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Conservative Party leader Pierre Poilievre speaks to the crowd during a campaign rally in Nisku, just south of Edmonton, on Monday April 7, 2025.

OTTAWA — Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre renewed his promise to use the Constitution’s notwithstanding clause to restore consecutive life sentences for mass murderers.

Poilievre said on Monday that the Supreme Court’s decision to strike down a Harper-era law that allowed consecutive life sentences could let “Canada’s most notorious killers… walk free early.”

“The worst mass murderers should never be allowed back on our streets. For them, a life sentence should mean what it says: a life sentence. They should only come out in a box,” said Poilievre, at a press conference in Montreal on Monday morning.

“I’m here today to defend the Charters of Rights and Freedoms, particularly for law-abiding Canadians and victims of crime,” said Poilievre. “By allowing repeat murderers back out on the street, Liberals are violating the rights of law-abiding people to live in peace and security.”

Poilievre said he would only use the Constitution’s notwithstanding clause for criminal justice legislation, in response to a question from a reporter.

Liberal Leader Mark Carney said Poilievre’s plan to use the notwithstanding clause was a “very dangerous step.”

“Politicizing certain issues with respect to fundamental rights is a slippery slope that leads to further politicization,” said Carney, who was also in Montreal on Monday morning. “Being tough on crime starts with being smart on crime.”

The Conservatives have been hammering criminal justice issues since the beginning of the campaign, with several policy announcements focused on public safety. Last week, the party announced a “three strikes and you’re out” law, which would deny bail, probation, house arrest or parole to repeat serious offenders. Anyone with three major convictions would face at least 10 years in prison and be labelled a dangerous offender, with release only possible “through spotless behaviour and clean drug tests.”

Poilievre’s pledge to use the Constitution’s notwithstanding clause comes after the Supreme Court unanimously ruled that Alexandre Bissonnette, the gunman who killed six people in a Quebec City mosque in 2017, couldn’t be forced to wait more than 25 years to be eligible for parole.

A sentencing provision introduced by the Harper government in 2011 allowed judges to hand out consecutive life sentences, in blocks of 25 years, for multiple first-degree murders. Crown prosecutors originally asked for six 25-year blocks of parole ineligibility for Bissonnette, one for each person murdered, adding up to 150 years. The judge handed down a life sentence, with 40 years of parole ineligibility, which was later reduced to 25 years by an appeals court, which the Supreme Court agreed with.

More to come.

National Post


Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre and Prime Minister Mark Carney.

OTTAWA – Liberal and Conservative leaders Mark Carney and Pierre Poilievre presented two different characters, but similar plans to confront U.S. President Donald J. Trump, on Radio-Canada’s popular show

Tout le monde en parle

.

“Nobody can control Donald Trump… We need to focus on what we can control and that means to strengthen our economy,” said Poilievre, who was interviewed first of the two leaders.

“We need to diversify our allies and our economy,” said Carney, when his turn came up later on the broadcast.

Both men affirmed that Canadians must be “masters in their own house,” a reference to the slogan of Quebec’s Quiet Revolution of the 1960s, “

Maître chez nous

.” Carney made this slogan central to his campaign, and Poilievre mentioned it several times.

The answers were quite similar, so much so that host Guy A. Lepage asked Carney if he agreed with Pierre Poilievre, since “he clearly said exactly the same thing.”

Carney, who seemed surprised, smirked and replied: “Well, he hears me! It’s good!”

It seemed Carney had once again taken an idea from Poilievre. Shortly after taking office a month ago, he canceled the carbon tax for consumers, a long-standing Conservative promise.

The Tories also aim to eliminate carbon levies on industry.

Carney later canceled Justin Trudeau’s capital gains tax increase, a move promoted by Poilievre, and also proposed abolishing the GST for first-time buyers, another Conservative idea.

“You’ve taken quite a bit from the Conservatives’ cookie jar. Do you think Mr. Poilievre has good ideas?” asked Lepage.

“Maybe,” Carney replied, before drawing a contrast with his opponent by saying that he is much more oriented toward the environment than Poilievre.

He also said he is more focused on the economy than his predecessor, Justin Trudeau.

“It has to be said, he was less interested in that,” he acknowledged, before saying that he came into politics because there was a crisis.

“The situation is difficult, and that’s why I’m here. Because of the housing crisis and the crisis with the United States. Life is simpler in the private sector. Simpler, more profitable, more everything. But it’s too important,” he said, referring to his return to the public sector.

The pressure was on, Sunday night, for both frontrunners as they were attending the influential Radio-Canada show, which regularly gets nearly a million viewers a week in Quebec.

Lepage and co-host Jean-Sébastien Girard run a show that has been considered for decades an essential way for federal party leaders to gain exposure in Quebec.

Lepage’s interview with Jack Layton, in 2011, is supposed to have triggered the “Orange Wave” in Quebec and allowed the NDP to become the official opposition for the first time in its history.

The Conservatives have always had a love-hate relationship with the program. Former leader and prime minister Stephen Harper did not appear on the show.

This time, Poilievre’s wife, Anaida, convinced him to participate. Poilievre was much more relaxed than ever. He smiled and joked with the hosts.

But the hosts wanted to know who was the “real Pierre Poilievre”: the one with an “abrasive, belligerent and even slobbering tone,” or the one who is calmer and smiling more often?

Poilievre said he was the leader of the opposition and now, he’s preparing to become Canada’s next prime minister, and he has to be more positive and “present more hope.”

“It’s frustrating to see politicians making decisions that have caused people’s unhappiness, and sometimes it can come across as aggressive. But it comes from a desire to fight for those who deserve better from our country,” he said.

