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Most Canadians prefer to say Merry Christmas instead of Happy Holidays in 2025, despite many anticipating a stressful season, a new survey finds.

Most Canadians will be inclined to wish others a Merry Christmas this season, but some of them will do so with the stress of the season hidden behind the festive greeting, a new survey has found.

Polling of 1,002 adults in Canada conducted by Research Co. found that

67 per cent of Canadians prefer Merry Christmas

when giving and receiving the seasonal salutation.

That’s up five points from the firm’s

same polling in 2024.

For 2025, almost as many are not sure or don’t care (16 per cent) as there are those who prefer the less denominational Happy Holidays (18 per cent), which saw a six-point drop from last year.

Across Canada, the traditional greeting is preferred by the majority of respondents. Regionally, Atlantic Canadians (77 per cent) and Albertans (72 per cent) voiced the strongest support, while the lowest (59 per cent) came in Quebec, where a quarter of respondents said they preferred the modern greeting.

More of those who voted for the Conservative Party of Canada in this year’s election (77 per cent) preferred Merry Christmas than did Liberal (63 per cent) or NDP (51 per cent) supporters.

The pollster also asked people about stress and fun this holiday season, and while more than half (52 per cent) expected more of the former, almost a third (30 per cent) anticipated it to be more stressful. The rest were unsure.

“More than a third of Generation X members in Canada (34 per cent) foresee a stressful holiday season,” Mario Canseco, president of Research Co., said in a news release.

“Fewer millennials (31 per cent), Generation Z (29 per cent) and baby boomers (27 per cent) share this feeling.”

Regionally, worries of stress were highest in Atlantic Canada (38 per cent) and lowest in Quebec (23 per cent). Conservative supporters (34 per cent), too, were more inclined to foresee stress than Liberal (28 per cent) or NDP (26 per cent) voters.

As it has in previous years, the Vancouver-based firm also quizzed Canadians about classic holiday traditions and foods. People overwhelmingly expressed fondness for Christmas dinner staples such as turkey (82 per cent), cranberry sauce (65 per cent) and fruit cake (58 per cent) for dessert, but enthusiasm for mulled wine (36 per cent) and plum pudding (44 per cent) was more tepid.

The survey also explored when Canadians first learned the truth about Santa Claus, with a majority (52 per cent) saying they found out at age nine or younger. The same percentage felt nine and younger was the appropriate age to tell kids, 36 per cent thought 10 or older was reasonable.

Conducted Dec. 9-7, the poll has a margin of error of plus or minus 3.1 percentage points, 19 times out of 20.

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Lilly and Jack Sullivan haven't been found since they were reported missing from their home in Lansdowne Station, Nova Scotia home on May 2, 2025.

Lilly and Jack Sullivan’s names grace decorations on their paternal grandmother’s Christmas tree, but Belynda Gray is under no illusion the children are still alive.

Lilly, 6, and her four-year-old brother, Jack, were first reported missing from their home in rural northeastern Nova Scotia by their mother, Malehya Brooks-Murray, at 10:01 a.m. on May 2. Brooks-Murray told police she believed the two children had wandered away from their home in Lansdowne Station. Police started looking for the missing kids less than half an hour later, but, so far, one of the largest searches this province has ever seen has been fruitless.

“My place is decorated. I have (four) other grandchildren that come. But it doesn’t feel like Christmas at all,” Gray said in an interview from her home in Middle Musquodoboit, N.S.

When they vanished, Gray hadn’t seen Lilly or Jack in person for 18 months since they moved to Lansdowne Station to live in a ramshackle mobile home with their mother and her then partner, Daniel Martell, their stepfather.

But Gray has fond memories of the two children.

“Lily, when she smiled, her eyes lit up a room,” said her grandmother. “Her whole face glowed when she smiled. She was full of life, inquisitive, curious. She mimicked me like a little robot.”

By contrast, her little brother “very rarely smiled,” Gray said.

“Jack was never a smiley, smiley kid, even as a baby,” said his grandmother.

“He was very curious and always studied things that he would play with, one thing at a time, whereas Lily would dance circles around him. Lily was very outgoing and he was very reserved.”

In October, the RCMP brought in cadaver dogs to search 40 kilometres of territory, but they failed to find any sign of the missing children.

Investigators employed 22 of 23 of the province’s ground search and rescue teams during the hunt for Jack and Lilly, as well as two teams from New Brunswick. All told, they spent 12,253 hours searching for the children.

Mounties continue to work on hundreds of tips generated by the case and searchers have combed through about 8.5 square kilometres of terrain in the probe.

“I’ve got 25 years on (the force) and I absolutely expect to solve this before I retire,” Staff-Sgt. Rob McCamon, the officer in charge of Major Crime and Behavioural Sciences in Nova Scotia, said in an interview.

“This file will get solved long before that.”

He urged anyone with information about the case to contact investigators.

“Deep down, I believe there are people somewhere out there that may have information that will help us,” McCamon said.

Hundreds of RCMP officers from Nova Scotia and elsewhere who have been involved in the case are now heading into the holidays knowing the search that’s gone on for more than seven months has failed to produce answers.

“I think almost everyone on the team and almost everyone that I’ve worked with has kids or at least has relations who have kids,” McCamon said.

“The reality is they’re very vulnerable people in our society that need protection. And this is a very difficult file for all involved because we want the answers just as much as everyone else.”

It’s unacceptable for two kids to go missing and the RCMP not to find answers, he said. “We’re not going to stop until we do.”

The RCMP are confident they will solve the case.

“I worry sick that they may not,” Gray said.

Gray used to see a lot of the children, even after their mother split from her son Cody Sullivan, their biological father, more than three years back.

“The whole family was into their lives when her and my son were together; there were many visits,” she said.

“Once they split up, Malehya would bring the kids here just about every two weeks.”

Those visits continued for about a year after the breakup.

“And on one of the last visits, she stated that she had met somebody,” Gray said. “When she met Daniel she told us that he was uncomfortable with her coming here. So right away we said, ‘Well, why don’t you bring him along?’”

Brooks-Murray promised she’d mention it to him, Gray said.

“But the next time she came, she stated that it is just not working out for her coming here.”

