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Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, left, attends a bilateral meeting with Quebec Premier Francois Legault in Montreal, Friday March 15, 2024.

OTTAWA — Quebec Premier François Legault unexpectedly announced on Wednesday

he would soon be resigning as leader

just as his party, the Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ), is expected to face a crushing defeat in an election year.

Sounds familiar? That is because, around this time last year, a deeply unpopular Prime Minister Justin Trudeau also announced he would step down as leader of the Liberal Party of Canada as soon as a successor was chosen. Former bank governor Mark Carney ended up replacing him weeks later, and the Liberals were re-elected for a fourth term.

However, the CAQ does not appear to have someone like Carney waiting in the wings.

In his address on Wednesday, Legault said he hopes the next provincial election, set to happen in October, will be focused on Quebec’s challenges instead of a desire for change.

“For the good of the party but above all the good of Quebec, I am announcing that I am resigning my role as Quebec premier,” he said.

Legault added he would stay in place as long as the CAQ finds someone to replace him. The party’s executive is expected to meet Wednesday evening to decide the road ahead.

“Being the premier of Quebec has been the greatest honour of my life,” he said.

Legault’s departure could have deep political ramifications at a time when the separatist Parti Québécois is dominating in the polls, and the Liberal Party of Quebec is searching for a new leader. So, why did he resign, and what does it mean for the future of the province?

Why did François Legault resign?

The news came just as another devastating public opinion poll showed that the CAQ is battling for last place in Quebec.

The

Pallas Data poll, produced for The Walrus,

shows that the Parti Québécois is in the lead with 34 per cent support, followed by the Quebec Liberals with 24 per cent support — despite not having a leader — and the Quebec Conservatives with 16 per cent.

The CAQ and Québec solidaire are tied for fourth place with 11 per cent of the votes.

Philippe J. Fournier, founder of the poll aggregating website Qc125,

notes that the CAQ finds itself last

outside of Montreal and Quebec City and among francophones — to the point where the CAQ could be completely decimated in the next election.

On a personal level, Legault remains the most unpopular premier in Canada.

Overall, 2025 was an

annus horribilis

for the Legault government.

After tabling a budget with a historic deficit of $13.6 billion,

S&P Global downgraded Quebec’s credit rating

for the first time in 30 years.

Quebec’s auditor general also revealed that a digital modernization by Quebec’s auto insurance corporation went half a billion dollars over budget — leading to the resignation of the minister of cybersecurity and digital affairs and prompting a public inquiry.

Finally, Quebec’s contentious Bill 2 caused the province’s doctors to revolt and to threaten to quit the province altogether. The adoption of the bill and the backtracking of its most contentious parts caused two of Legault’s closest ministers and allies to resign.

Despite all this, Legault continued to claim in year-end interviews that he would be staying on as Quebec premier and would be fighting to serve a third term in October.

The news of his resignation was kept under wraps until the very last instant. Only a handful of people knew he would be leaving before a news conference was called that morning.

Who could potentially replace Legault?

Because the news of his resignation was unexpected, there is no clear successor in sight.

It is also unclear whether the future CAQ leader will come from the inside or the outside.

What further complicates things is that only Legault has been at the helm of the party since its creation in 2011 and after it merged with the Action démocratique du Québec (ADQ) in 2012. Legault’s goal, when he took power in 2018, was to end the divisive battle on Quebec sovereignty that had dominated the political landscape in the province for 50 years.

For years, CAQ ministers Geneviève Guilbault and Simon Jolin-Barrette were viewed as natural successors to take on the party. But Guilbault’s reputation has been tainted in the fiasco over Quebec’s auto insurance corporation. For his part, Jolin-Barrette has tabled some of the CAQ’s most controversial reforms like Bill 21 and the Quebec constitution.

In separate statements on Wednesday, Guilbault said it was a “great privilege” to have learned so much from Legault, while Jolin-Barrette called Legault a “mentor.” They did not address if they intended to seek the leadership of the party after Legault’s resignation.

CAQ ministers Sonia LeBel and Christine Fréchette are also seen as rising stars and have taken on tough files in government. Their names have been floated as possible successors, but both women have so far given no indicators that they were interested in the job.

Another name that was floated as a possible successor was Mario Dumont, who founded the ADQ in 1994 and is now enjoying a prolific career as TV host in Quebec. But Dumont reiterated on Wednesday that he had

no intention of making a return to provincial politics.

Dumont said “nothing” would make him change his mind.

What does this mean for the PQ?

As things stand, the Parti Québécois could strive to form a majority government next fall and keep its promise to hold another referendum in a first mandate.

However,

as Abacus Data pollster David Coletto points out in a new Substack post

, public appetite for Quebec to separate from the rest of Canada is limited and recent polling shows that most Quebecers would vote “no” if there was another referendum on the issue.

PQ Leader Paul St-Pierre Plamondon will be facing two different opponents in the next election.

The Quebec Liberals are poised to choose a new leader in March. Nearly everything indicates that will be former business executive Charles Milliard who has never been elected to public office. Second, the CAQ will be choosing their new leader in a timeline that has yet to be determined, and it remains to be seen if they can change the tides.

“The CAQ does not need to be loved to come back. It needs to be seen as the safer choice in a high-stakes moment,” writes Coletto. “The real question now is whether the party can seize this opening fast enough, and credibly enough, before voter fatigue hardens into something more final.”

“There’s a lesson in the Trudeau exit and Carney rise that I think applies to Quebec.”

National Post

calevesque@postmedia.com

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An Iranian refugee in Canada who is known as Morticia Addams (not her real name) lights a cigarette with an image of Iran's leader, Ali Khamenei, in a picture taken in Richmond Hill.

It was an iconic image: A photogenic young Iranian woman filmed herself lighting a cigarette with a picture of Iran’s leader, an evocative protest against the misogynistic clerics who run Iran.

It grabbed the attention of a world captivated by the Iranian uprisings, quickly inspiring copycats — including other young women and American politicians — and stylized artwork as well as AI knockoffs.

Social media fans called her “iconic” and “cool,” and praised her bravery: “Young Iranian women are leading the revolution against the Islamic regime,” said one user who shared the short video.

It wasn’t initially clear where the video was taken; it showed snow and a suburban building behind her.

But a 23-year-old Iranian refugee in Richmond Hill, Ont., has now confirmed to National Post it’s her, and that she was herself inspired by a similar protest a few days earlier.

She says she does not want to be identified out of fear of reprisals. “A lot of spies, a lot of Islamic Republic fans are here,” she said from Richmond Hill, a city north of Toronto.

The X account

where she posted the picture calls her Morticia Addams, after a character from The Addams Family.

In her X account she also refers to herself as a “radical feminist” and includes a reference to “52Hz,” the nickname of a whale that speaks in a language all its own, as documented in the film

The Loneliest Whale

.

Morticia, as we’ll call her, grew up in Iran but ran into trouble with the regime when she was a teenager. During the 2019 protests also known as Bloody November, she participated in marches against the regime, and even spent a night in a detention centre after being picked up by police.

Then in 2024, after then-president Ebrahim Raisi died in a helicopter crash, Morticia said she was arrested at her parents’ home.

“I was taken in for interrogation, actually, and I was subject to severe humiliation and physical abuse,” she said. “And after two days of interrogation, they let me go. I don’t know why they released me. And so I fled to Turkey and then to Canada, because I had my student visa.” She then applied for refugee status in Canada.

