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Black smoke is seen from the chimney of the Sistine Chapel meaning a new pope is not yet elected and voting will continue on May 7, 2025 in Vatican City.

The significance of a papal name lies in its symbolic power and the message it sends about a new pope’s intentions, priorities, and the direction he hopes to set for the Catholic Church.

When a new pope is elected, one of his first acts is to

choose a new name

. It’s a tradition dating back to the early Middle Ages. This name is not required by doctrine but has become a deeply rooted custom.

The chosen name often honours a saint, a previous pope, or a particular legacy the new pontiff wishes to emulate.

How do popes choose a papal name?

Pope Francis selected his name to

honour St. Francis of Assisi,

signalling a focus on humility, care for the poor, and environmental stewardship. Similarly, Pope John Paul I

combined the names of his two immediate predecessors

to signal continuity and commitment to their reforms.

Ultimately, the papal name serves as a

public declaration of the new pope’s vision

and the values he intends to emphasize during his papacy.

It is closely watched as an early indicator of whether the new leader will

continue the work of his predecessors or chart a new course

for the Church.

Do popes ever choose names that have never been used?

Popes

rarely choose a name that has never been used before

. In fact, before Pope Francis in 2013, it had been over 1,000 years since a pope — Pope Lando in 914 — selected a completely new name.

Most popes opt for names with

historical or spiritual significance

. There are, however, several unique papal names from the early centuries that have never been repeated, such as Lando, Romanus, and Formosus.

How might a pope’s cultural background affect his choice?

Different cultures have influenced the choice of papal names in several ways, especially as the Church became more global. In the early centuries, popes from outside Italy — especially from France and Germany — often adopted more traditional or Italian-sounding names to align themselves with their Roman predecessors and the local culture of the papacy. This practice helped foster unity and continuity within the Church.

In modern times, as the

College of Cardinals has become more international

, there is increased potential for popes to choose names that reflect their own cultural backgrounds or honour saints and historical figures important in their home regions.

A pope from Africa or Latin America might select a name associated with early non-Italian pontiffs or saints from those regions to highlight the Church’s diversity and global reach.

Pope Francis, from Argentina, chose a name never before used, making a break from European tradition and emphasizing humility and care for the marginalized, values resonant across cultures.

Overall, while

no formal rules

require popes to choose names based on cultural background, their choices often reflect a desire to reflect their heritage, inclusivity or connect with the broader global Church.

Could a papal name influence the Catholic Church’s relations with other faith traditions?

The connotations of a papal name can significantly

shape the new pope’s relationship with other religious leaders

by pointing to his intended approach to interfaith dialogue, reform, tradition, or reconciliation.

If a pope chooses a name associated with openness, peace, or past efforts at unity, it can foster goodwill and foreshadow a willingness to engage with leaders of other faiths.

Conversely, names linked to periods of conflict or rigid doctrine, like “Pius,” may be

interpreted as a sign of traditionalism or caution

, potentially making interreligious collaboration more challenging.

Have some papal names caused controversy?

Some papal names have been considered

controversial

due to their associations with problematic historical figures or events.

The name “John XXIII” was controversial because it had previously been used by a 15th-century antipope, leading to confusion and debate when Cardinal Angelo Roncalli chose it in 1958.

No pope has ever chosen the name “Peter II,” likely out of respect for Saint Peter, the first pope, and to avoid controversy or the appearance of rivalry with such a foundational figure. However, some antipopes have used the name “Peter II,” which further adds to its contentious nature.

Certain names, like Benedict, have been used by both legitimate popes and antipopes, sometimes creating confusion and controversy in papal history.

Some papal names are avoided due to their association with

notorious or scandalous popes

, such as Alexander VI or Boniface VIII, whose papacies were marked by corruption or conflict.

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Canada hasn't seen close to the current measles numbers since the 752 cases recorded during a Quebec outbreak in 2011.

Public confidence in vaccines has dipped since COVID’s first surges, the proportion of parents “really against” routine childhood immunizations has grown and one third of Canadians believe the discredited claim that the measles vaccine causes autism, surveys show.

That percolating pushback is contributing to gaps in immunization coverage: only seven out of 10 kids aged seven in Ontario were reported to be fully immunized against measles in the 2023-24 school year. Rates plummeted below 50 per cent in some health units, despite catch-up programs to deal with a backlog of children who missed shots during COVID disruptions.