On the program, his style was compared to U.S. President Donald Trump. Co-host Girard asked him if he was a “mini-Trump, a medium Trump, or a large-Trump?”

“I’m about 180 lbs., so not really,” replied Poilievre.

“Listen, I have a completely different story than him. He comes from a very wealthy family, while I have modest origins,” he said.

He was also challenged about culture, particularly regarding his plan to defund the CBC.

He said he wanted to preserve Radio-Canada because it had helped him to learn French as a child in Alberta. His wife, who grew up in Quebec, is a strong supporter of the network.

In his segment, Carney seemed more serious and possibly nervous. He is less fluent in French than his opponent.

For instance, considering the fact Carney has paused his campaign three times to deal with the job of prime minister, the host suggested it must be more fun to be prime minister than to be a candidate in an election.

“In a sense, it’s easier (to be prime minister) in a crisis… In a crisis, you must act, you must make big decisions, you must be bold. Being a candidate is different: You must make speeches, shake hands and look at cows,” he said.

Yves-François Blanchet, leader of the Bloc Québécois,

was not impressed by the answer

and wrote on social media that the cows’ comment was “Mark Carney’s vision of democracy, and the campaign.”

Blanchet will be a guest on 

Tout le monde en parle

next week.

Carney also showed he could be quick on his feet when asked to name an artist from Quebec. He replied that Coeur de Pirate’s songs were playing at his rallies and was able to answer a more specific question about an old comedy group, to the pleasure of the hosts.

If both leaders did cross paths in Montreal, they didn’t have the chance to cross swords. That will happen in the same building on Wednesday and Thursday, for both the French and English debates.

Canadians will vote April 28.

National Post
atrepanier@postmedia.com

Get more deep-dive National Post political coverage and analysis in your inbox with the Political Hack newsletter, where Ottawa bureau chief Stuart Thomson and political analyst Tasha Kheiriddin get at what’s really going on behind the scenes on Parliament Hill every Wednesday and Friday, exclusively for subscribers. Sign up here.


Liberal staffers planted fake buttons at a conservative conference, only to divulge their plot within earshot of a reporter at an Ottawa bar.

Two Liberal staffers made fake, Trump-style buttons and planted them at a conference of Canadian conservatives last week.

But they were exposed after they discussed the plot at an Ottawa bar and were overheard by a CBC reporter.

The Liberal party has acknowledged the broadcaster’s reporting of the controversy, but suggested it was a joke that got carried away.

The bombshell story shows a disturbing effort to spread disinformation, Calgary-area MP Michelle Rempel Garner told National Post, adding it should be viewed as a dishonest and disturbing attempt to distract Canadians from the issues at hand in the ongoing election.

“It’s disgusting,” Rempel Garner said.

“What I’m hearing on the door right now is how serious this election is, how high the stakes are for people, particularly when it comes to issues related to affordability, cost of living, and frankly crime, too.

“And here you’ve got the Liberals taking a lot of effort — to graphic design, to actually make things or order them — to infiltrate a conference.

“This is what their campaign is focused on.”

The story, published Sunday by CBC News, says Liberal election staffers planted buttons at last week’s Canada Strong and Free Network conference in downtown Ottawa.

The conference, referred to often as the Manning Conference, is known as a policy and networking hotbed for conservative-leaning Canadians.

The plan to plant the buttons appeared to go off without a hitch.

Word of them made it into a Shannon Proudfoot Globe and Mail column last week.

But the scheme unravelled after Liberal campaign workers were caught bragging about it in an Ottawa bar Friday evening, in earshot of a CBC reporter.

One of the buttons said “Stop the Steal” — referencing U.S. President Donald Trump’s attempts to overturn the results of the 2020 presidential election.

There are reports of others, including a “Free Alberta” button alongside a pair of handcuffs, a “Lock Justin Up” button printed over prison bars, a “Vote for Carney is a Vote for WEXIT,” and a “Danielle Smith for CPC Leader 2026” button.

Another featured Tory campaign director Jenni Byrne’s crossed-off name, alongside Conservative strategist Kory Teneycke.

Teneycke has been a vocal critic of Byrne’s management of the federal Conservative campaign. He has suggested Pierre Poilievre is on track to lose the federal election unless he pivots and responds more directly to Canadians’ fear over U.S. President Donald Trump’s economic war against Canada.

That’s as the campaign has featured the Liberals regularly accusing Poilievre of “American-style campaigning” in an attempt to tarnish the Conservative leader by comparing him to Trump.

Rempel Garner suggested the buttons expose the lengths of that Liberal effort.

“The fact that their campaign went on a purposeful attempt to sow that type of disinformation into such an important election is just disgusting,” she said.

“This is what the Liberals are willing to do. They’re willing to do purposeful, sophisticated disinformation campaigns to distract from their record (and) divide the country, instead of offering what we’re offering, which is a plan full of hope.”

In a statement provided Sunday night, Liberal spokesperson Kevin Lemkay acknowledged the button controversy, although suggesting that it was a joke that got carried away.

“After many news reports last week about conservative infighting and prominent Trump allies being hosted at this Canadian conservative conference, it’s been reported that Liberal campaigners had created buttons poking fun at those reports — which regrettably got carried away,” Lemkay said.

Asked to identify which speakers were “prominent Trump allies,” Lemkay simply replied with a link to a list of the event’s entire speaker roster.

Lemkay also denied that all of the button slogans being reported were from the Liberal camp.

“While it is worth noting that many materials being shown online have nothing to do with members of our team, the party has acted quickly to review the matter. As Leader, Mark Carney has also made it clear to the campaign that this does not fit his commitment to serious and positive discourse,” he said.

