi to Parliament

or

immediately plunge into a bunch of ethical scandals

, he’ll probably be fine. In his first address as speaker, Scarpaleggia advised the new Parliament to

“only speak when you have something intelligent to say.” 

 As of this writing, the King of Canada is actually in Canada for the first time since assuming the job two years ago. One notable benefit of constitutional monarchy under the Canadian system is that it’s very, very cheap. Unlike British taxpayers, Canadians don’t cover the King’s salary or the various costs of maintaining the monarchy (such as the utility bills for Buckingham Palace). Rather, all we really have to do is cover his accommodation and travel costs whenever we invite him to Canada.

A common argument among anti-monarchists is that Canada has a head of state whose loyalties may lie with a foreign nation whose interests may not necessarily be in line with those of Canada. And indeed, the awkwardness of King Charles III’s various titles was highlighted this week by the fact that U.K. ministers 

reportedly pressured

Prime Minister Mark Carney not to do anything with the King that might enrage U.S. President Donald Trump — and thus jeopardize British trade relations with the U.S. The British government isn’t really allowed to do that; King Charles III’s position as King of Canada is entirely distinct from his other king jobs, and the U.K. government no longer has any constitutional authority over his Canadian duties.

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