“Canada, it’s my saviour,” she said of her new home. “It was my hero and saved me from the Islamic regime. And I might live in Canada even afterwards … because I’m not sure what is happening in Iran.”

The image she shared is a powerful one. A screenshot from a short video, it,

 

shows her, head tilted and a cigarette between her lips, grasping and leaning into a burning photograph of Ali Khamenei, Iran’s supreme leader. The video,

Reuters has confirmed

, was taken in Richmond Hill, just north of Toronto.

It was filmed by her boyfriend, whom she said is Persian, the main ethnic group in Iran.

Since she

posted it to X

, where it had 1.4 million views as of this writing, the image has been copied and modified and replicated. So too has the act itself, with

many others taking part

around the world in what one commentator called “the only cigarette that is not harmful to your health.”

One of the images of Morticia even replicates the style of the Barack Obama “Hope” poster of 2008, with the colours of the Iranian flag washing over the image.

Of course, nothing exists in a vacuum. In 2022 and even earlier, Iranian woman could be seen burning their headscarves in protests over compulsory wearing of the hijab. Morticia said she had seen

a similar image to hers on X

recently and wanted to post her own version, though she had no idea it would receive the attention it did.

“I didn’t think so, because I was about to let my friends know in Iran that I am still with them. I am still fighting, and I’m so sorry that I cannot fight beside them right now, because I had to flee.”

She continued: “And suddenly it was everywhere. I just wanted my friends to see it and realize that I’m still standing with them, even though I’m really far from them. And sadly the only people who haven’t seen my picture were the same friends, because that very same night the blackout happened.”

Iran imposed a communications and internet blackout when the latest protests began, making it difficult for messages to get in and out of the country.

Morticia said her hope for Iran is simple. “I only hope for the removal of the Islamic regime, and replacement with a democratic government that brings peace and security to my people.”

She is optimistic as well as hopeful. “Actually, it was a really big movement during the past 47 years,” she said, referring to the 1989 death of the Ayatollah Khomeini. “So yes, I guess it’s likely to happen soon. I hope.”

She is also hopeful that her act of defiance can have a part to play in that change, that it “drags all the attention to Iran.”

“This is the only thing that matters to me,” she said. “People are … just getting killed with no one to answer about their life. It’s the biggest crime in Iran, against humanity.”

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Erfan Soltani, a 26-year-old Iranian shopkeeper facing hanging on Wednesday, is pictured in this undated Facebook photo. He is accused by the Islamic Republic's government of participating in protests.

Iran plans to execute Erfan Soltani, 26, for participating in anti-government protests.

U.S. president Donald Trump has threatened strong action against Iran’s ruling regime if protesters are executed.

A 26-year-old Iranian shopkeeper, Soltani “is the first protester to be sentenced to execution,” the U.S. State department said on X. The public execution was reportedly set to take place on Wednesday, but due to the Iranian regime’s blackout of the internet, that hasn’t been confirmed.

The family has been granted only one final visit with Soltani prior to the planned execution. Soltani’s sister, who is a lawyer, tried to intervene but was told by authorities there was nothing to pursue, according to Norway-based rights group,

Hengaw

.

Soltani’s family was not told how his planned execution would be carried out, but the most common method in Iran is hanging, Hengaw told

CBS New

s. Meanwhile, Trump said to CBS: “If they hang them, you’re going to see some things… We will take very strong action if they do such a thing.”

Soltani is a clothing seller whose family lives near Tehran, according to

Hengaw

. A spokesperson for the group states, “his family has said he was not a political activist, but he was a dissident of the government.”

The

number of deaths among the protesters has grown to more than 2,600

 according to Norway-based NGO Iran Human Rights (IHR). An Iranian state official 

told Reuters on Tuesday

 that about 2,000 people had been killed. Police have been shooting into crowds of protesters, reports the

New York Times.

 Protesters demonstrate outside the Iranian Embassy on January 14, 2026 in London, England.

IHR says Soltani’s family was informed on Monday that he was arrested in Fardis, a city west of Tehran, on Jan. 8 and sentenced to death, reports

The Independent

.

Meanwhile, Soltani has not been allowed to counter any charges against him in a fair trial. Nor is it even clear what the charges against him are.

“The Islamic Republic regime didn’t even bother with its usual 10-minute sham trial; Erfaneh was sentenced to execution without any legal process or defence lawyer,” the U.S. State department said on X.

Hengaw

confirmed that “Soltani has been deprived of his most basic rights, including access to legal counsel, the right to a defence, and other fundamental due process guarantees.”

 FILE: In this photo obtained by The Associated Press, Iranians attend an anti-government protest in Tehran, Iran, Friday, Jan. 9, 2026.

Islamic Republic officials have described protesters as “mohareb” (a legal term meaning “war against God”), terrorists and agitators, Hengaw says. The regime has suggested the protesters are linked to Israel and the United States, committing offences punishable by death.

The protests began more than two weeks ago, sparked by Iran’s ailing economy and eventually growing to target the theocratic regime than runs the country.

The

BBC reports

that Iran’s Judiciary chief Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei said the protesters will be “dealt with seriously and severely.” And prosecutors have said some will be charged with “enmity against God”, a national security offence that carries the death penalty.

 This video grab taken on January 14, 2026 from UGC images posted on social media on January 9, 2026 shows cars set on fire during a protest on Saadat Abad Square in Tehran.

Earlier this week, Trump posted on Truth Social that “until the senseless killing of protesters STOPS. HELP IS ON ITS WAY.” Top Iranian official, Ali Larijani, responded by naming the U.S. president and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as “the main killers of the people of Iran.”

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Convicted murderer Douglas Worth's day parole to a Halifax community-based residential facility has been extended by six months.

A Nova Scotia man who served 35 years for the violent slaying of a 12-year-old Ontario girl he had raped had his day parole extended last month and continues to live in the Halifax area, according to the Parole Board of Canada.

In its decision to extend 73-year-old Douglas Worth’s release to an undisclosed community-based residential facility (CBRF) for another six months, a two-person board noted that while he remains an “above-average risk” for committing sexual violence, his age, physical limitations and mobility issues mitigate concerns about his threat level.

“These characteristics suggest that your likelihood of engaging in violent or sexual recidivism may be lower than previously indicated,” the board wrote in a December decision obtained by National Post. “While this does not eliminate risk, it is an important consideration in assessing your overall profile.”

Worth was convicted of the second-degree murder of Trina Campbell in Brantford, Ont., in 1987 and sentenced to life in prison with no parole eligibility for 23 years.

He was first released in July 2025, at which time Halifax Regional Police warned that the repeat “high-risk offender” would be residing in the Dartmouth area.

Prior to that, the board noted Worth had participated in “numerous Escorted Temporary Absences (ETAs)” and three unescorted absences. The last of those, a 60-day furlough, was cut short by four days due to his “deteriorating health.”

Under the

Corrections and Conditional Release Act

, a temporary absence from a facility is granted when the board deems the inmate presents “limited risk” to reoffend while released. They can be provided for reasons including medical, community service, family contact, rehabilitation or compassionate leave.

According to the board’s December determination, his day parole has so far been “positive” and without any concerns, even after the announcement of his release drew “intense media attention and public scrutiny.”

“You managed these circumstances with composure and emotional stability,” the board wrote. “This ability to remain calm and seek guidance during a highly stressful period reflects resilience and a willingness to work collaboratively with your Case Management Team (CMT).”

A lengthy list of special conditions imposed during his first day parole — which included drug and alcohol abstinence, sticking to his correctional and psychiatric treatment plans and avoiding victims and children — carries over to this extension.