 Belynda Gray’s Christmas tree includes ornaments bearing the names of Jack and Lilly Sullivan, her grandchildren who were reported missing in May.

For a time, Gray visited Lilly and Jack in the Truro area, where they were staying with their mother’s family.

“That worked out good for a while,” Gray said.

But in the fall Jack turned three, Gray said when she took him gifts and Halloween treats for both kids, something felt off. “Malehya seemed to be in a rush to hurry our visit.”

After about a year in Truro, Lilly, Jack, their mom and her new partner moved to Lansdowne Station.

“It was Daniel’s mother that gave them her big trailer and she moved into an RV,” Gray said.

“When Malehya told me she was moving to Pictou (County), she told me that his mother had a farm … and right away, I was picturing fields, like farmland. And I told her that sounded awesome. The kids would have a big yard to play in. That was wonderful.”

They “maintained light contact through Facebook,” Gray said.

Before Lilly’s birthday this past March, Gray spoke with Brooks-Murray about sending money to buy a gift for the girl. “I said, ‘I just want you to know that don’t think that we don’t love them because we think about them all the time.’ She said, ‘Look, I was thinking we’re probably going to come by for a visit.’ And I was ecstatic. I told her, ‘We can’t wait.’”

That visit never took place.

When Gray heard Malehya was pregnant with Martell’s child, she chalked up the lack of a visit to that.

“I congratulated her,” Gray said. “And I figured, okay, so this must be why it’s been a little distant right now, because, I mean, she’s pregnant. And I made up excuses about why she was too busy.”

At first, in the photos of Jack and Lilly their mom posted on social media, “they looked well cared for,” Gray said.

“They were happy and I just told myself it was okay if I didn’t see them because they’re living a good life.”

After the baby was born, the photos their mom posted of Jack and Lilly started to dwindle, Gray said.

She started worrying about seeing “a big difference in the kids. And I just kept telling myself, she’s got a new baby, and I know having a new little one, it can be a little bit rough.”

 Daniel Martell, the stepfather of Lilly and Jack Sullivan, speaks with reporters on Wednesday, May 7, 2025.

Then Gray’s son lost his job and stopped paying Brooks-Murray child support.

“I had no idea they were having other money troubles at the same time,” Gray said.

Gray learned of Lilly and Jack’s disappearance this past May 2 from a family member.

She was shocked the next day to see the yard around the mobile home where they were living was littered with old cars and junked appliances.

“I am on the poor side, but you can still fix up what you have,” Gray said. “It was very rundown. And there was a lot of trash around.”

Gray first met Martell in the days after Jack and Lilly went missing.

“He seemed to be fairly concerned,” Gray said.

“Malehya told me on Saturday (the day after Jack and Lilly vanished) that he’s been in the woods since the kids went missing, that he’s been scouring the woods ever since,” Gray said.

The mobile home where they were living sits along a gravel road surrounded by dense woods.

“The woods is a giant maze that if you’re not crawling under something, you have to climb over it,” she said.

“There was no way whatsoever that those kids … would want to do that, the woods were that bad.”

The little girl did not like bugs, said her grandmother. “Lilly had that princess thing about her even as a baby. So, I could not see her wanting to go there at all.”

Jack was curious, and did like bugs, Gray said. “But from all indications, from all the people on the property, he did not like the woods because he couldn’t walk and he kept tripping up and falling. So that tells me these kids would not go into the woods.”

Gray has her theories about what happened to Lilly and Jack. Now she’s looking for evidence about what was going on in their lives before the children vanished.

“I know Daniel’s family is all pushing that the children were taken,” she said. “That is what his side of the family has been preaching. I do not believe it.”

Mounties also say they don’t have any direct evidence of the children being abducted.

 Dense woods near where missing children Lilly and Jack Sullivan were living in Lansdowne Station, Nova Scotia.

Gray knows there are wild animals in the area, including coyotes and bears. But she doubts they attacked her grandchildren. “You would find remains,” Gray said, noting searchers also told her they keep an eye on the sky looking for carrion-eating birds that would circle a fresh kill in the woods.

On the morning Lilly and Jack were reported missing, Martell has said he was laying in bed with Malehya and their new baby when Lilly came into their bedroom.

“She had a pink shirt on. We could hear Jackie in the kitchen,” he said. “A few minutes later we didn’t hear them so I went out to check. The sliding door was closed. Their boots were gone.”

He surmised publicly that the children slipped outside through a sliding door.

Martell said when they noticed the two children were missing, he immediately jumped in a white sport utility vehicle and searched neighbouring roads, looking in culverts. By the time he returned home, the RCMP were there, having been called by the children’s mother.

On the weekend after they vanished, Brooks-Murray told CTV that Jack and Lilly were not typically the type of children who would go outside on their own. “I just want to remain hopeful, but there’s always in a mother’s mind, you’re always thinking the worst,” Brooks-Murray said at the time.

Soon after the children disappeared, Brooks-Murray reportedly left Martell and the county with their baby to stay with family.

Martell has said that he provided the RCMP with his cellphone and that he worked with investigators.

Mounties conducted at least four polygraphs during their investigation. Martell’s test early on in the probe “indicated he was truthful,” as did the test for Brooks-Murray, according to documents police used to obtain search warrants in the case.

The children’s mother told police at one point that their biological father might have picked them up and taken them to New Brunswick. But investigators met with Sullivan on May 22.

“He said he did not know what happened to Jack and Lilly,” police noted. “He was home on May 2, 2025, and never goes anywhere. He has not been anywhere other than his house recently and has had no contact with Malehya since the children went missing.”

 A missing persons poster of Lilly and Jack Sullivan on a telephone pole near the home along Highway 289.

Cody Sullivan, underwent a polygraph on June 12, and he passed the examination, with his answers found to be “truthful,” according to police.

Lilly and Jack’s disappearance has “been a hard go” for the biological dad, who never fought for their custody, Gray said.

Her son is living with her and their place is decorated for Christmas. Four other grandchildren — all bearing some degree of resemblance to Jack and Lilly — will show up during the holidays to unwrap their presents.

“It forces you to stay in the here and now,” Gray said of their joyful presence.

But Gray hasn’t bought any gifts for Jack and Lilly. “Because what do I do with them afterwards?”

She’s hired a lawyer “trying to get legal guardianship” of her missing grandchildren.

