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In the aftermath of the 2019 election, former cabinet minister, Peter MacKay, aptly noted that one of the main reasons Conservatives lost to Justin Trudeau and the Liberals was because of their controversial social beliefs.  According to MacKay, Conservatives were handicapped, both by Andrew Scheer's regressive views on same-sex marriage and abortion, and from the litany of so-con candidates who embarrassed the party with their constant "bozo eruptions."

While social conservative blunders were by no means the only reason for Scheer's defeat, they were one of the party's greatest weaknesses, especially among undecided and non-partisan voters.  Think of it as the Conservatives' Achilles' heel.  Or, as MacKay so memorably put it, the "stinking albatross that hung across their necks."

In the seven months since he replaced Scheer as leader, Erin O'Toole has taken some steps to neutralize the Conservatives from future attacks.  While no progressive trailblazer, he has at least backed a few pro-LGBTQ policies, and has vocalized his support for a woman's right to an abortion, which is more than Scheer ever did to modernize the party.

Thus far in his tenure, it would appear that O'Toole has made some progress in mollifying the concerns of a wary public over the party's social conservatism.

However, in attempting to reassure the electorate that he and his party do not hold antiquated views on other issues namely climate change O'Toole has had far less success.

During the recent Conservative Party convention, O'Toole tried his best to convince party members of the significant threat posed by climate change, and of the importance for Conservatives to present a serious plan to address it.

"We cannot ignore the reality of climate change" he proclaimed.

"We have now fought and lost two elections against a carbon tax because voters did not think we were serious about addressing climate change.  And I will not allow 338 candidates to defend against the lie from the Liberals that we are a party of climate change deniers."

Unfortunately for O'Toole, his speech was not inspiring enough to prevent 54 per cent of Conservatives party members from voting against a resolution, which if passed, would have recognized "that climate change is real."

As a result, the public was left with unsettling impression that the Conservative Party has yet to accept the scientific consensus on the climate crisis.

In typical fashion, the Liberals did not miss a beat in criticizing the Conservatives.  And why wouldn't they?  Even just the perception of climate change denial is far too valuable of political ammunition to not utilize.

One cannot blame the party membership entirely for the Conservative's poor reputation on climate change though.  Notwithstanding his relatively positive rhetoric at the Conservative convention, O'Toole is far from innocent on the climate file.

Consider his response to the Supreme Court's landmark ruling the other week, which upheld Ottawa's constitutional right to tax carbon emissions.

Upon hearing news of the decision, federal politicians across the spectrum lined up to voice their approval.  They included representatives from not only the Liberal government who implemented the policy, but also progressives from both the NDP and Green Party.

Conspicuously missing from the celebrations, was O'Toole, who chose to isolate himself from his federal counterparts by pledging his undying opposition to the tax.

No matter the overwhelming support of climate scientists, economists, the majority of the public, and now, the Supreme Court of Canada, a carbon tax is still only met with ire from the Conservative leadership.

O'Toole, like Scheer and Stephen Harper before him, is simply unable to view a carbon tax as anything other than a government cash grab; one which harms both industry and the everyday citizen even when presented with evidence to the contrary.

Not that any of that evidence matters to O'Toole.  On the issue of climate, he continues to handicap himself, and the party he leads.

Unless something significant changes like the release of a comprehensive climate mitigation plan Conservatives are likely to find themselves dragged down again by yet another "stinking albatross."

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


With the release of the Canadian Institute for Health Information's report on the effect of the first wave of the pandemic on long-term care facilities in Canada, and enumerating the grim statistics of just how many people died, we got a renewed number of calls for the federal government to do something about long-term care in this country.  As might be expected this has come with more than its usual share of handwaving away jurisdictional concerns that even though these facilities are within the domain of the provinces, that somehow the federal government can exert more of its benign influence and do the job of fixing these facilities where the provinces have repeatedly failed.  This narrative, however, got even more complicated by the Supreme Court of Canada's reference decision on the federal carbon price.

The NDP, in particular, have put on a big song and dance about promising to fix long-term care with the creation of a Care Guarantee, which is possibly the NDP at its hand-waviest.  (It's also with no small amount of irony that this is explicitly an election promise when they keep insisting that they don't want an election and have been pushing the Liberals to swear that they won't call one, as though it were up to them in a hung parliament).  To add to that, their health critic, Don Davies, read the CIHI report and essentially blamed the federal government for all of those long-term care deaths, declaring "This is inexcusable.  Appropriate government action could have saved the lives of many Canadian seniors."  And he's right to a point the federal government provided what support they could under their constitutional constraints, both when it comes to increasing health transfers and providing top-up pay for workers in these facilities, and providing support from both the Canadian Forces and the Canadian Red Cross for facilities that have been hardest hit facilities that we cannot deny were overwhelmingly private ones in Ontario.

But there are very definite limits to what more the federal government can do on its own, which is why the NDP's "Care Guarantee" plan is so hand-wavy.  To be clear, the current federal government has been engaged with negotiating with the provinces on creating national standards for long-term care that would accompany more federal dollars to tackle the problems inherent in the system.  Those calls, however, have largely been met with indifference because the premiers would much prefer money without any strings attached something that any federal government that wants to see specific outcomes should never agree to.  There is this conception that if the federal government puts money on the table with strings that the premiers will come running, lest they face the wrath of voters who would punish them for leaving money on the table.  Reality is different, however.