Leave privileges

,” a written authorization that would temporarily relieve him from returning to the CBRF for up to three nights, were denied for the second time, meaning he must return nightly.

The board emphasized that his continued day parole at the CBRF “will contribute to the protection of society by facilitating (Worth’s) reintegration into society as a law-abiding citizen.”

Also given weight by the board was his strong engagement with his correctional plan and the efforts he made to better himself while incarcerated. It highlighted more than a dozen programs and interventions he completed to address his substance abuse and violent sexual proclivities.

“Your ability to apply the skills learned through programming is reflected in your successful period of day parole, which serves as evidence of measurable progress,” it wrote.

The board described his 25 years of sobriety as “a remarkable achievement” for someone who began using drugs and alcohol during his teenage years.

According to his file, Worth, they noted, was raised in a “dysfunctional home environment” where he was the victim of emotional and physical abuse. He was also physically and sexually assaulted by “several different people” in the Pictou County community where he grew up.

“Your tumultuous upbringing led to lasting feelings of inadequacy, unworthiness, shame, anger, and powerlessness, and resulted in maldevelopment in your emotional and social functioning,” they wrote.

Worth’s criminal history of break-ins and motor vehicle theft dates back to his youth in 1968. In 1978, he was convicted of raping an Indigenous girl in Ontario and sentenced to eight years before being released in June of 1987, roughly seven months before he killed Campbell.

The board’s decision offers little detail of the crime, but it was widely reported on at the time and the case has also been the focus of a documentary titled

Douglas Worth: The Pictou Sadist

. It is also explored in

a 2005 episode of the television series Crime Stories

.

The Metis girl with a troubled past of her own was living in a Brampton group home when she disappeared after getting off her school bus on Dec. 13, 1987. After a two-plus-month missing-person investigation yielded no credible leads, and despite no evidence of foul play, homicide detectives took over the case in early 1988.

Unbeknownst to authorities at the time, however, was that a 35-year-old Worth was living in a downtown boarding house close to where Campbell was last seen by her school bus driver.

That March, he had his girlfriend, Mary Kelly, rent a vehicle and accompany him so he could move evidence related to an undisclosed crime.

“He left the car with a hockey bag and went into this ravine area. He then was seen by Mary to come from there carrying this hockey bag that was now laden with something,” assistant Crown prosecutor Al O’Marra said on the Crime Stories.

He then drove north of the city, went into the woods with the bag and came back with it empty.

The breakthrough in the case came not from forensic leads but from informants close to Worth. First, his girlfriend’s son, Shawn Kelly, told police and guidance counsellors that Worth had asked him to clean a stain in the rental car. When located and tested by police, it revealed decomposed human blood of a rare type common among Indigenous persons.

Next, Worth’s sister and brother-in-law told police he’d admitted to killing someone and was worried someone would find the body.

“They advised us that Doug had approached them requesting assistance to get back to Brampton so that he could retrieve the head of the victim,” Favreau said on Crime Stories. “Doug told them that if you can get the head of the victim, it would prevent anyone from being able to identify the victim.”

A plan was devised in which authorities surreptitiously provided the vehicle and money to travel in hopes that he would lead them to the remains. While under surveillance days later, Worth was seen exiting a wooded area with a gym bag. When stopped, police found the partially decomposed head of Trina Campbell in the bag. The rest of her body was later found in a field north of Toronto.

“He broke her leg, fractured her skull, her body was butchered, he snapped off her forearms and dumped her body,” O’Marra told the court during Worth’s 1990 trial, according to the Windsor Star.

Worth pleaded guilty to first-degree murder at trial, where his defence lawyer argued insanity, suggesting his client was hallucinating and believed Campbell was a female correctional officer from his previous prison stint.

Jurors spent less than an hour deliberating before delivering Justice Coulter Osborne with a guilty verdict.

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Rob Ashton in Toronto on Oct. 1, 2025.

NDP leadership candidate Rob Ashton apologized Tuesday for using AI to respond to constituents on social media platform Reddit, saying it was due to an “overwhelming number of questions.”

Ashton

announced on X

 that he would be answering questions with his campaign team about his “vision for the NDP, building the movement,” and why he’s running on Reddit, in what is referred as an “Ask Me Anything” or AMA, on Jan. 11.

In a post on the NDP’s Reddit page

, Ashton received questions about climate change, his French-language skills, fossil fuels and employment, among other topics. He appeared to respond via his Reddit account under the username Rob-Ashton-NDP.

However, the next day, a Reddit user pointed out that some of the responses “were clearly written by AI.”

“As someone whose job opportunities have been effected by AI directly, this is honestly really disappointing, especially from a candidate who has been vocally opposed to AI,” the user wrote.

Ashton

wrote an apology

in response to that post.

“The AMA got an overwhelming number of questions, which warmed my heart,” he said, adding that it was a “privilege to be able to hear from members on such important questions.”

He said he was “on the road” and didn’t want people to “wait too long for an answer.” He asked his team and volunteers to draft answers for him to review.

“And it looks like some answers were posted without me reviewing and approving. Some of those answers were written with the help of AI tools and I’m deeply sorry about that.”

He added: “A key part of leadership is accountability, and I want to reassure everyone that this won’t happen again. I will delete and answer those questions in the next few days.”

During the AMA, Ashton touched upon his AI policy when a Reddit user asked how he would “fight against” the “increasing prevalence of AI in our society.”

Ashton said that “AI is being used to replace workers, exploit artists and creators, spread misinformation, and undermine democracy — all in the interest of corporate profit. That’s not acceptable.”

He said there’s a need for “strong regulation” and accountability.

Ashton is a longshore worker and the president of International Longshore and Warehouse Union Canada.

He is facing off against Heather McPherson, Tony McQuail, Avi Lewis and Tanille Johnston in the NDP leadership race.

In a separate AMA by McQuail on Monday,

a user asked him the same question

about AI that Ashton was asked about. The user mentioned in the post to McQuail that Ashton’s responses, to that question and others, were “generated by AI.”

The user asked McQuail how he felt about “AI being used by politicians for interviews and other interactions with the public.”

“As far as I know, our campaign does not make any use of AI, nor would using it be considered an acceptable thing to do on Team Tony,” said McQuail. “It is Tony McQuail, a human being, who is typing the answers to these questions, which are then edited by my campaign manager, Keith, who is also human.”

He said he goes directly to documents when he does Google searches, not to the AI summary. “We also have someone to take notes at our Team Tony meetings,” he said. “We are a frugal, people-powered, grassroots campaign of human volunteers.”

A spokesperson for Lewis’s campaign told CBC News in an email that staff “are ultimately responsible for producing all our written content.” The spokesperson added that next week his team will be releasing a policy plan on jobs and AI.

Meanwhile, Johnston posted about her stance on AI in

a news release in November

. She is pushing for strong health and environmental rules for AI data centres. She said tech giants, especially ones in the U.S., should be taxed on the “the profits they make off of Canada and Canadians,” and that the money should be reinvested into “our people, workers, and climate protection.”

She added that AI should assist workers, not replace them. “That means working with unions to minimize job loss while ensuring we keep up with the times,” she said.

In August, McPherson

posted on social media

to say that AI could “empower Indigenous communities.”

“Meaningful inclusion, data sovereignty, and culturally grounded innovation are key to ensuring success,” she said.