Because she’s not a parent but just a grandparent, Child Protective Services wouldn’t divulge to her any previous concerns they’d had about Jack and Lilly’s care.

“So I’m seeking legal guardianship, mainly for information.”

Gray is now waiting to hear back from the courts.

“We’re waiting to see if (their mother) is going to dispute it,” she said.

Gray now wishes she’d stepped in earlier to help care for Lilly and Jack. “If I had time back,” she said, her voice trailing off.

“We would have gladly had (their mom) drop them off so she could have a break.”

Gray has steeled herself to the possibility the children may never be found. “The only thing I tell myself is I know that they know we love them.”

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Alberta Transportation Minister Devin Dreeshen said the inevitability of trucks crossing provincial lines puts the onus on Ottawa to act on fly-by-night trucking companies.

OTTAWA — An Alberta cabinet minister is calling on the federal government to clamp down on immigration abuses in the commercial trucking sector, warning that inaction is putting lives at risk.

Alberta Transportation Minister Devin Dreeshen said the inevitability of trucks crossing provincial lines puts the onus on Ottawa to act on fly-by-night trucking companies that exploit badly trained foreign drivers.

“Fraudulent (trucking companies) doing bad things in other provinces and then moving to Alberta is, unfortunately, something that’s been happening,” Dreeshen told National Post.

Dreeshen had a

busy 2025 tackling fraudulent activities

in Alberta’s trucking sector, shutting down five substandard driver training schools and 13

so-called chameleon carriers,

which are trucking companies that change identities to hide past safety violations.

A web search shows that at least eight of the 13 shuttered chameleon carriers have ownership ties to the South Asian community.

The Edmonton-based Indo Canadian Driver Training School Inc., was on a list of three of the shut-down schools shared with National Post. The other two schools can’t be named as they’re appealing the government’s decision.

Dreeshen said that the federal government has stepped up “on the reporting side” to help the provinces and territories keep tabs on chameleon carriers, but added it needed to do a better job of vetting migrant truck drivers.

The federal government also announced

steps to crack down

on the intentional misclassification of truck drivers as independent contractors, a scam known as Driver Inc., in November’s budget.

Dreeshen stressed the need for better oversight of Indian nationals recruited to drive trucks in Canada.

“There’s more we can all do … to make sure that, if there are people from India who want to move to Canada, and want to get involved in the trucking industry, for them to know the expectations of the training that we have here in Canada,” said Dreeshen.

Roughly

one in five of Canada’s truck drivers

have South Asian backgrounds.

A recent

report published in National Post

argued there’s not enough publicly available data to determine whether South Asian drivers are disproportionately at-fault for deadly incidents on Canada’s highways.

Dreeshen said that Alberta recently started tracking the

safety records of individual drivers

, but added these records don’t yet include nationality. Prior to the change, which started on Dec. 1, accidents would go on the record of the driver’s company.

His comments came just before Friday’s report

from the Alberta Next Panel

, which recommended that the province hold a referendum in 2026 on exercising more control over immigration.

Dreeshen declined to say where trucking would fit in a “made in Alberta” immigration system, but did say the changes would focus on better tailoring immigration to the province’s economic needs.

“I think what it is going to look like, in 2026, is something similar to what Quebec has; where the province can indicate to the federal government, these are the types of immigrants that we want, this is the amount of immigration we think our province can handle,” said Dreeshen.

The House of Commons transportation committee just wrapped up hearings on the

changing landscape of Canadian trucking

. Committee chair, Liberal MP Peter Schiefke, didn’t respond to a request to comment on this story. Emails to the offices of federal Immigration Minister Lena Diab and federal Transport Minister Steve MacKinnon also went unanswered.

National Post

rmohamed@postmedia.com

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Canada is the top coffee drinking country outside of Europe.

Coffee prices in Canada have skyrocketed.

A recent report

from RBC shows coffee prices went up by almost 28 per cent between 2024 and last month. Food inflation overall was just 4.2 per cent year-over-year.

“Dry weather in Brazil and Vietnam curbed coffee production and exports to the world,” the RBC report says.

Statistics Canada reported that “by type, the increase was sharper for roasted or ground coffee (35.2 per cent), but less so for instant and other coffee (19.7 per cent).”

The average household expenditure on coffee has risen from $64 to $169 since 2010, StatCan reported.

According to

 
Remitly

, 72 per cent of Canadians drink coffee every day, making Canada the frontrunner in

 
per-capita coffee consumption

outside Europe.

Most of the world’s coffee is grown in the “bean belt,” the area around the equator. In this limited area, Colombia and Brazil are two of the largest coffee producers.

Sylvain Charlebois, senior director of Dalhousie University’s Agri-Food Analytics Lab, said the price that farmers ask for their coffee, before retail, also known as the “farmgate price,” has gone up 266 per cent in five years.

Charlebois said he had visited both Brazil and Colombia in recent months and noticed a significant lack of production due to a lack of sun and early frost. Coffee needs a predictable climate and constant weather patterns, both of which have not happened recently. Brazil and Colombia have also faced intense droughts, rising temperatures, and volatile weather conditions. This has led to reduced yields and difficulties while harvesting. The reduced yields have led to tighter global supply chains, causing higher prices.

Charlebois also attributed the rise in coffee prices to a significant increase in demand for coffee in Asia, with many middle-class families making coffee their drink of choice, rather than tea. According to

Coffee Intelligence

, coffee consumption in Asia has gone up almost 15 per cent since 2018. The site also reports that China’s coffee consumption has gone up by nearly 150 per cent in the past decade.

Another factor driving up the price of coffee is the trade war with the U.S.. The United States slapped tariffs on coffee and Canada followed suit. However, Canada dropped its coffee tariffs in September and the U.S. dropped theirs in November.

Charlebois said Canadians shouldn’t expect coffee prices to drop any time soon.

“I think we’re going to be facing some production headwinds for a while,” he said.

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Canada will scrap its Remote Area Border Crossing program in place of mandatory telephone or in-person reporting in 2026.

Canada will scrap a border entry program next year that made it easy for thousands of people annually, predominantly Americans, to travel into remote areas of Ontario and Manitoba without having to report to a customs checkpoint.