The gaps threaten to widen and feed a resurgence of vaccine-preventable diseases like the ongoing outbreak of measles, say those who study the phenomenon.

But vaccine hesitancy goes beyond autism. The motives of parents opting out are “often far more complex and nuanced than the pro-side would like to admit,” according to the authors of a recently-published

paper

on English-speaking Canada’s growing anti-vaccine movement.

It may make for a quicker and easier narrative to say it’s all about misinformation and a notoriously flawed study that was eventually withdrawn, “and convince people that it was a mistake and that there is nothing to be concerned about,” said co-author and University of Guelph historian Catherine Carstairs.

However, “it’s become much grittier and more complicated, and maybe requires different kinds of interventions,” she said.

Growing vaccine hesitancy, and outright refusal, is also symbolic of a broader issue, said the University of Alberta’s Timothy Caulfield — “the rise of an anti-science ethos that is impacting society.”

The controversies and polarizations surrounding the COVID vaccines also had an ideological spillover effect on vaccines more generally, Caulfield said. In the U.S., political liberals became more positive towards non-COVID shots like MMR (measles, mumps and rubella), influenza and chickenpox while

conservatives became more negative

.

Ontario has now claimed more measles cases since last fall than all of the United States. So far, the majority have been concentrated in specific health units, but measles is so highly infectious it can easily leak out to vulnerable pockets with less-than-optimal vaccination rates.

As criticism of Ontario’s handling of the outbreak intensifies, Premier Doug Ford Wednesday said getting children vaccinated against measles is a “no-brainer” and that the province has sufficient supplies of vaccines available. “I encourage anyone and everyone,” Ford told reporters. “You need to get your kids vaccinated, because if not it just starts spreading.”

Cases in Ontario reached 1,383 this week, Dr. Kieran Moore, Ontario’s chief medical officer of health, told

Radio-Canada,

an increase of 140 over the previous week. Moore anticipates the province will see 100 to 150 new cases a week until summer.

“I’m happy that (local public health units) are able to keep the numbers to 100 to 150 Ontarians that are getting infected on a weekly basis. To me that’s tremendous, hard and difficult work,” he told Radio-Canada.

At least 84 outbreak cases in Ontario have required hospitalization; eight were admitted to intensive care. Among those hospitalized, 80 were unvaccinated, including 63 children.

Alberta, meanwhile, is ramping up measles vaccination clinics in south and central zones where most of the

265 cases reported as of Monday

are located.

Canada’s outbreak has been traced to a large gathering with guests from Mennonite communities in New Brunswick last October and has continued to spread in Ontario, with related cases reported in Alberta, Manitoba, Prince Edward Island and Quebec. A single case was reported in Halifax, N.S., this week, in an adult who had travelled to the U.S.

Measles has been eliminated in Canada since 1998; endemic transmission, meaning a disease is constantly circulating, “no longer happens in Canada,”

according to the federal government’s measles monitoring report

, though sporadic cases can occur, usually due to travel to regions where measles is circulating. However, Canada hasn’t seen close to the current numbers since the 752 cases recorded during a Quebec outbreak in 2011.

The vast majority of cases today are among unvaccinated children and youth. Most (90 per cent) were exposed in Canada.

The bulk of cases — 84 per cent — are in Ontario, where only seven in 10 (70.4 per cent) of seven-year-olds were said to be fully immunized against measles in the

2023-2024 school year

, a dramatic drop compared to pre-Covid years. In 2019-2020, 86 per cent of Ontario kids aged seven were fully immunized against measles.

In the 2013-2014 school year, 94 per cent were.

Measles is considered one of the most, if not the most, transmissible, airborne viruses affecting humans. An infected person can pass the virus on to 15 to 18 others who haven’t been vaccinated or who aren’t immune due to past exposure to the virus.

There are no specific anti-virals against measles. In serious cases, the virus can attack the fatty protective sheath that wraps around the nerves in the brain and spinal cord. One in 1,000 children infected can develop post-infectious encephalomyelitis, or swelling of the brain, that can lead to permanent neurological deficits like deafness, paralysis or difficulty thinking or speaking.

Two doses of vaccine are considered about 97 per cent effective against infection. But vaccine coverage is falling below 95 per cent, the threshold needed for herd immunity to prevent infections.

Why are more parents rejecting routine childhood shots?