So let's walk through this "Care Guarantee."  After Jagmeet Singh offers up a falsehood about the federal government "underfunded health care and prioritized protecting the profits of big corporations and their wealthy shareholders" which is a bizarre accusation considering that the federal government doesn't regulate these facilities (nor have they been particularly friendly with Big Pharma, contrary to NDP claims) and a calculated lie about healthcare "cuts" crippling healthcare, never mind that health transfers have escalated continuously for decades now the immediate calls are fanciful.

They promise to achieve their goals by taking profit out of long-term care is going to be exceedingly difficult to do unilaterally by the federal government because there are a very limited number of federal policy tools they can use to achieve this at least unilaterally.  They could achieve it through negotiation with the provinces, but you can bet the provinces will want to extract a hefty price before they take on tremendous new spending commitments.  It's also something that you can't just wave Canada Health Act around like a magical talisman because it does not actually regulate provincial healthcare it stipulates conditions for federal health transfers, which is not the same thing.  And they can't just make a top-down declaration because that is direct interference with an area of provincial jurisdiction, which the Supreme Court took a very narrow view of in their carbon pricing reference decision, determined to ensure that they did not open the door to other federal attempts at intrusion in to provincial territory.

"Working collaboratively with patients, caregivers, and provincial and territorial governments to develop national care standards for long-term care and other continuing care that would include accountability mechanisms and data collection and that would be tied and backed by adequate and stable funding," is essentially what the federal government is already doing in trying to negotiate with provinces for the imposition of national standards, which the provinces are balking at.  Thinking they'll agree just because it's the NDP doing the negotiating is pretty fanciful.

More to the point, simply offering an additional $5 billion for long-term care and increased health transfers transfers which they have previously promised would be without strings attached is not without risks.  Provinces have a demonstrated history of spending health transfers on things that are not healthcare we saw this under the old health transfer escalator formula, where the six percent per year increases were not being met with six percent increases in healthcare spending those increases were much lower, indicating that provinces were spending money on other things.  We've also seen incidents where provinces turned increased federal transfers into tax cuts, which burned the federal government in the past.  Not to mention, they can and do leave federal money on the table if they don't want to deal with the attached strings, which is why these negotiations are difficult.

Long-term care is but one of many areas in provincial jurisdiction that plenty of federal parties want a piece of, along with child care and pharmacare, and possibly even dental care.  None of these can see any movement without negotiation, and promising otherwise is simply lying to would-be voters for the sake of scoring points.  It's a sign that parties that engage in it are deeply unserious.

Photo Credit: CBC News

 

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


When I worked in the provincial government, my favourite news event was the annual announcement of the start of construction season each spring.  This year, as spring also marks hopefully the transition out of this pandemic, on both sides of the border we are seeing the construction plans rev up.

In Washington, DC, Democratic Transport Secretary Pete Buttigieg who was billed as a technocratic wunderkind millennial who could step up from mayor of a small college town to be president of the United States by his boosters, and is now, in the words of Pod Save America host Jon Lovett "Secretary Mayor Pete" had a flurry of profiles in mainstream news outlets, to sell the broader plans the administration has for infrastructure.

As The Hill put it he has "appeared on late night television, spoken at the popular SXSW conference and maintained a social media presence befitting his political-celebrity status… As the only millennial serving in Biden's Cabinet, Buttigieg has continued to be the young, reliable and sharp advocate for the administration."  Yahoo News called him "precocious" and Politico called him "a small-town mayor with big ideas and even bigger ambitions."

Buttigieg's strong showing in the Democratic primaries started with a similar "say yes to anything" approach to media relations, catapulting the mayor into the national conversation.  Now, as President Joe Biden gears up to sell his major infrastructure investment package some estimates say it will top three trillion dollars Secretary Mayor Pete is once again out to sell the plan, even before it's written.

(For all that press coverage, Buttigieg ended an interview with The Washington Post by referring to show horses versus work horses, and saying, "I'm very mindful of the need to just put my head down and deliver."

Meanwhile, in Canada, our Minister of Infrastructure has been making her own bevy of announcements focused on transport infrastructure from active transportation, to increasing the gas-tax transfer to municipalities and a new focus on rural transit.  She's delivering.

As a newly elected municipal councillor, I can confirm our mayor, senior staff and I have been following her every announcement with great interest.

From billions for bus electrification, to $50 million per year in rural transit funding as part of a broader $15 billion investment in transit across the country, and $400 million in funding for active transportation (walking, cycling, jogging trails, essentially), Catherine McKenna is laying a lot of track for what a Liberal version of "build back better" would look like, in advance of the 2021 budget.

It's real money, and it's focused on investments that will improve peoples' daily lives once we go back to work in person, and will enhance our productivity by improving those commutes.