Starting next September, those people will have to trek to one of those border stations or use one of the yet-to-be-established designated telephone reporting sites when entering Canada.

Through the

Remote Area Border Program (RABC)

, set to end next September, the Canada Border Service agency issued annual permits allowing pre-approved Canadian and U.S. residents to freely cross the border in five remote and sparsely populated areas.

In Ontario, and starting from the east, those areas include Cockburn Island and the Sault Ste. Marie’s upper lock system on the border with Michigan, waterways from Pigeon River all the way to the Lake of the Woods, and the entirety of the Canadian shores on Lake Superior. Also affected is Minnesota’s Northwest Angle area bordering southern Manitoba, which is only accessible by water or by road by driving through about 40 miles of the Canadian province.

The program “historically” attracts about 11,000 members annually, according to CBSA, 90 per cent of whom are Americans.

As reported by the

Ely Echo

in Minnesota, permit holders largely consist of paddlers, fishing guides on both sides of the border and their guests, and U.S. residents who own property in Canada.

The agency said introducing telephone reporting in place of RABC improves border security and “builds on processes already in place across Canada, where travellers are required to report to the CBSA from designated sites every time they enter Canada.

“This process ensures a consistent level of security and expectations of compliance for everyone,” it stated in

a press release.

 A driftwood log at the end of the Agawa Bay campground beach in Lake Superior Provincial Park. Across the water is Michigan and Minnesota.

Telephone reporting for general aviation and private boats entering Canada was introduced around the turn of the century in the

Canada-United States Accord on Our Shared Border

as CANPASS. It was expanded in 2022 with the creation of “telephone reporting site/land” designation, allowing travellers by other “non-commercial conveyances” to enter at designated sites.

According to

CBSA

, at the site, only the person operating the vehicle can exit to report upon arrival, at which time they can use a phone on site or their own device to contact the telephone reporting centre. Not unlike any border crossing, they must then supply all the necessary information for themselves and all passengers — identification, length of stay, reason for travelling, any required declarations, and so on.

“The location of the new telephone reporting sites will be decided in the coming months in consultation with Indigenous communities, local businesses and law enforcement partners,” CBSA stated.

The agency said the measure “will also more closely align with how travellers report to U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP)” in remote areas on their side of the border.

CBP doesn’t appear to employ a specific land-based reporting system, but it does use an app called

Reporting Offsite Arrival – Mobile (ROAM)

, which allows pleasure boaters and other “travellers arriving in remote locations” to report entry into the U.S. via their own device or “a tablet located at local businesses to satisfy reporting requirements.

National Post has contacted both CBSA and CBP for more information about their programs and remote border entry.

CBSA’s decision ends over a year of uncertainty for RBAC permit holders. Last September, Canada put the program on pause, suspending all new applications and renewals, while it underwent a review, as reported by the

Duluth News Tribune.

CBSA later extended existing permits issued after Sept. 1, 2023, until the end of 2025, the

Grand Forks Herald

reported earlier this year. Those were extended again, this time until the program ends officially on Sept. 14, 2026.

Some U.S. politicians have expressed concern about the impending change.

Minnesota Congressman Peter Stauber, in a letter sent to Canadian Public Safety Minister Gary Anandasangaree, outgoing Canadian Ambassador to the U.S. Kirsten Hillman, and CBSA President Erin O’Gorman, said he and his peers were disappointed with the end of RABC, but encouraged by the promise of expanded telephone reporting.

But

the letter

, co-signed by fellow Republicans Jack Bergman, a Michigan congressman, and North Dakota Senator Kevin Cramer, was not without reproach.

“Unfortunately, the nearly two-year review of the RABC program has been marred by uncertainty and retracted statements,” they wrote.

“During this time, the Canadian government has been unable to respond to the questions permit holders have posed.”

The letter also asks Canadian officials to explain how stakeholder needs will be handled during and after the program ends, whether access will be restricted in any way, and seeks clarity on the access rules for current users. It also encourages them to visit the remote communities to “engage with local elected officials, businesses, and property owners” affected by the change.

Donny Sorlie, owner of the Chippewa Inn on the Canadian side of Saganaga Lake, was cautiously optimistic about the changes.

“It very well could be a good thing, as long as they get it figured out,” Sorlie told

Paddle and Portage Magazine

. “Until then, we’re still feeling a bit left in the dark here.”

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Minister of Environment and Climate Change Julie Dabrusin rises in the House of Commons during Question Period on Parliament Hill in Ottawa, on Thursday, Dec. 11, 2025.

OTTAWA

— As Prime Minister Mark Carney ushers in a new era of climate policy for the Liberals, a key decision is hanging over the governing party’s approach to electric vehicles. 

Namely, will the 2035 sales mandate be kept or outright repealed?

The regulation currently requires manufacturers to hit certain sales targets for zero-emission vehicles, with those targets progressively rising until all new vehicle sales are zero emissions by 2035.

Keean Nembhard, a spokesman for Environment Minister Julie Dabrusin, said in a statement that “we will have more to share in the new year,” regarding the results of the 60-day review and the future of its zero-emission vehicle policy.

That timeline is beyond what some in the industry had expected, as automakers seek clarity on the regulation they spent this year urging Carney to repeal, citing the plummeting sales of electric vehicles and the ongoing Canada-U.S. trade war, where the auto industry has found itself on the frontlines.

“We’re very disappointed that there has not been a decision communicated to the auto industry, and we’ve been urging the federal government and the prime minister to move quickly on this and make a decision,” said Brian Kingston, president and CEO of the Canadian Vehicle Manufacturers’ Association, which represents Ford, General Motors, and Stellantis. 

The Liberals’ Nov. 4 budget stated that the government would “announce next steps on electric vehicles in the coming weeks.”

The government now expects that to happen early next year, as it works through changes to the policy.

Carney launched a 60-day review of the policy back in September, pausing the requirement for 2026, which would have mandated that 20 per cent of new vehicle sales be zero-emission.

The review was launched amid concerns that hitting that target was unrealistic. Kingston, who, along with auto CEOs, met with Carney over the summer, warns that to comply, manufacturers would have to spend “billions” on purchasing credits from other electric-vehicle makers, such as Tesla, or restrict the sales of gas-powered and hybrid vehicles.