A 2024 Angus Reid pol

l found that one in six (17 per cent) parents of kids under 18 reported they are “really against vaccinating” their own children, up from four per cent in 2019.

Last fall, three in 10 Canadians told

Research Co.

they still believe a connection exists between the MMR vaccine and autism, the lingering legacy of a fraudulent 1998 paper by British scientist Andrew Wakefield.

“Wakefield’s ascent to the pinnacle of despicableness all started with one small and staggeringly shoddy study,” Caulfield, a U of Alberta professor of law and health policy, wrote in his new book, The Certainty Illusion: What You Don’t Know and Why It Matters.

While Wakefield’s data-distorted study was eventually retracted, “the Wakefield zombie marches on,” Caulfield wrote. “Those pushing a particular agenda keep the study in the public eye,” he said, and the retraction, paradoxically, makes the study seem even more legitimate, because “it fits into the broader anti-vaccine idea, that Wakefield was persecuted for bravely speaking the truth.

“The fake science imparts science-y credibility, while the retraction feeds a fake narrative. Zombies are hard to kill,” Caulfield wrote.

Vaccine skepticism didn’t originate with Wakefield, he and others said. “Vaccine hesitancy and resistance has a long history in Canada,” Carstairs and her co-author, master’s student Kathryn Hughes, wrote in their paper published in Canadian Historical Review. A national anti-vaccine league formed in 1900 in opposition to compulsory smallpox shots. The modern-day anti-vax movement began in the 1980s, Carstairs and Hughes wrote, led by a “small number of people with alternative understandings of health and medicine, and by parents who believe their children were harmed by vaccination.”

“A lot of parental concern is really about the number of overall vaccines that children are receiving these days,” said Carstairs, who grew up in the 70s and 80s. The number of vaccines since “has really escalated, which, as a pro-vaccination person, I think is great,” she said in an interview with National Post.

“But I can see why for many parents they sort of feel, ‘Wow, is this getting to be too much?’ Especially when diseases like chicken pox are seen as something they might have had as children themselves, or their parents had, and don’t seem particularly serious, not thinking about the long-term consequences of shingles” or other complications, she said.

“Until recently, there wasn’t much reason for parents to be concerned about their kids getting the measles. It was declared eradicated in Canada.”

Today’s intense parenting style, which focuses on nurturing the “individuality” of each child, also “feeds against the idea that I think we should be looking at,” Carstairs said. “Which is, ‘This isn’t about your child. This is about protecting the entire population. That’s why you need to get vaccinated.’”

Many parents opposed to vaccination also harbour a sense “that maybe we’ve gone too far along a technological path, and maybe that there’s better, more natural ways of coping with illness,” Carstairs said.

Caulfield, who considers the word natural “the mother of all health halos,” said vaccine hesitancy — “a trend that is costing lives” —  is being partly energized by the rise of the wellness industry and its framing of vaccines as unnatural.

“There has been this middle-ground fallacy playing out where completely absurd things about vaccines are now taken as not as absurd,” Caulfield added. “They’ve been normalized.”

The phenomenon is also being fuelled by opposition to “Big Pharma,” “big science” and “big health care,” Caulfield said.

“Science communicators have to be nimble and respond to how the public is talking about these issues,” he said. “Public institutions, researchers, clinicians and public health officials always need to listen. They need to recognize missteps. They need to look at evidence and improve. Always.

“But any misstep has now been weaponized as a justification of full-scale distrust. The reality is misinformation has created distrust.”

National Post with a file from Canadian Press

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The One Manchester is unloaded at PSA Halifax Atlantic Hub in Halifax, NS Tuesday April 29, 2025. TIM KROCHAK PHOTO

U.S. President Donald Trump’s trade war is already having an impact on Canada’s most crucial ports, but navigating the on-again, off-again nature of Trump’s words and deeds when it comes to tariffs will likely prove difficult.

Halifax’s container traffic was down 10 per cent last month, while Vancouver was greeting a near record number of oil tankers.

“We’re in uncharted territory,” said Trevor Heaver, professor emeritus of transportation studies at the University of British Columbia.

Like much of the Canadian economy, ports on both sides of the country are bracing themselves for a world in a trade war.

After implementing sweeping 25 per cent tariffs on all goods imported from Canada and Mexico in early March, with a lesser 10 per cent tariff on Canadian energy products, Trump turned around the next day and granted a one-month exemption for automobiles and parts imported from Canada and Mexico that are covered under the Canada-United States-Mexico Agreement (CUSMA). The day after that, Trump broadened the exemption to include all products covered under CUSMA.