Rempel Garner called the misinformation campaign the Liberal “go-to tactic.”

“They are trying to distract from their record, they are trying to distract from their lack of policies, they are trying to distract from all of Mark Carney’s scandals that he hasn’t been able to answer in the last couple of weeks, so this is what they do,” she said.

Rempel Garner said she will take the new ammunition to the door.

“I will get back on the doors with that message,” she said.

National Post

Get more deep-dive National Post political coverage and analysis in your inbox with the Political Hack newsletter, where Ottawa bureau chief Stuart Thomson and political analyst Tasha Kheiriddin get at what’s really going on behind the scenes on Parliament Hill every Wednesday and Friday, exclusively for subscribers. Sign up here.


Liberal leader Mark Carney, left, and Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre.

A Conservative government would make anyone running for office disclose where they paid taxes for the previous seven years, party leader Pierre Poilievre said Sunday while outlining a proposed new ethics law — and blasting Liberal Leader Mark Carney’s own alleged conflicts of interest.

Cabinet ministers would also have to divest from tax havens and prime ministers would be required to sell off all their assets under the new rules Poilievre promised.

But the Conservative leader deflected a question about whether he would put new limits on candidate nomination votes as a way to combat another ethical minefield: foreign interference in Canadian politics.

Carney himself did not make a public appearance Sunday, while NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh promised he would boost the number of doctors serving northern Ontario as part of a strategy for the region, a traditional New Democrat stronghold.

Poilievre touted his proposed new ethics law as a way to plug “loopholes” he said the Liberal government had found in rules implemented by the previous Conservative administration.

But as his party continues to trail in the polls and his approval rating remains below Carney’s, he used the announcement to roundly criticize his Liberal rival for lacking transparency about his personal finances.

“Mark Carney is already the most conflicted prime minister in Canadian history,” the Tory leader alleged. “His conflicts touch everything — from his business interests in nuclear energy to real estate to income tax laws.”

“We’re going to put Canadians first for a change. We’re going to have accountable government for a change.”

Controversy has surrounded Carney’s refusal to disclose details of his financial holdings after serving as chair of Brookfield Asset Management, which has a trillion-dollar book around the world. According to company filings, he has $6.8 million in Brookfield stock options, and helped the company obtain a $250-million loan from the state-owned Bank of China last November.

Carney says his assets are in a blind trust, meaning a trustee manages his investments and he has no control over them.

Poilievre also charged that the prime minister will not reveal where he pays taxes after a globe-trotting career that included several years as governor of the Bank of England. But the Liberal campaign said that is simply not true, while referencing the Conservative chief’s lack of private-sector experience.

“Mark Carney pays income taxes in Canada and has always followed all the rules as a tax-paying resident of Canada,” said campaign spokesman Mohammad Hussain. “Pierre Poilievre continually attacks Mark Carney’s expertise in business and finance because he has no experience of his own.

“While Pierre Poilievre continues his desperate attacks, Mark Carney is taking action to stand up to Donald Trump’s tariffs and build a stronger economy for all Canadians.”

A group that advocates for tougher ethical rules in government was lukewarm on Poilievre’s proposals, saying that while well-intentioned, they’re muddled and don’t go nearly far enough.

The Conservatives propose to ban blind trusts because of their lack of transparency, for instance, yet suggest cabinet ministers need only disclose their investments to the ethics commissioner, not the public, noted Duff Conacher, co-founder of Democracy Watch.

And while they say the prime minister should sell all his or her assets, other public officials would face no such requirement, he said.

As well as requiring political candidates to say where they’re paying taxes, Poilievre proposes:

  • Requiring business leaders and other private citizens who act as government advisers to register as lobbyists if they stand to profit from their advice;
  • Banning politicians from making decisions that benefit them or their families disproportionately;
  • Increasing fines for ethics violations to $10,000;
  • Forcing cabinet ministers to sell off investments in tax havens and disclose assets to the conflict of interest commissioner;
  • Making party leaders disclose their assets within 30 days of getting the job, and selling off assets within 30 days of becoming prime minister.

But Conacher suggested the proposed measures largely skirt around the real issues.

He said one of the most important reforms to the current law would be to require all cabinet members and other top government officials to simply sell off their investments, lessening the chance of financially benefiting from decisions.

He said the current law also exempts “99 per cent” of decisions governments make from conflict rules, because the legislation does not cover policies that apply generally, as opposed to a specific company or other entity.

As for a $10,000 fine, that would provide little incentive for compliance when a politician could potentially earn millions of dollars from a government decision, said Conacher.

A reporter asked Poilievre after his announcement whether he would favour putting the nomination elections for party candidates under the authority of Elections Canada to prevent meddling in them by foreign powers. Such contests could be a “gateway” for foreign interference, Justice Marie-Josée Hogue had said in a report on the federal foreign-interference inquiry.

Loose rules around who can vote in those elections, for instance, have led to allegations of instant party members — some who are neither citizens nor even permanent residents — helping to elect candidates.

Poilievre did not directly answer the question, but said a government he led would take foreign interference seriously and criticized Carney’s response to one of his candidate’s controversial remarks.

Paul Chiang, the incumbent in Markham—Unionville riding, encouraged people to turn Conservative politician Joe Tay into the Chinese consulate and collect a bounty placed on his head by Hong Kong police. Tay’s alleged “crime” was to run a YouTube channel here that was critical of the city’s China-dominated government. Carney defended Chiang, though the former MP later stepped down as a candidate.

Conacher said Elections Canada must take over responsibility of running both nomination and party leadership elections.