“Companies are making decisions about production and inventory for the 2027 model year. And the longer that this goes on and this uncertainty hangs out there, the more damage and cost is put on the industry,” he said.

Manufacturers can also comply by spending money to build out charging infrastructure.

While automakers say the Liberals ought to scrap the policy, other stakeholders have urged the government to maintain the rule, but with changes, such as dropping the target that all new vehicle sales must be zero-emission by 2035.

Electric Mobility Canada, a national association representing the electric transportation industry, wrote in its submission as part of the government’s review that it should “eliminate” the 100 per cent target, “to remove a political flashpoint that is not necessary to maintain momentum in the transition.”

Clean Energy Canada, a think-tank based out of Simon Fraser University, recommended the same, instead suggesting the government lower the 2035 target to between 90 to 95 per cent.

“Reducing the (100 per cent) target could enhance public support by removing the perceived ‘ban’ on gas-powered vehicles and offer options for ‘hard-to-electrify’ jurisdictions, while still achieving significant emission reductions and improving (electric vehicle) affordability and availability,” it wrote in its submission.

Both British Columbia and Quebec, two provinces with their own sales mandates, revised their own policies to remove the 100 per cent target by 2035, with Quebec lowering it to 90 per cent, and B.C. stating it wanted to align its provincial policy with whatever the federal government releases.

Quebec also relaxed requirements for what counted as a zero-emission vehicle, including on its list non-plug-in hybrid vehicles, which have smaller batteries. The federal definition only includes plug-in battery hybrids and fully electric vehicles or ones powered by hydrogen fuel cells.

Opposition Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre has been one of the most vocal critics of the federal policy, arguing that it amounts to a “ban on gas vehicles” and an affront to rural living, where driving remains essential.

Nembhard said the government received “considerable input from stakeholders, provinces and territories and Indigenous organizations” during the course of its 60-day review, which he said was launched to address “changes in tariffs and trade, economic uncertainty and shifts in the automotive industry.”

“Its aim was to ensure (Electric Vehicle Availability Standard) continues to reflect market realities, remains effective for Canadians, and does not place undue burden on automakers.”

Rachel Doran, executive director of Clean Energy Canada, said she believes the most important thing is that Canada makes policy choices that guarantee “affordable (electric vehicles) are available to Canadians.”

“And I will say right now, that is not the case.”

Doran points to moves like the federal government’s decision to suspend the purchase rebates for electric vehicles earlier this year, as well as the levying of a 100 per cent tariff on Chinese-made electric vehicles, which are cheaper to purchase.

The latter remains a must to maintain, say leaders in Canada’s auto industry, who say it is not only essential that Canada stay aligned with the U.S., which first took the step under former U.S. president Joe Biden, given how integrated the two auto markets are, but also to protect the domestic industry against unfair advantages of competing against these vehicles, which Beijing has heavily subsidized and produced using less rigorous labour practices.

Doran nevertheless points to examples like the European Union, where more affordable models of electric vehicles remain available, including from Japanese and South Korean automakers.

“So we really do have kind of a problem here that needs to be solved.”

Despite campaigning on plans to reintroduce a purchase incentive, Carney’s government has yet to do so.

An internal briefing note, signed by officials within Transport Canada last December as the government prepared to announce a pause on the rebate program, which was released to National Post under federal access-to-information legislation, warned that ending the program was expected to be met with “strong criticism from industry, environmental organizations, consumers and other levels of government.”

Officials stated that around $2.9 billion had been spent on the incentive program since it was launched back in 2019 and that, as of November 2024, it had helped Canadians buy or lease more than 519,000 zero-emission vehicles and grow its market share.

Automakers and environmental advocates alike have blamed the ending of the program, which the federal government announced back in January, because it had run out of its allotted money, for the dramatic drop in sales.

Rick Smith, executive director of the Canadian Climate Institute, another think-tank, said scrapping the mandate altogether would “grind to a halt decarbonization in the transportation sector.”

Next to the oil and gas sector, the transportation sector remains the second-highest source of greenhouse gas emissions.

Smith said the regulation, which the institute supports, is only part of the overall policy picture he believes the federal government must fulfil to make it easier for Canadians to make the switch to electric vehicles.

“Our hope is, in the new year, that the federal government make good on its commitments to bringing back purchase subsidies,” Smith said, adding it also needs to boost the building of public charging infrastructure.

With files from The Canadian Press

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Nova Scotia Supreme Court in Halifax.

A former university football player who sexually assaulted two women has been sentenced to just two years in prison because he is black and was feeling intense pressure around the time of the attacks, the judge said.

Omogbolahan Jegede, 25, had choked one of the women almost into unconsciousness.

“It should be noted that but, for the contents of the Impact of Race and Culture Assessment (IRCA), the pre-sentence report and all the mitigating factors surrounding Omogbolahan (Teddy) Jegede, this sentence would have been much higher,” Justice Frank Hoskins said in his Nova Scotia Supreme Court decision on Wednesday.

The women were attacked in residences at St. Francis Xavier University in Antigonish, N.S., in 2022 and 2023. One woman testified that Jegede choked her; one woman was forced to perform oral sex. Both women said they were physically dominated by Jegede, who is much larger than they are.

The author of an Impact of Race and Culture Assessment, a report funded under a new initiative from the Trudeau Liberals, wrote that Jegede was feeling intense pressure around the time of the assaults and did not have culturally appropriate support to turn to.

Jegede was convicted in a jury trial this year and sentenced Wednesday. Justice Hoskins added three years of probation, although he said that term could be shortened if Jegede makes significant progress in counselling.

The Crown had requested a sentence of up to 36 months, while defence counsel asked the judge to consider a conditional sentence to be served in the community.

“In my view, this is a case where the need for denunciation is so pressing the incarceration is the only civil way in which to express society’s condemnation of Mr. Jegede’s conduct,” said Justice Hoskins.

The judge noted that Jegede came from a strong, church-going family with strict parents who had stable professional careers. Jegede did well in school and excelled in sports, showing leadership capabilities. He told the court he grew up feeling loved by his supported family.

Later he began a degree in kinetics at St. FX, though those studies were interrupted by his crimes and subsequent charges. Nonetheless, he expressed interest in completing his degree and pursuing a masters, Justice Hoskins said.