There have been plenty of ins and outs since, with Trump slapping 25 per cent tariffs on Canadian steel and aluminum imports and issuing executive orders stipulating that exemptions will continue for goods from Canada and Mexico that are compliant under CUSMA as part of his bigger April 2 “Liberation Day” announcement with that long list of country-specific tariffs.

But last month, after stock and bond markets tumbled, Trump pressed pause for 90 days on tariffs for all countries, except China, resetting the tariff rate to 10 per cent across the board.

Here’s how those involved see the state of play and what may come next.

Can we expect to see less ships calling on Canadian ports due to Trump’s tariffs?

For Heaver, an expert in international shipping and port economics, the answer is a resounding yes. “And it will be dramatic,” he said.

How will that play out?

Heaver predicts the number of what are dubbed “blank sailings” will rise as Trump’s tariffs begin to bite. Those are trips that are scheduled, but then cancelled for want of demand.

Which Canadian coast will this trade war hurt most?

“The worst affected group by the tariff situation is the Trans-Pacific trade,” Heaver said.

“The consequences are that port employment is going to be down, truck employment is going to be down, warehouse employment is going to be down, store shelves are going to start to be more empty, where they’ve been selling Chinese products. So, the drop off in container vessel arrivals is the first visible sign of the tariff threat. Of course, if that threat comes into reality, the recession will take off.”

Which West Coast port will be hit the hardest?

U.S. tariffs will hurt Prince Rupert, Heaver predicted.

“On the Great Circle Route from Asia to North America, it’s the shortest route. So, if you want to import into Chicago, for example, routing through Prince Rupert gives a significant time advantage,” Heaver said. “So, the Port of Prince Rupert will be most affected. The Port of Vancouver less so.”

If fewer ships visit Canuck ports, will they be carrying more or less cargo?

Heaver is forecasting fewer sailings into Vancouver due to the trade war. “But those ships, likely, will each be carrying more cargo for Canada than they would normally,” he said.

What do the folks at the Port of Prince Rupert have to say?

“In April, there were two blank sailings at the Port of Prince Rupert, however those were not attributed to tariffs, but rather the number of vessels operating on an intermodal service string,” said Olivia Mowatt, who speaks for the Port of Prince Rupert.

She said first quarter volumes at Prince Rupert’s Fairview terminal “remained steady,” with a one per cent traffic increase in the first quarter. But officials do expect a downturn.

“Looking ahead, we anticipate decreased container bookings on eastbound transpacific vessels calling on West Coast ports in Canada and the U.S., including potential for blank sailings in Prince Rupert,” Mowatt said.

Do all Canadian ports do a lot of cargo business with our southern neighbours?

More than 80 per cent of the international trade that moves through the Port of Vancouver’s terminals every year is Canadian trade with countries other than the U.S., said Alex Munro, who speaks for the port.

“For example almost 132 million metric tonnes of international trade moved through the port last year, about three-quarters of which was trade with Indo-Pacific countries like China (35 per cent), Japan (14 per cent), Korea (14 per cent), India (five per cent), Indonesia (three per cent), Taiwan (two per cent) and Vietnam (two per cent),” Munro said. “The U.S. represented eight per cent.”

What do ships carry from Vancouver to the States?

Most Canada-U.S. trade through Vancouver is crude oil exports, Munro said.

How are those doing?

Shipments of crude oil, carried from Alberta to B.C. via the Trans Mountain pipeline, did not drop in April, according to retired Simon Fraser University physics professor David Huntley, who has kept tabs for the last 15 years on tanker arrivals at the city’s Westridge terminal.

He counted a record 30 tankers in March that arrived in Vancouver to take Alberta oil to the U.S. and China.

“April tanker traffic was essentially the same as March when you allow that April has one fewer days,” Huntley said.

 Canada is the world’s biggest producer, exporter and holder of the largest reserve of Potash at 1.1 billion tonnes and almost all of it is in Saskatchewan.

Do Canadian potash producers need to worry about this trade war?

“The U.S. is one of the world’s largest consumers of potash, but due to a lack of resources in the country, it relies on imports for over 90 per cent of its needs,” said Michael Wudonig, who speaks for K+S Group, one of the world’s largest producers of the fertilizer.