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***ONLY FOR USE WITH THE longread book excerpt by Lisa Banfield*** Lisa Banfield and Gabriel Wortman attend a family wedding in 2019. Photo supplied by Sutherland House Books

In her forthcoming memoir The First Survivor: Life with Canada’s Deadliest Mass Shooter — set for release with Sutherland House Books on Jan. 20, 2026 — Lisa Banfield recounts her life with denturist Gabriel Wortman. On the eve of what would have been their 19th anniversary, Banfield was the first person attacked during the rampage in Nova Scotia that would leave 22 innocent people dead. In this exclusive excerpt, she describes the hours of escalating violence on the evening of April 18, 2020, as she was beaten, restrained and forced to flee into the woods, surviving the night — unaware her partner was about to carry out a slaughter that still reverberates today.

* * *

Saturday evening, April 18, 2020

I don’t know how long I was in bed when I heard him return from the warehouse. I heard a weird whooshing sound. What was he doing?

I pretended to be asleep when Gabriel opened my door. If I ignored him, maybe he would just leave me alone. But he didn’t. He stood over my bed and began screaming at me: “Get up!” He ripped off the blanket, exposing my naked body. I was alarmed, but tried once again to redirect him as I pulled the covers back up and told him to go to bed.

This time he persisted and kept yelling at me to get up. He was in a mood and wanted to fight. This was not going to be good. Without warning, he took my laptop from my bed stand and smashed it on the floor.

“Gabriel, what are you doing?” I screamed.

Furious I hadn’t moved as he commanded, he grabbed my cellphone and did the same thing, but this time crushed it under the weight of his boot.

Something within him snapped.

He yanked the blankets off me and grabbed me by the hair, forcing me to the floor. He got on top of me and started choking me.

My instincts took over and I tried to stay calm, “Gabriel, it’s OK. I’m sorry.”

“Get up,” he ordered me, “I’m done.”

I kept trying to talk him down. “Gabriel, what’s wrong? What’s happening?”

He wasn’t having any of it.

“Oh, you stubborn bitch. You got a little Beulah and Gilly in you.”

He pulled me up by my hair. I tried cradling my head to ease the excruciating tension on my scalp.

As I stood up, he kicked me in the stomach, sending me backward onto the corner post of my bed. The solid log post of the Amish pine frame offered no flex as I felt and heard my lower back crack.

I dropped to the floor, wincing in pain. I lost my breath. Stunned, I froze. I wanted the beating to stop.

“Get up,” he barked at me.

I tried, but it was so painful. Before he could hit me again, I found my inner strength and used the bedpost to get up as he demanded.

Still naked, I braced myself before he’d hit me again.

“Get dressed,” he yelled. He opened my closet door.

I grabbed whatever I could get on quickly, a pair of tights and a thin black top.

“Let me get my purse? I need my purse.”

“You don’t need your purse,” he yelled, grabbing me by the right wrist. He tied something around it. I think it was from a bathrobe belt in my closet. I’m not sure, but it was a soft material. I couldn’t think clearly or process what was happening.

“Let’s not forget my gun. I need my gun,” he said in a calm, matter-of-fact way.

He dragged me around the house. We went through the kitchen to his bedroom. “Be careful. It’s slippery,” I heard him say.

Are you kidding me? I thought. You just beat the shit out of me and now you’re worried I might slip?

He walked past the open safe that contained $60,000, without taking any of it. He was in his own zone as he entered his bedroom.

He grabbed his black handgun tucked in a nook of the adjoining sunroom. We walked down to the landing by the front door, where he picked up a jerry can of gas and threw it into our sunken living room.

I put my bare feet into sneakers when, in a calm, eerie robot state, he said, “Turn around.”

And as I did, flames erupted. It was surreal.

I knew he had lost his mind. Gabriel would never damage the home he took so much pride in creating. I had to get free; I had to run.

Still tethered by the robe belt or whatever it was, we moved from our deck to the driveway. He doused our white decommissioned car with gasoline but didn’t light it.

Instead of screaming at him, I tried to stay calm and offered him a way out. “Gabriel, it’s OK,” I said soothingly, even though it was anything but OK. “Gabriel, I’ll tell them I accidentally started the fire. I will take the blame. It will be OK. Please, please Gabriel, don’t do this.”

“It is too late; you will never look at me the same way,” he said.

He pulled me to the road as the flames engulfed our home. I dug my heels into the gravel, trying to slow his pace.

“Gabriel, please don’t do this. We can get through this,” I pleaded.

“It’s too late, Lisa. You told me if I ever hit you again, you’d leave. I’m done.”

I dropped to the ground and tried to kick him away. He ripped my sneakers off, then threw them in opposite directions on the road. “You can’t run now, you little bitch.”

I didn’t know how to stop him; he’d gone too far. I needed help.

“At the end of the night, I’m gonna die,” he said coldly. “You won’t die, as long as you don’t run away from me.”

His eyes darkened. Stark and distant, I didn’t see Gabriel anymore.

It was like there was no light in them. Forcing me to my bare feet, he dragged me across the road to the entrance of the woods. I cried out in pain.

On the path back to our warehouse, adrenaline kicked in. I thought if I could just get out of my unzipped coat and run, I could escape.

He wanted me to go in front of him. I knew this path as well as him, but in the dark I struggled to get my bearings.

I reacted instinctively, shifting my shoulder, I got out of my coat and fled. I couldn’t see anything; I tripped over some kind of root. I tried to hide, but he had a flashlight so he found me instantly and grabbed me.

My stomach churned as he confirmed my worst nightmare. He’s going to kill my family. My back throbbed. He ignored my moans as he thrust me forward. I didn’t cry. I stayed silent so as not to anger him further.

As soon as we came to the driveway, he released me. “Don’t move.”

His eyes said it all.

I watched in horror. He poured gasoline on all our cars, the white Ford F-150, and his backhoe. He calmly unlocked all the dead bolts and opened the warehouse doors.

Once we were inside, he grabbed a set of handcuffs from behind the bar. “Give me your hands.”

“Gabriel, you don’t have to do this, please,” I begged.

He cuffed my left wrist. “Give me your other wrist.”

He was on a mission and couldn’t be stopped. “We’re going to burn down the Dartmouth clinic and then we’re going to Maureen’s.”

Dear God. If he’s going to kill my family, just kill me, now. I dropped to my knees and covered my face with my hands. A shot rang in my ears.

I never heard a gunshot up close. It ricocheted off the cement to the right of me.

“Give me your other hand,” he demanded.

“Gabriel, please, don’t,” I said hysterically.

“I’m not going to tell you again. Give me your other hand.”

Another blast hit the floor on the left side of me. Terrified that my head would be his next target, my entire body numbed. I lost hope.

Perhaps exasperated by my refusal to move, Gabriel grabbed my arm and pushed me into the backseat of the replica police cruiser, slamming the car door as he walked away.

He tossed guns onto the front-seat passenger side. I panicked. I’m trapped.

At least I had use of my hands, but I needed these cuffs off. I struggled to free my left wrist without success. There were no door handles in the back seat, so I kicked at the partition to the front seat. I kept kicking with my bare feet while he was out of sight. The Plexiglas didn’t break or crack. I thought, If I am to survive, I will need to use my hands and get this cuff off. I felt confined and restrained. Desperate, I kept clawing to get the handcuffs off my left wrist. My skin was breaking beneath the metal of the cuff. I have to escape.