He noted that Jegede was born in Lagos, Nigeria. He moved with his family to Canada in 2010. They lived first in Brampton, Ont., and then moved west to Fort McMurray, Alta. His mother said the transition to Canada was a significant adjustment for the family, and said their youngest son “experienced bullying in elementary school due to his accent and racial identity as a black child.”

The IRCA writer looked at this kind of cultural factor, outlining declines in Jegede’s course performance and mental health in his second and third years at St. FX. Jegede told the writer that he struggled with a sense of isolation being a black man in predominantly white university town. “I grew up around black people in Brampton and Fort McMurray. Many of them were immigrants, which allowed us to relate to each other on many levels, especially culture. It was like that until I moved to Antigonish to attend university.”

Reading from the IRCA, Justice Hoskins said: “The absence of adult mentors or role models further exacerbated Mr. Jegede’s vulnerability. His parents had hoped his football coach would provide guidance, but this need went unmet.”

Hoskins said the IRCA “provided valuable insight. It has provided me with an understanding of Mr. Jegede’s background from a social, cultural perspective.”

However, he also circled back to the ” two very serious sexual assault and offences against two different victims at the same school, in similar circumstances, approximately five months apart, which is concerning, because it suggests that Mr. Jegede may be dangerous … In other words, this is not an isolated incident involving one victim, the nature of both offences and their immediate lasting consequences make them very serious offences.”

Hoskins went on to note that the “primary aggravating factor, in this case, is the violence and serious evasive nature of the sexual assaults, particularly the offence involving (one of the victims), where she was forced to provide Mr. Jegede oral sex, while her movements were being forcefully controlled by (him).”

He responded in a vehement tone to defence counsel’s suggestion that a conditional sentence served in the community would be appropriate. “I’m in the view that I cannot exclude a federal period of incarceration as a fit and proper punishment for these offences.” (A federal sentence is at least two years; a shorter term would be in a provincial jail.)

Hoskins arrived at two years by determining 18 months for the more violent and invasive of the two sexual assaults and six months for the other. He tacked on three years probation, rather than more prison time, because he saw Jegede as having potential to turn himself around. He noted Jegede is only 25 and has significant family and community support.

He even expressed support for early parole: “I think Mr. Jegede will be a really good candidate for probably early parole given everything I’ve read. There’s no question about that.”

The use of IRCAs is relatively new. Their use has arisen from an initiative begun under the Justin Trudeau Liberals.

In April 2021, David Lametti, former minister of justice, announced funding of $6.64 million over five years, followed by $1.6 million annually to implement IRCAs across Canada. “IRCAs are pre-sentencing reports that help sentencing judges to better understand the effect of poverty, marginalization, racism, and social exclusion on the offender and their life experience,” the justice department stated in a 2021 press release. “IRCAs explain how the offenders lived experiences of racism and discrimination inform the circumstances of the offender, the offence committed, and the offender’s experience with the justice system.”

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Mark Wiseman, the former chairman of Alberta Investment Management Corp.

The posh digs of the Canadian ambassador to the United States are set to welcome a new tenant early next year, following the recent announcement that Ambassador Kirsten Hillman – the first woman to serve as Canada’s top diplomat in Washington —

is stepping down

.

The ambassador told Prime Minister Mark Carney last spring of her intention to resign ahead of next summer’s joint review of the Canada-U.S.-Mexico Agreement (CUSMA).

Hillman was appointed in March 2020, having been made the acting ambassador the year before, and she served as the deputy ambassador before that. She led the first renegotiation of CUSMA during President Donald Trump’s first term and helped secure the release of the two Michaels — Kovrig and  Spavor — who were detained in China for alleged espionage for three years.

“The woman is a national hero …,” said Jamie Tronnes, executive director of the Center for North American Prosperity and Security, a project of the Macdonald-Laurier Institute, of Hillman. “… We should give her the Order of Canada or a knighthood or something.”

Andrew Hale, a senior policy fellow at Heritage Foundation in Washington, D.C., does not think this is a good time for changing ambassadors. He said Carney should beg Hillman to stay in place.

Given Hillman’s diplomatic experience and the unusual circumstances of Trump’s trade war, Hale said, “the Canadian Government should ask her to stay for the sake of continuity and the expertise she brings to the table.”

While an official announcement has not yet been made about Hillman’s successor, the post is widely rumoured to be going to Mark Wiseman, a friend of Carney’s. Reuters reported last week that Carney appointed Wiseman and that his cabinet had approved it.

Wiseman is a well-known financier who has served as chair of the Alberta Investment Management Corporation’s board of directors, as senior managing director of BlackRock, and as president and CEO of the Canada Pension Plan Investment Board. He was also appointed earlier this year to Carney’s advisory council on Canada-U.S. relations.

Wiseman has no history as a diplomat, and

some are concerned by his past critiques

of Ottawa’s long commitment to supply management, which regulates the production, pricing, and importation of agricultural goods.

Conservatives have also questioned

whether Wiseman is right for the role, given that he cofounded the Century Initiative, a group that controversially lobbies for raising Canada’s population to 100 million by 2100.

Given this year’s trade tensions and Trump’s talk of making Canada the 51st state, Ottawa’s ambassador to the U.S. will undoubtedly have plenty to do for the foreseeable future. So does the tenant swap in D.C.’s upscale Woodley Park neighbourhood signal a change of diplomatic tone from Canada? Or perhaps something about Carney’s likely approach to supply management in trade talks?

Tonal changes

Whatever led to Hillman’s decision, her resignation means a reset for Canadian diplomacy. Analysts are torn, however, over whether there will be a strong signal of directional change.

Former U.S. ambassador to Canada, David Cohen, said Hillman has been “spectacular” and will be a tough act to follow.

“She was an experienced, steady hand, a valuable adviser, a significant participant in all forms of negotiations between Canada and the U.S., but a particular strength in the trade context,” Cohen said.

Still, Cohen doesn’t see any new name signalling much to the White House.

“I don’t think the United States is going to take any major signalling from a change in Canada’s ambassador to the United States,” Cohen said.

As for how the changing of the guard could impact trade talks, Cohen was sanguine. He described the role as being “like the conductor of the orchestra,” and not as one of the lead musicians — in this case, trade experts. The ambassador is there, Cohen said, to bring people together.