He pointed to Trump’s executive order early last month that exempted potash from U.S. tariffs.

“Deliveries from Canada and the EU are therefore not affected by tariffs,” Wudonig said. “We therefore assess the risk of a change in the exemption for our fertilizer products as low and currently do not foresee any impact on our business.”

How does the Port of Montreal factor into all this?

“Difficult winter conditions challenged most of the North East’s supply chains in January and February, and the Port of Montreal’s cargo was directly and indirectly affected by these conditions,” said Renée Larouche, who speaks for the Port of Montreal.

“March surged back with a very strong showing due to a combination of more normal weather conditions as well as some Midwest businesses looking to stock up ahead of the imminent application of the tariffs announced. We’re carefully optimistic about the next few months and will be ready to support Canadian and American supply chains as they adapt to the new economic realities.”

 Shipping containers at the Port of Montreal, in Montreal, Quebec on June 10, 2024.

How is the trade war playing out in Halifax?

Cargo volumes at Halifax’s two container terminals dropped by between eight and 10 per cent in April compared to the previous month, says the company that owns them.

But Trump’s tariff turbulence isn’t all to blame, according to Jonathan Chia, deputy managing director of PSA Halifax.

“I wouldn’t say it’s directly related,” Chia said.

A lot of vessels that stop in Halifax also call on ports along the U.S. Eastern Seaboard, he said, noting those ships have limited space to carry containers.

“They’re actually prioritizing more U.S. cargo rather than imports into Canada,” Chia said.

He saw a reduction last month in the amount of cargo offloaded in Halifax that was bound for Chicago and Detroit by rail. Much of it is heavy machinery and automotive parts including tires and bumpers.

 The Oceanex Sanderling is unloaded at PSA Halifax Fairview Cove terminal in Halifax Wednesday April 30, 2025. TIM KROCHAK PHOTO

Will things get worse for the Port of Halifax as this wears on?

Chia doesn’t believe Trump’s tariffs are going to make the situation much worse for Halifax than the dip he saw last month.

“I wouldn’t anticipate a significant decrease,” he said, “unlike Prince Rupert, for example, where a big portion of their cargo goes to the U.S.”

How much cargo flows from Halifax into the U.S. by rail?

Between 15 and 20 per cent of the containers that come into Halifax by ship move on to inland destinations in the States, Chia said.

Due to bluster from south of the border, he predicted PSA Halifax could lose much of that traffic.

Why move goods from a ship to a train in Canada if they’re heading to the U.S.?

“The reason they run Midwest cargo through Canada, generally, is it’s generally faster than dealing with the bigger ports in the U.S.,” said Kevin Piper, president of the Halifax Longshoremen’s Association.

“New York is an extremely busy port. So, they come to Halifax for time-sensitive cargo. Because generally cargo can be discharged in Halifax, on the rail and on its way to its destination before the ship ever gets to New York.”

Are Halifax’s 700 longshoremen worried for their livelihoods?

“It’s a wait-and-see-game here,” Piper said.

“We don’t want to stir the pot.”

Where do most of the goods shipped into Halifax go?

Canadian cities like Toronto and Montreal, Chia said.

“We might lose some of the U.S. Midwest volumes, but … we don’t move them that much to begin with.”

Does the state of the economy make him anxious about the country’s future?

“I do see Canada moving toward a recessionary situation and when you go into a recession it basically means people are producing less and people are consuming less,” Chia said.

That means a drop in cargo volumes, he said. “That’s my bigger fear rather than just a trade war. It’s triggering a bigger global economic impact,” Chia said. “Jobs will be lost and consumption will drop … we’re probably heading in that direction.”

As tariff talk changes almost daily, “people are not committing to ordering,” he said. “They’re being more cautious in their buying patterns and manufacturing and production. This definitely will cause the economy to slow down. Unless there’s certainty in what’s going to happen in the next 12 months, generally people will become more cautious. That’s my bigger fear — it’s the uncertainty that kills the demand.”

What advantages to shipping goods through Canada are vanishing?

Chia pointed out that Trump recently closed a loophole where goods landed in Canada and transported by rail into the States didn’t have to pay a harbour maintenance tax of 0.125 per cent.

“They actually extended this tax on to any U.S. cargo coming through Canadian ports,” Chia said.

Does he see any bright spots for Canadian ports on the distant horizon?