“As long as the parties run nomination contests and party leadership contests, foreign interference will be covered up whenever it happens in those contests,” he said. ”The Parties just will not expose foreign interference in their own contests because of how embarrassing it would be.”


B.C. Conservative MLA Claire Rattée: “I can’t tell you how many people I know in my generation who told me the only reason they voted for (Justin Trudeau)... was because they wanted marijuana to be legalized.”

Pollsters and political campaigners don’t deny it; there’s a generational fault line in the federal election. Boomers are leaning toward the Liberals, since Mark Carney won the LPC leadership. And younger generations (Gen X, Millennials and Gen Z), angry about the cost of living, endorse the platform of Pierre Poilievre’s Conservatives.

Admittedly, it’s an odd dynamic. Younger people preferring a conservative government and seniors wanting to retain a progressive status quo. I’m a boomer with Millennial kids, so this is personal.

And it’s real. Some of my contemporaries seem stuck in a time warp, wishing the world wouldn’t change. I also hear the well-placed frustration, even rage, in the voices of younger generations who tell me, “Don’t complain when your kids and grandkids leave for Texas.”

Claire Rattée, the youngest MLA in B.C.’s provincial Conservative caucus, is game to talk about generational divides. This 32-year-old Millennial was elected to represent the northwestern B.C. constituency of Skeena in 2024. After moving to Kitimat from the lower mainland in 2011, she’s owned and operated a tattoo parlour, served four years on Kitimat city council, and ran (unsuccessfully) for the CPC in the 2019 and 2021 federal elections.

We meet virtually; Claire’s in Victoria at the B.C. Legislature and squeezes our conversation into a tight window between a finance committee meeting and question period. This young woman stands out in a crowd — something she’s quite proud of — with her youthful vigour and all those tattoos. She points out a death’s-head hawkmoth tattooed across her chest; turns her neck to the left, to show me a large magpie, and then to the right, to point out a little fruit bat inked on her neck.

Unlike most of the friends her age in B.C., who are defectors from the traditional NDP, Claire assures me she’s not hopping on a new bandwagon; she’s always voted conservative. But she understands why her peers are switching their allegiances: “I think they have lost touch with their roots … Jagmeet Singh is not Jack Layton … David Eby doesn’t even hold a candle flame, in my opinion, to the late John Horgan. It’s becoming about elitism.

“The reason that the Conservative party is seeing this huge resurgence among my generation,” Claire asserts, “is that we see real substantive policies that I think are being explained better.” The public knows what Poilievre would do as prime minister, she says; “the party’s standing up for working-class people, blue-collar people, middle-income people, and it’s giving people hope.

“I’m very fortunate,” she adds. “I can afford a home, I can afford to run my business, I can afford to buy a nice vehicle, I can live fairly comfortably but that’s simply because of where I’ve chosen to live. Most people probably wouldn’t choose to live where I live (in Kitimat)…If I stayed in Vancouver I was never going to afford a home. My siblings will never afford a home because they don’t leave.”

And, she continues, “theatre is a part of politics”; leaders like Poilievre have figured out how to get younger peoples’ attention. Her generation is frustrated, she reports: “We can’t afford the things our parents or grandparents could afford, and so we want to see people that are passionate, that are speaking up.” That means political leaders “have to be a little over the top, a little more bubbly, a little bit louder and more passionate and theatrical,” she suggests. Staid and serious won’t turn younger heads.

Pushing back, I remind Claire that it was younger people who elected Justin Trudeau — the former drama teacher — as prime minister. She laughs; Trudeau was theatrical and charismatic and some would say attractive, she admits. But it was the marijuana legislation that captured the vote. “Plain and simple,” she states, “I can’t tell you how many people I know in my generation who told me the only reason they voted for him, and for many of them, it was the first time they ever voted, was because they wanted marijuana to be legalized.”

Talk of Trudeau raises another point Claire wants to make: “Conservatives, and I don’t mean the Conservative party, I mean conservatives in general, made a little bit of an error … by trying to put everything at the feet of Justin Trudeau.” She’s absolutely correct in her reasoning; Liberal policies are the same, the people are the same, but people now think “Trudeau’s gone, so things are going to get better.”

Over-simplification, I suggest, has also led to the mistaken idea in this election that a vote for Carney is a vote against U.S. President Donald Trump. The Canadian economy has been in decline for years and Trump’s become the scapegoat. “The same thing is happening here in B.C.,” Claire nods. “It’s absolutely painful. We can’t get through a question period without the NDP saying, ‘Well, you guys must be Trump lovers and this is all Trump’s fault.’ And we’re going, ‘the softwood lumber agreement, this was an issue long before Trump.’”

Over the course of our conversation, I realize Claire is far more forgiving of the boomers — or more optimistic — than I am. Perhaps, she suggests, after years of provincial NDP and federal Liberal governments in B.C., people of all generations “are just generally fed up with socialism; they’re just over it. They put two and two together and they can come to the conclusion that this is just not working.”

She’s also been door-knocking with Ellis Ross — her predecessor as MLA for Skeena, now the federal Conservative candidate for the Skeena-Bulkley Valley riding — and knows how voters are thinking.

Bottomline: What Claire prioritizes in a leader is authenticity. For her, Poilievre is genuine, he’s the real deal; though she does admit it may be easier to recognize this trait in someone closer to your own age (Poilievre is 45; Carney is 60). Trudeau and Singh lack this quality and it’s “definitely missing in Mark Carney,” is her assessment.

Claire is Opposition critic for mental health and addictions in B.C.; I can’t resist asking for her take on Poilievre’s promise to fund 50,000 addictions recovery spaces across the country. “In my riding, the entire northern (B.C.) health region,” she grimaces, “we have seven treatment beds.” The NDP has no problem opening up a safe injection site, she groans, “but God forbid we get a treatment centre.”