 Kirsten Hillman, who will soon be stepping down as Canada’s ambassador to the U.S.. At least one analyst has suggested the Prime Minister Mark Carney should beg her to stay on.

One thing America will be looking at, he added, is the successor’s relationship with Carney.

“As long as there’s a real relationship there, or a story to be told as to why the person was selected, I think that person will be effective on day one as Canada’s ambassador to the United States.”

The fact that Wiseman comes from a business background — much like Carney — is something Cohen finds encouraging.

“It’s not an easy job, but I think somebody like Mark Wiseman will be able to step into that role in a very, very capable way,” he said, adding that “successful business people bring a valuable dimension to the diplomatic service.”

The one signal the change does make, Cohen said, is to tell the White House “this is a person who we should deal with personally and substantively, because this is a person who is close to the prime minister.”

Richard Shimooka, a senior fellow at the McDonald Laurier Institute, agrees that Wiseman’s relationship with Carney is key.

“Having the imprimatur of the prime minister, I think, is important, and that can help with potentially getting things through,” Shimooka said, noting that Wiseman’s financial background also helps.

Policy implications

Some fear that Wiseman, having written in an op-ed last year that the agricultural supply management system is hurting productivity, could undermine the quota protection system Quebec farmers enjoy.

“Looking to our agricultural sector, the sacred cow of supply management, through its import restrictions, production quotas and price controls, secures the market for a protected group of settled players, impeding innovation and keeping prices artificially high for Canadian consumers,” Wiseman wrote in spring 2024.

Adding fuel, Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre has warned Carney against appointing Wiseman, noting that the latter has a “contempt for Quebec.”

Trump has targeted supply management quotas, demanding more U.S. dairy access to the Canadian market. And while some are concerned that Wiseman at the helm of U.S.-Canada relations could mean a looming change, Carney said this week that he will save supply management.

“We’ve been clear about our approach to supply management. We continue to stand by that. We will continue to protect supply management,” he told the press on Thursday.

Tronnes, for one, is much more concerned by Wiseman’s Century Initiative involvement and its potential to rile Trump’s base.

“I am concerned that his Century Initiative involvement will be an issue for the MAGAsphere,” she said.

Yet as CUSMA looms, Carney’s ambassador pick signals business-savvy continuity over ideological politics. Ottawa’s not shifting tone — it seems to be doubling down on pragmatic defence.

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Cameco CEO Tim Gitzel: “We think about (tariffs) every day. But, let me give you some numbers: The United States has 94 nuclear plants. They consume 50 million pounds of uranium per year and produce none. They need us.”

We’re nearing year-end, and there’s much doom and gloom. Canada’s economy is falling behind its OECD peers while projected equalization numbers show all provinces from Manitoba east on the receiving end of federal transfers next year.

A conversation with Tim Gitzel — CEO of Saskatoon-headquartered Cameco, the world’s largest publicly traded uranium company, valued at nearly US$40 billion — is a positive reminder of what’s working.

“We just work hard and stay humble and we work together and cooperate and we don’t look for handouts,” Tim shares. “We try and stay humble, because we’ve lived through the depression — I say that in the nuclear sense.”

What’s the nuclear depression? It’s the decade following the 2011 Fukushima nuclear power plant disaster in Japan, the worst nuclear accident since Chernobyl.

“2007 to 2011, it was glory days,” he says, “everybody was building, we were producing, we were starting up new (uranium) mines, and then, bingo, March 11th, 2011, and the market went off the table. The price of uranium went from $73 US to $17… and we had all this oversupply.

“We went through 10 years, counting pencils,” he shares sombrely. “…We’re going to charge for coffee, because it was that tight. That made us really humble about our business.”

The stories told by this quiet-spoken, unassuming Saskatchewan-born CEO in his blue suit and tie almost sound too good to be true. Today, he’s now leading a vertically integrated nuclear company with uranium mines and projects in northern Saskatchewan, Wyoming, Nebraska, Kazakhstan and Australia. The company is the largest industrial employer of Indigenous people in Canada.

I detect a hint of fierceness in his tone; I heard the same, much amplified, in previous conversations with Saskatchewan’s premier, Scott Moe, talking of how he would pressure China and Ottawa to resolve market access for Canadian canola.

After a decade in the nuclear wilderness, Cameco now finds itself in the clean energy sweet spot. “In 2020, things were coming back around for nuclear,” he reports, “it was ‘climate change,’ ‘climate crisis,’ ‘climate catastrophe,’ ‘race to net zero,’ all of that was the language five years ago. And they said, ‘Well, what are we going to use for electric cars, electrification, decarbonization?’”

The nuclear renaissance, driven by AI data centres’ electricity demands and decarbonization, was further fuelled by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

“Then,” Tim explains, “it became energy security and national security.” Today, he reports, “there aren’t very many countries in the world that aren’t looking at the nuclear option, having some form of nuclear, whether it’s in the form of an SMR (small modular reactor) or large reactors.

“Here in Saskatchewan,” he continues, “we’re blessed with the largest high-grade (uranium) mines in the world. We have conversion facilities. We’re working on enrichment in the United States in Wilmington (North Carolina). We make fuel — fuel bundles, fuel rods —for the Candu fleet.”

And so, it was logical to say yes, Tim explains, when Bruce Flatt, CEO of Brookfield Asset Management, called him to ask if Cameco was interested in partnering with Brookfield Renewable to buy Westinghouse Electric Company, a major nuclear services provider. In a deal that closed in November 2023, Cameco acquired a 49 per cent stake for US$7.9 billion; Brookfield acquired a 51 per cent interest. (Incidentally, Prime Minister Mark Carney was the chair of Brookfield Asset Management when the deal with Westinghouse was struck.)

With operations on both sides of the Canada-U.S. border, Cameco has to figure out how to work with both governments. “October 28th, five weeks ago,” Tim shares, “we signed a big deal in the U.S. The U.S. government stepped up and put $80 billion on the table for new Westinghouse reactors in the U.S. You know, we’re just seeing AI and data centres and hyper scalers screaming for clean electricity, and everybody’s looking at each other and saying, ‘Yeah, we want to build, but who’s going to go first?’ And the administration down there just said, ‘OK, we’re going to kickstart this and really get it going.’