I stopped moving when I saw him come in from outside. He didn’t even look at me as he went upstairs to the loft apartment. Almost trancelike, my body stilled. I retreated to the innermost safety of prayer: God, act as a shield against any harm to myself and my family; Thank You, Father, that You have me in the palm of Your hands; God thank You that no weapon formed against myself or my family will prosper. Give me strength to get out of this car; God, please help me.

I repeated this mantra over and over in my mind, then audibly to my own ears.

Miraculously, I finally ripped free of the cuffs. My left wrist bled from the fresh claw marks. I still have the scars as a lifelong reminder of my terror and survival.

Fight or flight. I did both.

I reached around the window divider on the passenger side, but the Plexiglas didn’t budge. I tried the other side, and suddenly it gave way.

By the grace of God, there was just enough of an opening for me to get through. I crawled in the front seat and opened the driver’s side door. I ran for my life.

Knowing he was still up in the loft, I bolted straight for the woods to the right. There were no windows on that side so Gabriel wouldn’t see me. I managed to get through our property line to where I saw a truck on a neighbour’s property. I didn’t want to involve anyone, so I went to the truck there. I checked the back door, and it was unlocked.

I jumped in and quickly looked around for something warm to wear. The dome light came on and I freaked out that he’d see me. But within seconds, the light dimmed. I was freezing. As I reached around I felt nothing but tools. I saw a neon vest, but I definitely didn’t want that.

My heartbeat was racing beyond my breath. I couldn’t stay here. If he lit fire to all our vehicles, what if he did the same thing to this one?

I jumped out and dashed for the woods. The spindly trees whipped about my face and head as I tried to move deeper into the forest. I was terrified that every branch cracking beneath my weight would give me away. I crawled on my hands and knees in order to get through them.

The tie on my wrist trailed behind me and kept catching on twigs and branches. I pulled it off.

With no light but the moon, I kept moving in my bare feet, wincing in pain. Explosions like firecrackers filled the night air. My ears were hypersensitive to every unfamiliar sound. I dragged my body for what seemed like forever. I finally came upon a fallen tree trunk with big roots. Thank you, God. I crouched like an animal in its hollowed opening.

I thought nothing of the dirt and leaves that must have been crawling with bugs. With great relief, I molded the cavity with my body as tightly as I could. The cold began biting at me. My body throbbed all over until numbness set in. Finally, feeling somewhat safe, I wept as I stared into the darkness.

I lost track of time. I stretched my black yoga pants over my frigid feet, tying a knot to cover them. I was afraid of frostbite. I could see my breath, so I tried to breathe beneath my thin top so its vapours couldn’t be seen. The sounds baffled me. The bangs echoed loudly as if in a war zone out there. I kept wondering, Where are the fire trucks? Where are the police? The ambulances? Doesn’t anyone see what is happening?

Through the woods, I saw another house on fire in the distance. Flames shot up high into the sky. Suddenly I heard two guys freaking out. Maybe they could help me? I didn’t want to yell out in case Gabriel could hear me. I thought if I could get to them, I’d be safe. I felt around and picked up a stick to help prop myself up. I stepped forward using my makeshift cane, but it snapped beneath my weight. I fell to the ground. Then I heard whistling. Oh my God. Is that Gabriel? Was he taunting me?

“Hey boys.” It sounded like Gabriel’s voice.

Two shots rang out, startling me, followed by dead silence. It was him; I knew it was. Alarmed at how close Gabriel was to me, I crawled as fast as I could back into the hollow of the fallen tree. The woods fell silent again. As I peered out, I saw what seemed to be a shadow of a man holding a rifle. I couldn’t tell if I was hallucinating or not. I froze with fear, praying to God again and again.

After some time, an opening through the trees revealed a black, tank-like truck with bright lights racing up and down the dirt road. I remained hidden. I heard another voice through a megaphone: I strained to hear if it was the Colchester Police, but they didn’t repeat it. I thought maybe it was the police or, could it be Gabriel? He owned one of those microphones. Mentally exhausted, I thought he could be taunting me. I couldn’t be sure. I decided to stay put until morning when I could see.

During the night I could see stars in the sky, and nocturnal sounds filled the woods. Had I survived being killed by my partner only to be eaten by a bear? I felt around for something to protect me. There was a rock — at least it was something and it seemed to calm my paranoia. All night I continued to pray for my family, who I would learn had experienced their own nightmare — along with our unsuspecting neighbours.

6:28 a.m. Orchard Beach Drive, Portapique

At sunrise, I thanked God that I made it through the night. I started moving on my hands and knees from my burrow, but stopped suddenly.

What if he’s still out there? I turned back and laid there in silence for what seemed like a half hour or more trying to decide what to do. I can’t stay here all day; I need to get help. I convinced myself to try.

My cold, bare feet didn’t even feel the pain from the uneven gravel. My body mindlessly moved toward safety. I prayed, God, guide me out of here.

When I reached the ditch that bordered the woods, I saw Leon Joudrey’s grey house. I didn’t know him well, but he had done a few jobs for Gabriel. His dog barked as I approached, and he let me in.

I desperately scanned the room and bolted for the bathroom, thinking Gabriel is going to find me. I asked him to call 911. I was trembling when he handed me his cellphone, but I dropped it. Leon picked it up as my hands were shaking. “Hello,” I could barely speak.

“Hi Lisa, we’re going to help you OK, stay on the phone with me.

“You’re not injured, are you?”

“I’m in pain now. My back.”

“We’re going to get you some help and then we’re going to get you some medical attention.”

Through the windows we could see uniformed SWAT teams coming up the driveway. Just hours earlier, RCMP investigators had assumed I was dead, burnt in the fire that destroyed our home.

Leon’s dog barked again when an armoured truck let out a small army of police, who created a perimeter of protection in the yard.

I still feared Gabriel would suddenly appear and shoot me. They took me to the end of Portapique Beach Road, then immediately transferred me into an awaiting black SUV. The RCMP had set up a coordination checkpoint near the Great Village Fire Hall. A member of the Emergency Medical Response Team did a quick examination and found me “moderately hypothermic,” as my body wasn’t circulating heat and my lips had a hue of blue.

Constable Ben MacLeod would write in his notes that I was “fearful for my life” and in “a state of terror,” with a distraught, disheveled appearance. He noted that he had only seen one other person in his career who was petrified to the same extent: a woman who had been kidnapped and held captive for three days.

I had trouble walking because my lower back throbbed in ceaseless pain. They transferred me to an ambulance for initial treatment. The female attendee was immediately comforting and showed me such compassion. I had a momentary feeling of safety.

RCMP officers drove me to a checkpoint they’d set up in Great Village. They were asking questions but my thoughts were spinning, acutely aware that Gabriel was still out there. Upon arriving, I was immediately placed into an awaiting ambulance where the paramedics covered me with blankets and pumped painkillers into me. Constable Terry Brown and Constable Dave Melanson asked me questions.

I warned them about the white decommissioned police car Gabriel owned. I could tell they thought it was just a normal ghost car, so I emphatically repeated, “No, it looks exactly like your police car … with stickers. It looks identical … the lights on the top.”

I told them about the guns he took with him in the front seat and how he handcuffed me. Then I told them about hiding in the woods.

They wanted a description. The last time I saw Gabriel he was clean-shaven, wearing black jeans.

I asked if my family was safe because Gabriel said he was going to Dartmouth to burn the clinic and then go to (my sister) Maureen’s.

Shortly before 8 a.m., I arrived at the Colchester East Hants Hospital in Truro and was examined again. My medical record noted I had tenderness in my lower right flank; superficial scratches and abrasions on my hands, feet, and legs; and bruising on my upper back and left wrist and hand. X-rays revealed fractures in my ribs and lumbar spine.