Claire doesn’t hide the fact she was once a drug addict, living on the streets of Vancouver. “I grew up in the Lower Mainland, so I was fortunate” to have access to a treatment bed, she says, sharing her story of recovery. “I probably wouldn’t be here today if I’d grown up in Kitimat.”

We’re generations apart, but I recognize her authenticity. It’s as obvious as the art on her body.


A person walks past Elections Canada Vote signage during the federal election campaign In Mississauga, Ontario, Monday April 7, 2025.

Here’s everything you need to know about the 2025 federal election in Canada.

When is it?

Canada’s 45th federal election is scheduled for April 28, 2025. This snap election was called by Mark Carney after he was elected leader of the Liberal Party and became prime minister last month following Justin Trudeau’s resignation.

While federal elections are typically held every four years, they can be called at any time. In this instance, Carney recommended dissolving Parliament to address pressing issues, including trade tensions with the United States. If he hadn’t called an election, he would have likely faced a no-confidence vote when Parliament returned, which would have triggered an election.

Who are the federal leaders?

 Liberal Leader Mark Carney, Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre, NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh, Green Co-leader Jonathan Pedneault and Bloc Québécois Leader Yves-François Blanchet are pitching their visions to voters. Photos by Derek Ruttan/London Free Press, Ernest Doroszuk/Toronto Sun and Adrian Wyld/Canadian Press

  • The major political parties have the following leaders:
  • Mark Carney: Liberal Party of Canada
  • Pierre Poilievre: Conservative Party of Canada
  • Jagmeet Singh: New Democratic Party (NDP)
  • Yves-François Blanchet: Bloc Québécois
  • Elizabeth May and Jonathan Pedneault: co-leaders of the Green Party of Canada

How many seats does each party have?

As of the election call, the seat distribution in the House of Commons was:

  • Liberal Party of Canada: 152
  • Conservative Party of Canada: 120
  • NDP: 24
  • Bloc Québécois: 33
  • Green Party of Canada: 2

There are 343 seats up for grabs in the 2025 election, so a party needs to win 172 seats to command a majority.

How can I vote?

To vote in the federal election, you must be a Canadian citizen, at least 18 years old on election day, and registered with Elections Canada. Voting options include:

  1. In-person on election day: Vote at your designated polling station.
  2. By mail: Apply for a mail-in ballot if you cannot vote in person.
  3. Advance Voting: Cast your ballot before election day at designated polling stations.

For more details,

visit Elections Canada’s website

.

How many days is the election?

The 2025 election campaign is 37 days, from March 23 to April 28. During this period, parties are holding rallies and events to present their platforms to voters.

When are the debates?

There are two debates scheduled for the 2025 election. The Leaders’ Debates Commission, an independent body, will host them both at the Maison de Radio-Canada in Montréal, Québec. The French debate will take place on Wednesday, April 16 at 8 p.m. ET. The English debate will be held on Thursday, April 17 at 7 p.m. ET. Radio-Canada anchor Patrice Roy will moderate the French debate and TVO host Steve Paikin will moderate the English one.

Important Dates

Voting by mail: The Tuesday before election day — April 22 — is the last day to register to vote by mail. To register, call Elections Canada or

visit their website

.

Advance polling: There will be four advance polling days between April 18 and 21. Be sure to bring official identification with your name and address on it.

Student voting: Between April 13 and 16, Elections Canada will operate its vote on-campus program at

a number of colleges and universities

, but students can also vote on election day

Military: Between April 14 and 19, Canadian Armed Forces electors can vote at the military poll set up for their base or unit.


From left: Fort McKay First Nation Chief Raymond Powder, Alberta Minister of Energy and Minerals Brian Jean, Fort McKay First Nation Councillor Bobby Shott and Wood Buffalo Municipality Mayor Sandy Bowman at a news conference on March 7, 2024.

Fort McKay First Nation

(FMFN) is an Indigenous success story. Situated along the Athabasca River, north of Fort McMurray in Alberta, the community has raised living standards for its members through revenue generated by First Nation-owned companies.

According to a 2020 FMFN financial report, the community generates 97 per cent of their revenue from such companies, with an average gross annual revenue of $1.7 billion over the course of five years.

The First Nation, which has 900 band members of Dene and Cree heritage living on the reserve and abroad, has emerged as a leader in Indigenous economic development. A 2018 Fraser Institute report attributed this success to “community capitalism.”

FMFN’s involvement in the oil sands industry began in 1986 with the establishment of the Fort McKay Group of Companies, a 100 per cent First Nation-owned oil sands construction and services company. The First Nation oversees twelve companies through its wholly-owned holding company, Fort McKay Landing LP.

FMFN has navigated environmental impact assessments, profit-sharing agreements, and consultation processes. “We place great emphasis on ensuring that we are actively involved in the decision-making process, ensuring our land and resources are protected for future generations,” said FMFN Chief Raymond Powder.

National Post spoke to Powder about how the First Nation strikes a balance between business and culture and how they have used their profits to grow their community’s economy. This interview has been edited and condensed for clarity and length.

How did FMFN first get involved in the oil sands industry, and what have been the biggest milestones?

FMFN was historically a trapping and fishing community. As those industries declined, we saw the oil sands as an opportunity for transition and adaptation. Partnering with oil sands companies allowed us to shift to a new economic base, and through our involvement in extraction and refining operations, we created a steady revenue stream. Our biggest milestones include the formation of the Fort McKay Group of Companies, which has become a cornerstone for our community’s economic self-sufficiency. Additionally, partnerships with companies like Suncor and the East Tank Farm project, a joint venture with other Indigenous groups, have been integral in diversifying our economic base.