“With the U.S. being more reclusive, it’s forcing Canada to trade with other partners, whether it’s Europe or Asia. But … supply chains don’t switch overnight,” Chia said.

“I do see in the medium- to longer run a more robust Canadian supply chain sourcing from more alternative locations instead of just the U.S.”

 The One Manchester is unloaded at PSA Halifax Atlantic Hub in Halifax, NS Tuesday April 29, 2025. TIM KROCHAK PHOTO

How is this playing out in the U.S.?

Bonded warehouses on the U.S. West Coast where goods can be stored without paying tariffs “maxed out very, very quickly, within like a week or two in anticipation of all of this,” said Ken Adamo, a shipping analyst with DAT Freight & Analytics in Akron, Ohio.

Could vessels destined for the U.S. head to Canada instead?

While some ships that call on the U.S. West Coast could instead steam to Canada, their goods would still face tariffs if shippers tried to get them into the States by train or truck, Adamo said.

“There’s a pretty big wrinkle that was introduced” last week, he said. “An executive order came down around English language proficiency for truck drivers operating in America. The problem with that being … that a lot of the Canadian cross-border truck drivers (come from a) largely immigrant-fed pipeline of drivers.”

English proficiency could prove difficult to test “in a standardized way that would hold muster in a court of law,” he said, noting truckers who fail can be put out-of-service on the roadside.

How is this affecting the mindset of those in the business of getting your goods to market?

“This administration has made it very difficult to find any sort of continuity or consistency,” Adamo said. “Shippers and trucking companies alike are very confused and, frankly, very, very anxious on how to approach the shifting landscape of regulation and global trade policy.”

 A U.S. shipping expert predicts the back-to-school shopping season could bring pressure to bear to end the trade war.

Is there any potential end in sight to the trade war?

Adamo sees a “hard terminus for a lot of this” in the U.S. back-to-school season.

“I know it sounds crazy because the kids are still in school right now. But in logistics, we’re thinking way upstream of all the school supplies and this year’s school clothes and kids’ shoes. All of that stuff is going to probably land May, June and July to be on the store shelves when people do all their back-to-school shopping.”

Americans looking for deals on pencils and lunch boxes might end up dictating U.S. trade policy, he said. “I don’t think the American consumer is going to tolerate empty shelves for back-to-school.”

What’s Trump’s endgame here?

Adamo had to read Trump’s book, The Art of the Deal, in business school. “The tactic is you start with a completely outlandish and overexaggerated position and then help negotiate your opponent back to centre,” he said. “So, my guess is I think most Asian trading partners will get deals done.”

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Albertans believe most strongly, at 52 per cent, that Prime Minister Mark Carney's Liberal government will not improve national unity, the poll found.

As Alberta lurches towards a potential referendum on seceding from Canada, a majority of Canadians think the threat of separation should be taken seriously.

A new Leger poll for the Association for Canadian Studies shows that 52 per cent of Canadians believe the threats should be taken seriously — a view that’s held most strongly in Alberta itself.

“A lot more Canadians than I might have expected are taking the threat of Alberta separation — think we should take it — very seriously,” said Jack Jedwab, president and CEO of the Association for Canadian Studies. “And what is interesting with that is that they actually think that we should take the threat of Alberta separation more seriously than the threat of Quebec separation.”

While 52 per cent of Canadians think Alberta separation should be taken seriously, 42 per cent think Quebec separation should be taken seriously.

In recent months, Alberta Premier Danielle Smith has warned that the continuation of federal policy deemed unfriendly towards her province would precipitate an “unprecedented national unity crisis.” And, while a referendum on secession hasn’t happened in any province since Quebec’s last attempt in 1995, Smith has promised that if enough Albertans put their signatures on a petition, her government will facilitate it.

In Alberta itself, 63 per cent say the threat of secession should be taken seriously.

The concern level, however, is lower in the rest of the country. Fifty-one per cent of those in British Columbia agree, as do 54 per cent of those in Ontario, Manitoba and Saskatchewan. Quebecers are the least concerned: 46 per cent think it’s a serious threat. Half of Atlantic Canadians believe it’s a serious threat.

The view that Quebec separation should be taken seriously is held most strongly in Quebec at 47 per cent, followed by Ontario at 45 per cent. Thirty-eight per cent of those in British Columbia, Manitoba and Saskatchewan agree it’s a serious threat, while just 31 per cent of Albertans and 32 per cent of Atlantic Canadians think it’s serious.