Neither hospital staff nor RCMP took pictures of my injuries. An officer was posted outside my room for protection.

No one told me innocent people had been murdered overnight.

According to records, within hours of being admitted another constable asked me questions about the previous night.

I still feared for my family’s safety. Gabriel was still out there. I would soon learn that my sisters and brothers had already been drawn into the RCMP investigation.

The police gathered them in the station with supervising officers in a glassed-in conference room. The police still hadn’t apprehended Gabriel and had no idea where he could be hiding out. They separated my family members for individual interviews in rooms wired for sound and video. Without exception, my family told them as many details as they could about Gabriel.

Maureen gave the RCMP pictures that Sunday in the early hours — images that were later used in news conferences, including the BOLO (Be On the Look Out) picture of Gabriel Wortman (with my image edited out), his replica car with the fleet number, and pictures of other vehicles he owned.

Maureen also told the police about the large amount of money Gabriel had recently withdrawn and worried that may be part of what was unfolding — could it be a robbery gone bad? Hells Angels?

She helped them realize how many police cars Gabriel had collected, and that he owned an RCMP uniform. Janice (another sister) recounted how I’d sent her the anniversary photo at 6 p.m. the night before, as she described Gabriel as a narcissist. She shared that her biggest fear was that Gabriel would kill me and then himself.

My family told the RCMP anything and everything they could remember to help them find Gabriel. They shared their own impressions and stories of Gabriel’s psychotic behaviour, especially with me, his obsessive buying habits, and his fascination with guns. All of it was recorded as each freely provided their statements without regard for their own legal jeopardy.

Both my brother and brother-in-law independently told officers details about their relationship with Gabriel. They knew about his gun collection and how he’d use the mud flats of the basin for target practice. They shared that I had asked them to purchase some bullets from Canadian Tire for Gabriel because they were hunters. I wish I never asked my family to get them.

I survived

Unfortunately, because of COVID restrictions, I could have only one family member stay with me that Sunday evening. Maureen arrived at my hospital bed 12 hours after my rescue. She never left my side. I told her everything. We cried as relief washed over us.

Given my traumatized and medicated state, Maureen asked the hospital staff once again if Janice could come help. Under these extraordinary circumstances, they agreed. They brought in a cot so they could take turns looking after me. My “trauma brain” struggled to remember sequential details of what happened. I hardly slept, as my thoughts were consumed by so many unanswered questions.

What had Gabriel done? Why? Did he plan this? Where was he?

Main image: Lisa Banfield with Gabriel Wortman, attending a family wedding in 2019. Photo courtesy Sutherland House Books


Canada's Foreign Minister Anita Anand speaks during a G7 Session on Ukraine and Defense Cooperation during the G7 Foreign Ministers Meeting at the White Oaks Resort in Niagara-on-the-Lake, Canada on November 12, 2025.

BEIJING — Within hours of landing in Beijing with Prime Minister Mark Carney, Foreign Minister Anita Anand appeared to be stepping back from the Liberal government’s 2024 assessment that China is an “increasingly disruptive” global force.

Anand was repeatedly pressed by reporters Wednesday evening in Beijing to know if the Liberal government stood behind its stern assessment of China in

its 2024 Indo-Pacific strategy

.

Every time, she refused to say if she agreed that China is a disruptive global force, though she eventually countered that Carney’s election brought in a new government with a “new foreign policy.”

“In this moment of economic stress for our country, it is necessary for us to diversify our trading partners and to grow non-U.S. trade by at least 50 per cent in the next 10 years,” she noted, adding that the issue is “complex.”

Her comments appear to suggest the Carney government is backing away from the stern assessment of China in the Indo-Pacific strategy published under Prime Minister Justin Trudeau.

They come as Carney and a small group on ministers arrive in Beijing for a first official visit with President Xi Jinping since 2017.

Canada’s Indo-Pacific strategy describes China as “an increasingly disruptive global power” that “increasingly disregards” international rules and norms.

“China is looking to shape the international order into a more permissive environment for interests and values that increasingly depart from ours,” reads the document.

The strategy also said that China offers significant opportunity for Canadian exporters and that cooperation with the world’s second biggest economy is necessary on a number of “existential” issues like climate change, global health and nuclear proliferation.

The minister’s tiptoeing around the stern language in her own government’s Indo-Pacific strategy shows just how starkly the federal government’s relations with China have changed since Carney’s election and the trade war with the U.S.

It wouldn’t be surprising to see the Carney government redefine its public views on China in the coming months as Canada considers the Asian superpower as a key non-U.S. export market.

Carney received a warm welcome from the Chinese upon his arrival Wednesday evening. He was greeted by both countries’ respective ambassadors as well as Chinese Minister Sun Meijun.

After saluting the envoys, Carney was given a bouquet of flowers by 11 year old Lu You Ci before departing in a motorcade that drove him to central Beijing.

Canadian and Chinese flags adorned flagpoles along the highway exiting Beijing Capital International Airport.

Anand told reporters Wednesday the government has been working for months to remove trade irritants with China, namely crippling tariffs on Canadian canola exports.

On the flip side, China is certainly going to ask Canada for concessions on 100 per cent tariffs on electric vehicle imports to protect Canadian automobile manufacturing.

“The conversation has been productive, the negotiations are still continuing,” she said.

“We are here to represent all sector of the Canadian economy,” she added.

On Thursday, Carney is expected to meet Zhao Leji,

Chairman of the Standing Committee of the
National People’s Congress, followed by a meeting and a dinner with Chinese Premier Li Qiang.

National Post

cnardi@postmedia.com

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Let’s Do Something founder Baruch Apisdorf at Columbia University campus in New York on Oct. 6, 2025. The group will launch its first Canadian campus initiative at McGill University in Montreal in January.

Dawn had not yet broken in Jerusalem on October 7, 2023, when Baruch Apisdorf received a text message from his best friend. David Newman, 25, had borrowed Apisdorf’s car to go to a music festival in southern Israel.

Newman’s text was urgent: he was hiding in a dumpster, from Hamas terrorists.

“Pray for me and pray for your car,” Newman wrote, making a wry joke in the worst of circumstances: He was caught up in Hamas’s attack on the Nova festival, where terrorists killed 378 people, all but a few dozen civilians, and kidnapped 44 more.

Apisdorf and his friends would identify Newman’s body in a photo of a Nova field strewn with corpses a day after the massacre.

“A friend reached out for help and I wasn’t able to help him,” says Apisdorf. That helplessness became the emotional engine of a grassroots initiative he launched with four twenty-something friends, hours after learning Newman had been murdered.

Let’s Do Something grew to become a non-profit rooted in three pillars: defence, healing and advocacy. This month, it launches its first Canadian campus initiative at McGill University in Montreal.

Within days, that late-night group chat evolved into a logistics operation that would send 10 planes of aid from New York to Israel. The first plane came together almost by accident. Friends serving in the IDF reserves needed basics like sleeping bags, so the group emptied their own closets.

Word spread. A friend’s mother in New York agreed to let her home become a makeshift drop-off centre. Within hours, Apisdorf said, 300 cars lined her block. An El Al executive gave them space on a cargo flight, and soon after 20,000 pounds of gear lifted off for Israel.

Let’s Do Something evolved quickly. It now reports mobilizing thousands of young Jews across Israel and the diaspora, most notably via a social-media-driven advocacy operation targeting Gen Z and younger millennials.