How do the revenues generated from the oil sands sector benefit Fort McKay residents?

The revenues from oil sands operations through Fort McKay Group of Companies have been reinvested back into our community. We’ve built schools, a wellness centre, and housing, improving living conditions and community services. We also focus on educational programs, employment training, and health services to provide our residents with the tools and resources they need to succeed. Our goal is to ensure that youth have access to both career opportunities in the oil sands sector and beyond.

How does FMFN ensure that young people have access to education and career opportunities?

We offer numerous initiatives that connect youth with education and career opportunities. These include trade shows, educational fairs and post-secondary support programs. While many community members work within the oil sands sector, we are actively working to ensure that our youth have the skills needed to pursue careers outside the industry as well. We are committed to fostering educational success, which, in turn, supports the community’s growth and development.

What’s the long-term vision for economic self-sufficiency, especially in light of oil production being finite?

We are focused on economic diversification and long-term financial sustainability. Through equity partnerships, like Thebacha (a partnership that saw FMFN and the Mikisew Cree First Nation acquire a 49 per cent equity position in a Suncor facility north of Fort McMurray) we have positioned ourselves to invest in ventures that will provide long-term returns. This includes renewable energy and other industries, allowing us to build wealth that supports future generations. Our long-term strategy also involves working closely with other Indigenous communities, such as those in the Athabasca region, to address shared economic and environmental challenges.

How does Fort McKay balance economic opportunity with environmental responsibility, especially when it comes to oil sands development?

At FMFN, balancing economic growth with environmental stewardship is vital. We work closely with oil sands companies to ensure high environmental standards and maintain our own internal monitoring systems for better transparency. We are committed to minimizing the environmental impact while providing jobs and economic opportunities for our community. The key to our success has been ensuring that economic benefits do not come at the expense of our environment.

Can you explain the significance of Moose Lake and the efforts to protect it?

Moose Lake holds deep cultural and spiritual significance for our community. It is a sacred area where we engage in traditional practices such as hunting and fishing. The area is threatened by industrial encroachment, and we have fought tirelessly to protect it. We’ve advocated for buffer zones and restrictions to ensure that Moose Lake remains pristine and that our future generations can continue practicing their traditional ways of life. The lake symbolizes our fight for land rights, cultural preservation, and environmental stewardship.

What are the next steps in strengthening Fort McKay’s land rights?

We are actively asserting our land rights and seeking greater autonomy in governance. Part of this includes addressing historical land agreements and ensuring that resources like oil sands are properly factored into our treaty agreements. Strengthening our sovereignty is a key priority, and we are working to ensure that our rights over land and resources are recognized and respected by provincial and federal governments.

How does FMFN collaborate with other Indigenous communities in the region?

Collaboration is central to our economic strategy. We work closely with neighbouring First Nations such as the Athabasca Chipewyan and Mikisew Cree to address shared economic, environmental, and political issues. This includes joint ventures with oil sands companies and collective efforts to protect our land and resources. By working together, we can ensure that all communities benefit from regional development and share resources to maximize our bargaining power.

Looking ahead, what are the biggest opportunities and challenges for Fort McKay First Nation in the next 10-20 years?

The biggest opportunities lie in diversifying our economy, building long-term financial sustainability, and continuing to strengthen our sovereignty. However, challenges such as fluctuating global markets, resource dependency, and environmental concerns remain. We are focused on overcoming these challenges through strategic investments, collaboration with other Indigenous communities, and continued investment in our people and education. Our vision is to ensure that FMFN remains a self-sustaining, thriving community for future generations.

This is the latest in a National Post series on How Canada Wins. Read earlier instalments here.

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Conservative Party of Canada leader Pierre Poilievre talks with veterans during a campaign event on April 12, 2025, in Ottawa, Canada.

OTTAWA — Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre says he would not expand eligibility for medical assistance in dying, but pledged that Canadians would continue to have access to that right, should his party form the next government.

Poilievre made the statement during a campaign stop in his Ottawa-area riding on Saturday.

“People will continue to have the right to make that choice, the choice for themselves. We are not proposing to expand medical assistance in dying beyond the existing parameters,” he told reporters.

“That said, we believe that we also need better health care so that people have all sorts of options.”

Medical assistance in dying has been legal in Canada since 2016, following a landmark Supreme Court of Canada decision that struck down previous Criminal Code provisions that made it a crime for a physician to assist someone in ending their own life, saying it violated the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

When it became legal, someone’s natural death had to be determined to be “reasonably foreseeable” in order to be eligible.

That rule was challenged in a Quebec court, which found it to be unconstitutional. The Liberal government accepted the court’s finding and introduced an updated law, removing the requirement.

Expanded eligibility for medical assistance in dying took effect in 2021. The updated law was met with swift backlash from disability advocate groups, warning removing the provision could lead to an increase in deaths from individuals living with disabilities due to a lack of access to other supports.

Federal data also shows an increase in individuals seeking assisted death since it became legal.

Krista Carr, CEO of Inclusion Canada, said in an interview Saturday that while she welcomes Poilievre’s commitment not to expand assisted dying any further, she hopes he means that Canadians who are terminally ill would continue to have access, not those whose deaths are not deemed “reasonably foreseeable.”

She wants all federal parties, including the Conservatives, which Carr noted fought against widening access when the bill was before Parliament, to change the law to return the eligibility criteria to require that someone be determined to be close to death to qualify for an assisted death.

The current law is “very discriminatory” towards the disabilities community, she said.