“That’s what we’re working on today, in fact this morning,” he reports, “putting that deal together. They want 10 reactors, 10 AP1000 Westinghouse reactors started by 2030. And so that’s a tall order in the nuclear business, and that’s just part of our business, so off we go.”

Back home, in Canada, Tim had a voice at the Canada-U.S. tariff committee put together by then-prime minister Justin Trudeau this year, he says, “when noise was coming over the border and we didn’t know how to react.

 Cameco Corp.’s head office in Saskatoon, Saskatchewan.

“It was kind of interesting,” he explains, “because I think there were two people from west of Toronto — Rachel Notley (Alberta’s former NDP premier) and I were there.”

It was “a whole different movie” sitting in those meetings, Tim reports: “You’ve got Unifor’s president and automobile parts manufacturers and steel — they are getting crushed, they are feeling it, their people are leaving, they’re shutting down — and they come to me and say, ‘How’s it going?’ I say, ‘Well, you know, we’re just kind of keeping our heads down and doing our business and our products are CUSMA-compliant and so there’s no more tariffs on ours. So … I felt a little bit awkward.”

Tim understands why differences remain, even today, between otherwise like-minded provincial governments, and that there are fears Canada won’t be able to get its act together. Nuclear projects can be a way to collaborate, he suggests: New Brunswick has nuclear and is looking for more; Alberta is serious about small modular reactors; and Cameco supplies almost all the fuel to the 17 reactors operating in Ontario.

“I can tell you every province and country are looking to maximize the (local) supply chain,” he says, “the jobs and benefits and materials from their own jurisdiction.” If you look at a new nuclear plant, in Ontario for example, Tim estimates 60 per cent of a new plant would be cement and rebar, all locally supplied.

Tim’s experiences leading Cameco through the aftermath of the Fukushima accident make him sensitive to what’s going on around him. He’s on the board of the Mosaic Company, a potash miner also headquartered in Saskatchewan, and now evaluating what to do when the Trump administration threatens to dial up U.S. tariffs on fertilizer.

“We think about it (tariffs) every day,” he concludes. “But, let me give you some numbers: The United States has 94 nuclear plants. They consume 50 million pounds of uranium per year and produce none. They need us.” Potash is in the same situation, he suggests. The U.S. needs what Canada can supply.

These are sunny thoughts as we head into the new year.

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Ryan Coulson and Rebecca Bordeiasu's two chihuahua mixes, ready for travel.

A husband and wife travelling from British Columbia to Toronto for the holidays say they were prevented from boarding a Flair Airlines flight when they showed up at the gate with two dogs and their 10-month-old daughter.

Ryan Coulson, an app developer, and Rebecca Bordeiasu, a grade-school teacher, booked their flight on Nov. 3 for a Dec. 12 departure from Abbotsford Airport, near their home in Langley, B.C. Their itinerary, shared with National Post, shows two adult passengers, an infant, and two pets in the cabin.

But they say that when they arrived at the gate for the flight, they were told they couldn’t board the aircraft.

“We were told, without warning, that Flair had implemented a new internal policy on November 20 stating that a passenger cannot fly with both a dog and an infant,” Coulson said in an email to National Post. “We were never notified of this change, and there is no mention of this rule anywhere in Flair’s published policies, domestic tariff, or pet-travel webpage. In fact, Flair’s website still allows passengers to book a flight with both an infant and a dog.”

Bordeiasu joked: “The lady was almost trying to make us choose between our dog and our baby.”

National Post viewed the earlier version of the airline’s pet-travel page, which has

since been amended

and now says: “Each adult may travel with either one infant or one pet. Transport Canada regulations require that if an infant and a pet are travelling together, each must be accompanied by a separate adult.”

A Flair spokesperson confirmed the change, telling National Post: “We updated the wording on our website on December 17 to improve clarity for customers, but the policy itself did not change.”

They added: “The rule in question is longstanding and comes directly from Transport Canada approved manuals for this aircraft type.”

However, a spokesperson at Transport Canada told National Post: “There are no Transport Canada requirements related to passengers travelling with both infants and pets.” They added: “Individual airlines may have policies or restrictions for passengers transporting animals while also travelling with infants. It is therefore recommended that travellers contact their airline well in advance to inquire about their specific situation.”

Tested on Dec. 19, Flair’s website chatbot was asked: “Can I bring an infant and a dog on the flight with me?” It replied: “Yes, you can bring an infant and a dog on the flight with you, but they must meet certain requirements.”

Bordeiasu said that, on Sept. 15, she had made the same flight, minus one dog and her husband, with Flair.

“I did this exact situation, with a dog and an infant,” she said. “I flew alone, I had a dog at my feet, my infant in my lap, with Flair. And it was not a problem. Now this rule has just been added. And personally I think, what’s the point of this rule? It’s clearly not safety because other airlines are allowing it, and they’ve allowed it for so long.”

Those other airlines, she said, include Westjet and Air Canada. Unable to fly with Flair, the couple booked a flight through Air Canada for several days later, and all five passengers — two adults, one infant and two dogs — arrived in Toronto on the same flight.

“They were stellar on the Air Canada flight; no one knew they were there,” said Bordeiasu of her dogs, which are both tiny chihuahua mixes and can be stowed under the seats. “Me and my husband, we each wear a backpack. They’ve got everything they need.”

She is relieved to have made it to her family in Toronto in time for Christmas, and not to have lost much of an extended stay that lasts until Jan. 15.

“This is my daughter’s first Christmas,” she said. “If we’d booked the 23rd of December, I would have been more livid than I am now.”

Gábor Lukács, founder of the organization

Air Passenger Rights

, told National Post: “Sadly, an airline citing a non-existent Transport Canada rule is not unheard of. It appears that the airline had no legal basis to refuse the passengers transportation.”

He added: “The airline should compensate the passengers for their expenses plus the inconvenience experienced. If the airline refuses to pay, the passengers should take the airline to small claims court.”

The couple says Flair offered to reimburse the cost of their flight but did not offer any further compensation, and that they are in touch with a lawyer.

Lukács said his organization is

lobbying the government

to broaden the definition of “denial of boarding” and provide additional rights for passengers in these types of situations.

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