In Israel, the group has helped source gear and technology for soldiers and civilians, and is building what it calls a “defence-tech lab” in Tel Aviv to accelerate startups working on new security tools, part of what Apisdorf described as a broader Western struggle against an Iran-Russia-China axis.

“The drones that Iran sent at Israel are the same drones they’re selling to Russia,” he told the National Post.

Let’s Do Something has also opened a fully subsidized PTSD and trauma centre in Thailand aimed at Nova survivors, and others grappling with the psychological fallout of October 7 and the Gaza war. “There are a lot of people that need help and support in many different ways,” Apisdorf said. “You can’t ask people to be advocates for anything if they’re still trying to survive their own brains.”

But it is the advocacy arm – “first ever proudly pro-Semitic movement by the youth, for the youth,” as the organization’s website puts it – that has propelled Let’s Do Something far beyond Israel and the Jewish world. Across Instagram, TikTok and YouTube, the group boasts it has engaged more than 100 million people with its campaigns, many of them built around emotionally driven, documentary-style vignettes about young Israelis, campus conversations and what it means to be openly Jewish after October 7.

Apisdorf’s frustration is directed less at anti-Israel activists, than at the institutions that were supposed to answer them. He recalled going online on Oct. 9, just two days after the massacre, and seeing, “for the first time in history, people condemning the victims of a terror attack instead of the perpetrators.” Yet many mainstream pro-Israel responses, he said, seemed to be talking to “a 40-plus generation” and completely missing his peers.

Let’s Do Something’s answer has been to go where those audiences are, and to meet them in a visual language they recognize.

 David Newman, left, and Baruch Apisdorf in 2022. Let’s Do Something, a non-profit born after the October 7, 2023 attacks in Israel was founded by Apisdorf in memory of his slain friend.

That includes collaborations with major creators like American singer and influencer Montana Tucker, whose platforms reach more than 10 million followers. In one recent undercover campus video shot at UCLA, Tucker and Let’s Do Something on Campus contrasted student reactions to civilians killed by Hamas, with their responses when the perpetrators’ identities were switched, a piece of social experimentation meant, Apisdorf said, to expose “moral inconsistencies and misinformation” about the conflict. Other content features Israeli influencer “Sahar,” and Nova survivors, and Israeli Arab Yosef Hadad, using first-person stories rather than talking points, to explain why October 7 was not an abstract geopolitical event, but a generational trauma.

The group’s most distinctive work happens in the spaces that feed online culture: North American university campuses. Almost a year ago, Apisdorf and his team set out on a U.S. university tour, partly to tell their story, but mostly to listen. They found campuses where pro-Israel and pro-Palestinian activists, and left- and right-wing students more broadly, were “locked into their camps and just never even talking to one another,” even while admitting that dialogue was important.

Borrowing the energy – if not the combative staging – of conservative activist Charlie Kirk’s campus events, Let’s Do Something began designing what amounts to a pop-up dialogue studio. Students with opposing views sit side-by-side, shake hands, are offered coffee and asked their names and a few basic questions before getting to politics. The goal is to humanize before polarizing. “Just by establishing these human things that we all have and share on the front end, you reduce the risk of any sort of conversation degrading into assault and attacks,” Apisdorf told the Post.

Those conversations are filmed, edited and distributed widely on social media. The videos, he argues, show that cross conversations are still possible, and model how to have them. “People know it’s missing,” he said of meaningful dialogue. “People know it’s important, but they’re scared and don’t know how to actually engage in that.”

Apisdorf has Canadian family, and in mid-January, Let’s Do Something will be at McGill University in Montreal. The visit will have two main components: a full-day campus production built around the group’s side-by-side dialogue format, and the introduction of a McGill student the organization has identified as its first Canadian “voice” to be developed into an influencer.

Let’s Do Something seeks to identify articulate young people with a story and a point of view, then help them build a platform that can eventually reach national audiences.

 Let’s Do Something events, such as this one in New York, are about meaningful dialogue rather than confrontation.

Apisdorf is careful not to frame this as training “pro-Israel influencers” in the narrow sense. “I think those points fall in line with a larger general narrative,” one that embraces liberal democracy, Western values, free speech and open societies.

In practice, that means looking for students – Jewish and otherwise – who can defend those values in a nuanced way, not just generate viral outrage. “Right now, a lot of the people that are built up to have national audiences are people with extreme viewpoints, because frankly, that’s what’s going to go viral,” he said. “I don’t believe that’s the only way to do it.”

The group will sometimes partner with Jewish or debate clubs, but Apisdorf is a bit wary of the usual channels. Those pipelines, he argued, tend to reach the 20 per cent of students who already identify as strongly pro-Israel, or the 30 to 40 per cent firmly in the anti-Israel camp. The real target, in his view, is everyone else: “normal, regular students” focused on their studies, whose opinions are still malleable, and whose feeds are nonetheless filled with content about Israel, Gaza and antisemitism.

For Apisdorf, who grew up in Baltimore and lives in Tel Aviv, the work is as much about safeguarding free societies as it is about Israel. In his telling, what started with a murdered friend at a desert rave, has turned into a generational test: of whether liberal democracies can still defend their own values to their own children.

“Don’t go through your life with blinders on, you know,” he concluded.

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Maximum security Millhaven Institution in Kingston, Ont.

A transgender woman convicted of first-degree murder in the killing of a 13-year-old Edmonton girl who was lured to a golf course, sexually assaulted, strangled, stabbed, then bludgeoned to death with a hammer, has lost her bid to stay in a women’s prison.

Michelle Autumn, who identified as Michael Williams at the time of the killing, challenged her involuntary transfer from Grand Valley Institution for Women (GVIW) to Millhaven Institution, a male institution, in Ontario’s Superior Court of Justice.

“Regardless of whether the decision to involuntarily transfer (Autumn) from GVIW to Milhaven constituted a deprivation of the applicant’s residual liberty, I find it to have been reasonable and therefore lawful,” Justice Kristin Muszynski wrote in a recent decision.

“The application is dismissed.”

Autumn was opposed by the Attorney General of Canada Sean Fraser and the wardens of both prisons, the judge wrote in her decision, dated Jan. 6.

Autumn, now 37, started serving her life sentence in 2007 for her role in the rape and killing of Nina Courtepatte in April 2005. Autumn was 17 at the time of the murder.

Judge Janet Franklin said

at sentencing that the crime was so “horrendous and evil” that she had no choice but to sentence Autumn as an adult. She is one of five people convicted in the teen’s death.

 Michael Williams, who now identifies as a woman named Michelle Autumn, was 17 when he raped and murdered Nina Courtepatte (pictured) at an Edmonton-area golf course with several others.

Autumn “has served the vast majority of her sentence to date in male institutions with a maximum-security classification,” Muszynski said.

“Over the years, (she) has been transferred between institutions on a number of occasions, usually due to (Autumn’s) extremely problematic behaviour which Correctional Service Canada (CSC) reports has been difficult to manage in any population.”

Autumn “was diagnosed with gender dysphoria” in 2014, said the judge. “She served approximately six months in a women’s institution in late 2017 before formally requesting to be transferred back to a male institution.”

In the fall of 2024, Autumn “was incarcerated at Millhaven in the Voluntary Limited Access Range,” which “houses inmates who do not want to integrate into mainstream populations but are still considered to be subject to similar conditions of confinement to inmates in the general population,” Muszynski said.