"As we rebuild from the greatest public health and economic crisis of our time, I understand the vital role that immediate investments in infrastructure will play in addressing the needs of municipalities and Indigenous communities," McKenna said.  "And of course, this is about getting Canadians back to work."

What's interesting is that McKenna is making all of these announcements not only in advance of the budget, but also when most peoples' attention is focused on the shall we say challenged vaccination roll out.  She's banking on announcing the funding now, so that there can be sod-turning ceremonies in the future, when people are paying attention a portent against a spring election?

There's also something of an irony here: as Conservative Leader Erin O'Toole continues to spin his wheels on climate change, despite his exhortations in his party conference speech that Tories must recognize reality, the Liberals' first climate-change minister is now getting well ahead of him on the infrastructure stimulus spending that could form the hallmark of the economic recovery debate.

Photo Credit: The Star

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


If the Trudeau Liberals, in characteristically ruthless fashion, provoke a pandemic election, the opposition parties should welcome it.  Because in such a contest, given their misdeeds, the Liberals would almost certainly win.

If that passage causes you to doubt my political acumen, you're not the first.  But here's the thing.  While there are plenty of reasons to dislike the Trudeau administration, from its string of scandals to its reckless fiscal policy to its arrogance, if those things aren't really serious, the Liberals deserve to be reelected and the opposition parties are delusional, along with many commentators including me.  Whereas if they are as bad as they seem, it's because they will have bad consequences at some point and the opposition parties should want the Liberals to wear them.

Sure, it's weird and frustrating that so many voters are still enjoying the free money sufficiently to overlook them or even applaud them.  But since they are, any useful practical advice has to start with that unsavory truth.

I realize I'm not likely to give the NDP any advice it will want on any level, from change your policies to change your leader to go away entirely.  But since they have never won a federal election and almost certainly never will, my starting point for them is how to continue their remarkably long successful run of dragging the Liberals leftward.

Perhaps in the short run it's by propping up Trudeau's minority while grumbling about scandals.  And on substance, though they haven't gotten national pharmacare, they've received big deficits, wokeness, climate radicalism and disarmament so what's not to like?

Two things.  One is the short-sighted fear that the Liberals will get all the credit in the next election and, shades of 1974, win a majority.  But there's not much they can do about it now (other than dumping Jagmeet Singh, the supposedly charismatic invisible man).  And the long-term danger is that all the Liberals' errors and misdeeds catch up to them while the NDP is still propping them up and the Tories thunder to victory.  Better to go back into genuine Opposition just in time to say "Told you so."  (The same applies to the Greens in a minor key.)

Next, the Bloc Quebecois.  Yes, apparently it still exists though nobody's sure why, including them.  Just as it apparently has a leader but nobody's sure who, including them.  Wikipedia says it's some guy called Yves-François Blanchet.  But it also says his party is "Centre-left", which here means it has all the same left-wing policies as the Liberals except on sovereignty where it is boldly for and cautiously hesitant.

So what would they do with victory?  Hold another referendum?  Well, no, because those things are provincial.  Their best bet is to hang around in Ottawa with a reputable seat total too small to be king-makers, and whine at Canadian taxpayers' expense until they qualify for that big pension.

So now let's talk about the Tories, even if not to them because they don't listen so good.  They think they're raring to go.  Really?

My colleague Bill Watson just expressed bafflement in the Financial Post at their new "Just Erin" ads saying how ordinary their leader is.  So perhaps it has not dawned on the Conservatives that ultra-feminist Justin Trudeau is no SNAG.  He's tall, handsome, ready with his fists (ask Patrick Brazeau) or his elbows (ask Ruth Ellen Brosseau) to get his way with genial ruthlessness, and the son of the king who inherited his wealth.  Plus he has a traditional family including beautiful supportive wife and three lovely children, essentially the fairy tale prince after the denouement.  And they're positioning Erin O'Toole as what?  The stable boy?

Also, the Tories have all the same policies as the Liberals except they'd do it better without knowing how.  Including on fiscal policy.  But again, if you believe debts and deficits are bad, voters like many pundits haven't seen it yet, as record low interest rates mask the danger of pumping out money while the economy contracts.  So bide a wee.

At some point prices will start to rise and not just in housing markets.  And um grocery stores.  But until the overpriced chickens come home to roost, what can you do?  Other than win like chumps just as it all blows up, and be pilloried as the party of austerity for a generation.  Far better to lose the next election, watch Trudeau take it in the face, then win the one after with a real program of principled conservative reform.

Of course the big danger for the Tories is that running a milquetoast leader and Red Tory campaign could lose them a bunch of seats to Maxime Bernier's People's Party.  (To whom my advice is: Keep calm and carry on.)  But, if so, better to do it while people are still hypnotized by Trudeau than "win" but fall short of a majority because the West turned on you, then try to broker a deal in the full glare of publicity.

It is not easy for political parties to think in this manner.  Winning is everything, and winning now doubly so.  But if the Trudeau administration is doing well, especially in its overall response to the pandemic, it deserves to remain in office.  And if it is not, it will pay the price once the matter becomes clear.

Since it apparently hasn't yet, the best plan is to lose one for the team.

Photo Credit: CBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.