“It’s a situation for people with disabilities where intolerable suffering for them is caused by poverty and lack of opportunities and lack of disability supports and lack of housing options … not the disability itself,” she told National Post.

In a statement, Liberal campaign spokeswoman said Yana Titarenko said assisted-dying is a “deeply personal choice.”

“We remain committed to safeguarding the most vulnerable in our society and working closely with provinces and territories on this matter. Our approach will always prioritize compassion, dignity, and the necessary supports for those in need.”

According to the Conservative Party of Canada’s policy handbook, last discussed by members at its 2023 convention in Quebec City, the party opposes assisted dying “in principle,” including for individuals who are “not terminally ill” and when their death is “not reasonably foreseeable.”

Poilievre, who as party leader is not bound to adopt members’ policies, appeared to strike a different tone on Saturday.

The most controversial part of the 2021 law was how it proposed opening the door to assisted dying for those seeking it solely on the basis of mental illness. The change had been initially scheduled to take effect in March 2023, but was delayed until March 2024.

Several months before the expansion was set to happen, the Liberals announced another delay, this time pushing it back until March 2027, saying doctors and provinces needed more time to prepare.

That followed vocal criticism from psychiatrists and others about the difficulty of determining whether someone living with severe mental illness could improve and whether an individual’s suffering was related to factors such as poverty and a lack of other social supports.

The federal Conservatives were the staunchest critics of the proposed expansion,

which Poilievre has previously vowed he would not do

.

Dying With Dignity Canada, an organization that advocates for end-of-life care and access to assisted-dying, has said there remains strong public support for Ottawa to expand eligibility to allow individuals with neurocognitive diseases, like dementia and Alzheimer’s, to make advanced requests.

“As parties look for issues that resonate widely with voters, they should listen to the countless Canadian who have been asking for access to advance request,” Helen Long, the organization’s CEO, said in a statement.

Long added she was “dismayed” those seeking an assisted-death solely on the basis of mental illness would continue to be excluded. 

Earlier in the week, Poilievre confirmed that a Conservative government would not pass any law restricting abortion. While he has said he is “pro-choice,” many social Conservatives call the party home, making abortion and other issues like assisted-dying the subjects of debate within the party.

Poilievre campaigned Saturday near where Carney hopes to win a seat in the House of Commons, in the riding of Nepean.

Barbara Bal, a former reservist in the Royal Canadian Artillery, who is the Conservative candidate hoping to flip the Liberal seat blue, introduced Poilievre on Saturday.

The leader announced that, if elected, Conservatives would increase supports for veterans, including by approving disability applications if they are not processed within 16 weeks, handing over control of their medical records as well as making an education and training benefit immediately available to members upon leaving the service.

“What I hear from veterans is they want services for themselves and their families. They want direct services, not more bureaucracy,” Poilievre said.

“I have not encountered a single veteran that says that he needs more bureaucracy … what they need is to have immediate benefits day one of their departure.”

Poilievre on Saturday also said Carney has been “hiding” from the campaign. Carney said on Thursday evening he was suspending his campaign in order to return to Ottawa to deal with U.S. President Donald Trump’s ongoing trade war with Ottawa.

Carney did not make an announcement on Saturday, with the party only releasing a press release promising that if re-elected, the Liberals would make entry into national galleries and museums free for children under 18 from June to August, as well as reduce prices for national parks.

Leaders are set to begin preparing for next week’s English and French-language debates in Montreal on April 16 and 17.

National Post

staylor@postmedia.com

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Calgary McKnight Liberal candidate George Chahal speaks during a campaign stop with party leader Mark Carney in Calgary on Wednesday April 9, 2025.

CALGARY — It’s a little less lonely to be a Liberal in Calgary these days.

The line of supporters extends a kilometre outside of the Red and White Club at McMahon Stadium, where Liberal Leader Mark Carney is set to hold a rally. It is taking place in the riding of Calgary Confederation, which Liberals expect

could be a nail-biter this election

.

Running under the red banner is Corey Hogan, vice president at the University of Calgary and host of the political podcast “The Strategists.” He is hastily replacing the previous candidate,

Thomas Keeper, who stepped down

reportedly for a 20-year-old domestic assault charge.

Hogan will be facing off against former United Conservative Party MLA Jeremy Nixon, now running for the federal Tories. Nixon was also tapped as a last-minute candidate after the incumbent MP, Len Webber, suddenly announced his retirement before the election call.

At only 15 years old, William Grunan-Harlow is waiting in line to enter the Liberal venue, a sign with Hogan’s name on it in hand.

He may not be able to vote for the candidate but is eager to meet Hogan, who he knows of through his podcast. It is Grunan-Harlow’s first partisan event, and he is beaming with excitement at the idea of meeting other people who hold similar political views to him.

“I had never met a Liberal in my entire life outside of my family, and now I’ve met quite a few,” said the articulate teenager, pointing to the long line of supporters behind him.

One of those supporters is Richard McMillan, who is clearly of voting age and says he will be casting his ballot for Hogan.

“He’s really capable and I honestly think he’s cabinet minister material,” he said.

Inside the venue, the crowd goes wild when Hogan briefly takes the stage.

Hogan is clearly at ease in front of such a large crowd. He tells them that Janet Brown, Alberta’s most recognized pollster, told CBC that a riding like Calgary Confederation is “a bellwether riding” for whether Liberals are going to win a minority or a majority.

“The polls say if we show up, we’ll win,” Hogan said.

The next one to take the stage, Lindsay Luhnau, the director of a local investment co-operative running for the Liberals in Calgary Centre, another riding that the party is hoping to pick up, said her team is getting “incredible feedback at the doors and on the doors.”