No matter where she is held, “gender-based accommodations are in place for (Autumn), including that non-emergency medical escorts, frisks, strip searches, and security camera monitoring be carried out by women staff members,” said the judge, noting Autumn “has a private toilet in her cell and access to a private shower every day.”

Her voluntary transfer from Millihaven to the women’s prison, GVIW, was approved on Nov. 25, 2024.

At a case conference before the move, “GVIW staff emphasized to (Autumn) that since GVIW is a small site, (she) would have to work to get along with everyone in her assigned pod or it may not be possible to accommodate her at GVIW.”

She was transferred to the women’s prison on March 6, 2025, where she lived in one of three pods that can house nine inmates each, said the decision, which notes Autumn “was subject to the most restrictive level of supervision in a women’s institution.”

She “consented to a routine strip search” upon arrival at the women’s prison. “Staff reported that (Autumn’s) behaviour was highly inappropriate, including playing with her penis and buttocks in a sexually suggestive manner.”

When another inmate in Autumn’s pod “expressed that she was uncomfortable” with the trans prisoner’s presence, prison staffers “were able to manage the concerns of this other inmate, but (Autumn’s) response was to threaten to assault or kill the other inmate if confronted again.”

Autumn “was placed alone in the double occupancy cell” in a different pod, said the decision.

When prison staffers planned to move her again on March 10, 2025, Autumn “was reported as being verbally resistant to the move,” said the judge.

“She barricaded herself into a shared common room with a broken television remote control that (Autumn) appeared to be attempting to use as a weapon. This incident lasted approximately eight hours.”

Guards at the women’s prison “could not de-escalate” Autumn, Muszynski said.

Autumn “covered all security cameras in the common room. She threatened self-harm and violence against other inmates and CSC staff. Every attempt to speak with (her), even to offer her food, was met with verbal assaults,” said the judge.

“The incident finally resolved when the Institutional Emergency Response Team deployed a chemical irritant grenade into the common room and then restrained and extracted” Autumn.

 The Grand Valley Institution for Women in Kitchener, Ont.

She “justifies her reaction by alleging that she was fearful of being exposed to transphobia if she was moved to another pod,” Muszynski said.

Several GVIW staffers said that, during this incident, Autumn “stated that she was a man and wanted to return to Millhaven. One staff member reports having provided her with transfer forms.”

Autumn “denies that she expressed identifying as a man and denies having requested to return to Millhaven,” said the judge.

Autumn “was transferred back to Millhaven on an emergency, involuntary basis. During the three-hour drive to Millhaven, (she) was reported as being highly agitated, refusing to sit down, screaming verbal abuse at staff and urinating in the vehicle.”

An assessment of the decision to transfer Autumn noted she “demonstrated a pattern of threatening staff to manipulate the outcome of a situation,” said the judge.

“It is further noted that (Autumn) attributes most of her ‘behavioural problems and conflict as the result of gender identity or policies not being adhered to’ which made managing (her) difficult to manage in any population.”

Autumn’s recent psychological risk assessment states “that risk factors for future violence are high and the ongoing behavioural issues in the institution support this assessment.”

Autumn has an Indigenous background, said the judge. “It is recommended that she re-engage with Indigenous Services to begin a healing journey to assist in reducing risk factors.”

She needs “a highly structured environment in which individual or group interaction is subject to constant and direct supervision,” said the assessment. “Returning to Millhaven Institution, a maximum-security men’s institution, will allow for close observation of Autumn’s behaviour and provide the CSC the opportunity to monitor their conduct and motivation.”

Her “demonstrated negative behaviours towards themselves and staff, proved to be of great concern when attempting to have them integrate to the more open environment of a women’s institution,” said the assessment. “An Emergency Intra-regional transfer is deemed necessary to ensure the safety of the institution. Autumn has been returned to an environment to which they are familiar with the resources and interventions, including access to culturally based services for support.”

Autumn argued that she “was not given enough time to integrate into GVIW before the emergency transfer back to Millhaven.”

She also said “GVIW was transphobic and did not support her placement within the institution.”

Her transfer back to Millhaven got final approval on April 14, 2025.

The approval noted the difficulty of reconciling Autumn’s “denial of reporting she was a male and wanting to be transferred back to a male institution when numerous CSC staff reported hearing her make these comments.”

It was noted “there were several significant moves which occurred within the institution … prior to Mrs. Autumn’s transfer to GVIW specifically in order to reserve a cell for her.”

There were case conferences with Autumn “as well as numerous meetings amongst CSC staff on how she could be accommodated,” said the approval.

“Further, additional funding was obtained in order to increase staffing at the institution to accommodate” her.

According to the transfer approval, “GVIW is not transphobic and worked diligently to support (Autumn), but given her risk factors, it is difficult to integrate her within any population.”

Autumn’s “reaction when she was informed that she had to be moved to another pod to a single occupancy cell resulted in an eight-hour stand off where (she) made threats, fashioned a weapon, and damaged CSC property,” said the judge.

She “admits to having grabbed her penis and spread her buttocks when she was strip searched and justified her behaviour by claiming that she was frustrated because of how long it was taking.”

CSC “provided evidence as to the efforts that were made to accommodate (Autumn) within GVIW,” Muszynski said.

“The efforts were significant.”

Wardens at both prisons have “a unique appreciation for the security environment within their institutions,” said the judge.

“The wardens of both GVIW and Millhaven concluded that (Autumn) was not manageable within GVIW given the totality of (her) behaviour between March 6, 2025 – March 10, 2025. Deference is owed to this conclusion.”

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A B.C. restauranteur had to have her online rating restored after facing a barrage of negative reviews for catering an event for Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre.

A chef and restaurant owner in Maple Ridge, B.C. catered an event for federal Opposition Leader Pierre Poilievre and about 40 local Conservatives last Friday evening. Veronica Reale later publicized the occasion on social media.

That’s when the harassment began.

“This was scary for me, it was very bad,” Reale of Ronny’s Bistro told

Maple Ridge News

.

The furore unfolded after Poilievre did an unannounced stop in Maple Ridge. Local MP, Marc Dalton, hosted the event for him at the bistro. The harassment ran the spectrum from one-star reviews and critical Google comments to online talk about boycotting her business, she said.

At a time when

thousands of restaurants across Canada

have gone under, Reale was afraid of the negative impact on the positive reputation she has been building for almost three years.

Reale began her career learning the

art of pizza-making in her native Italy

. The single mother immigrated to Canada 12 years ago, working in the food industry, later opening her own restaurant.

She says she was appreciative of the business last Friday and insists that she is not politically active. But less than an hour after she made the social media post, she felt compelled to delete it. Immediately, there were

a lot of negative responses

, she says.

“After 40 minutes, I had to delete it,” she told Maple Ridge News. “I’m not political, and I didn’t know it could be so bad, just hosting a meeting.”

Dalton took to social media to defend Reale, posting his support, as well as anger at the negative commenters

on his Facebook page

.

“Cancel culture has real and devastating impacts. When businesses are harassed or threatened over political disagreement, livelihoods are put at risk and communities are harmed,” Dalton wrote. “Small businesses should never become collateral damage for someone else’s outrage. Hosting a meeting does not justify intimidation or online abuse.”

Fighting back to maintain her reputation, Reale

spent three days communicating with Google.

The bistro’s reviews and rating are now back to where they were before the online vitriol: 4.6 out of five, with reviews that include comments such as “true hidden gem,” and “a charming spot with a friendly atmosphere.”

 

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