“Progressives across Calgary are uniting,” she said, referring to the NDP’s slide in the polls that is seemingly benefiting her party.

Calgary is typically a Conservative stronghold in federal politics. Liberals elected a lone representative, George Chahal, in Calgary Skyview in 2021. Chahal is now running in the Calgary McKnight riding, while Hafeez Malik is hoping to succeed Chahal in Skyview.

Chahal said he thinks he will no longer be alone in Calgary after the next election.

“I think we will see Liberal support be much higher than it has in previous elections, and I am confident that I will be joined by more colleagues representing their constituencies from the Liberal Party of Canada after April 28,” he said.

According to Duane Bratt, a political science professor at Mount Royal University, four ridings in Calgary are going to be in play: McKnight, Skyview, Centre and Confederation.

“Those will be battlegrounds that we haven’t typically seen in this city,” he said.

It is no coincidence that Carney decided to make his announcement to

transform Canada into an “energy superpower”

with some of his candidates in Calgary.

“We need to get… Liberal candidates elected, as many as possible, so we can put this into place,” he said of his commitments.

Liberals are pushing another candidacy: Priti Obhrai-Martin, daughter of beloved long-time Conservative MP Deepak Obhrai. She is running in the riding of Calgary East against Conservative incumbent Jasraj Singh Hallan, also popular in the riding.

In a recent interview, Obhrai-Martin said her father had spoken highly of Carney’s work as governor of the Bank of Canada during the 2008 recession. When Carney decided to run for the leadership, she said he “piqued” her interest and put her hand up to get involved with the party.

Community members then asked her if she would be willing to run. She said yes.

“It’s very emotional,” she said. “It’s my dad’s riding. I’ve been door-knocking in this area since I was 16. I know the Conservatives. I know everybody here. It was not an easy decision. But people were asking me to step up. I was like, ‘Okay, I’m all in.’”

Obhrai-Martin said she was “scared” to join the Liberals at first but said people have been respectful of her decision. “They recognize that I have a legacy. They recognize that we have a family name and integrity, and they know that I didn’t take this lightly,” she said.

After the end of the Calgary rally, she is treated like a local celebrity, with Liberal supporters patiently waiting to take pictures with her and exchange a few words.

Obhrai-Martin might make it to Parliament like her father or she might not. But she said that if she felt the need to join Carney’s Liberals, others might do as well.

National Post,

with files from Noah Brennan, Calgary Herald

calevesque@postmedia.com

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People celebrate Canada Day in Ottawa.

Eighty-five per cent of Canadians say they’re proud to be Canadian — up five percentage points from nearly one year ago,

according to a new poll

.

The Leger poll conducted for the Association for Canadian Studies found that Atlantic Canadians and those in Manitoba and Saskatchewan are the most proud (91 per cent). They’re followed by those in Alberta (86 per cent), Ontarians (85 per cent) and people in British Columbia (84 per cent). Quebecers feel the least national pride, with 79 per cent saying they’re proud to be Canadian.

The numbers were slightly different just one month ago, when 86 per cent of Canadians said they were proud. In early March, 86 per cent of Quebecers and 77 per cent of Albertans said they were proud to be Canadian. In November 2024, the number was the same for Quebecers but only 70 per cent of British Columbians were proud to be Canadian.

“This has to be understood in terms of what’s happened since the election of Donald Trump and the current campaign,” said Jack Jedwab, president and CEO of the Association for Canadian Studies. “There’s a lot of volatility right now in terms of our relationship with the United States, a lot of head-scratching and people asking themselves, ‘Where do we stand with the country we perceive to be our closest ally, and what does this mean for who we are?’”

In the 2025 federal election, national unity has come up as an issue, with Alberta Premier Danielle Smith warning of an “unprecedented national unity crisis” should several demands not be met by the incoming government.

However, this poll, along with others, seems to show the overwhelming majority of Canadians have a strong attachment to their nation.

In every region of the country — with the exception of Quebec — the number of people who say they take pride in Canada is higher than the number of people who say they take pride in their province.

“Pride in being Canadian exceeds pride in province for the rest of the country,” said Jedwab.

In Quebec, 79 per cent say they are proud to be Canadian and 80 per cent say they are proud to be Quebecers. Elsewhere, the gap is wider: 91 per cent of Atlantic Canadians say they are proud to be Canadian compared to 85 per cent who say they are proud of their province.

Ninety-one per cent of those in Saskatchewan and Manitoba say they are proud to be Canadian compared to 75 per cent who show pride in their province. In Alberta, 86 per cent of people say they are proud to be Canadian, while 73 per cent say they are proud of their province. Eighty-five per cent of Ontarians say they are proud to be Canadian, while 82 per cent say they are proud of their province. And in British Columbia, 84 per cent say they are proud to be Canadian, and 82 per cent say they are proud of their province.

At nearly 93 per cent, Liberal voters have the most pride in Canada, followed by Conservative voters at 86 per cent and NDP voters at 83 per cent. Only 64 per cent of those who say they are voting for the Bloc Québécois — an avowedly separatist party – say they are proud to be Canadian. (Forty-eight per cent of those polled also said that an independent Quebec would be less able to deal with U.S. trade threats.)

“I suspect a lot of Albertans are also thinking that their capacity on their own to … be effective in defending against this threat is probably something that they’re coming to understand is not going to be most effective,” said Jedwab.

The survey of 1,631 people was conducted online by Leger for the Association for Canadian Studies between April 5 and 6. A margin of error cannot be associated with a non-probability sample in a panel survey for comparison purposes. A probability sample of 1,631 respondents would have a margin of error of plus or minus 2.5 per cent, 19 times out of 20.

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