“Quebecers, they feel the threat of Quebec separation is much more serious than the threat of separation from Alberta, and Alberta is the contrary. Albertans think their threat of separation is more serious than the threat of separation from Quebec,” said Jedwab.

Broadly speaking, a plurality of Canadians believe that the re-election of Prime Minister Mark Carney’s Liberal government will not lead to more national unity. Just 34 per cent believe that it will, compared to the 37 per cent that say it will not. However, a large minority of Canadians — 29 per cent — are undecided on what impact the Liberals will have on national unity.

Albertans believe most strongly, at 52 per cent, that the Liberals will not improve national unity, followed by Manitoba and Saskatchewan at 39 per cent, Quebec at 38 per cent, B.C. at 35 per cent, Atlantic Canada at 34 per cent and Ontario at 33 per cent. In every province, between roughly one-quarter and one-third of poll respondents believe the Liberals will improve national unity.

“It was a polarizing election, whether one likes it or not,” said Jedwab. “And given the regional dynamics of the Conservative party, I think that is giving rise to the view that there’s some challenges going forward with respect to unity, but we’ll have to see.”

These dire views of national unity are held most strongly by those who voted for Pierre Poilievre’s Conservative Party of Canada. Just 17 per cent of Conservative voters believe Carney will improve national unity. Quebecers who voted for the Bloc Québécois are similarly skeptical, with 21 per cent saying national unity will be improved. However, New Democrats (41 per cent) and Liberals (56 per cent) believe the new government will do good things on the national unity question.

Conservative voters are also far more likely to be concerned about Alberta separatism, with almost 64 per cent saying it should be taken seriously. But Liberal voters (48 per cent) and NDP voters (47 per cent) are also concerned, while Bloc voters, at roughly 32 per cent, are the least worried.

“We’ll have to see what the political implications are of that, because some of this is going to be seen as leveraging this type of sentiment to shift political power or political influence in the country,” said Jedwab.

There is a similar partisan divide when it comes to concerns about Quebec separation. Bloc voters, at almost 51 per cent, believe most strongly that it’s a serious threat. Conservative voters are the most sanguine, at 36 per cent, while 44 per cent of New Democrats and 45 per cent of Liberal voters think it should be taken seriously.

The majority of voters do not think there is a legitimate reason for either Quebec or Alberta to separate. Unsurprisingly, Alberta has the highest number of poll respondents (52 per cent) who think that Alberta has good reasons to go. But that view drops off sharply to 37 per cent in Manitoba and Saskatchewan, 34 per cent in Quebec, 32 per cent in Ontario and B.C., and 28 per cent in Atlantic Canada.

Again, support varies widely by partisan affiliation. Fifty-eight per cent of Conservatives think Alberta has legitimate reasons to leave, while 33 per cent of Bloc voters think there are good reasons. Among progressive voters, support is lower: 19 per cent of Liberals see legitimate grievances, as do 18 per cent of New Democrats.

The dynamics are similar with Quebec. Fifty-one per cent of those in La belle province think there are good reasons to leave Canada, but, again, support is limited elsewhere. Just 20 per cent of Atlantic Canadians think Quebec has legitimate reasons, as do 23 per cent of those in Manitoba and Saskatchewan, and 25 per cent of those in B.C. Support is slightly higher in Ontario (30 per cent) and Alberta (32 per cent).

Seventy-nine per cent of Bloc voters say the grievances are valid, compared to 34 per cent of Conservative voters and NDP voters, and 27 per cent of Liberals.

The online survey of 1,626 Canadians was conducted between May 1 and 3. A margin of error cannot be associated with a non-probability sample in a panel survey for comparison purposes. A probability sample of 1,626 respondents would have a margin of error of plus or minus 2.5 per cent, 19 times out of 20. ​

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A view of the surface of Venus on March 5, 1982, from the Venera-14 lander. Its sister ship never made it that far.

Look up. A Soviet space probe that has been trying to get to Venus for the past 53 years is about to give up and plummet back to Earth any day now. There’s no telling where it could land.

Kosmos 482, to give the careening craft its official name, was launched from the Soviet Union on March 31, 1972, bound for Venus. Despite the current craze for missions to Mars, Venus was once a popular destination for space probes, although Earth’s track record was not stellar.

Between 1961 and 1989, 37 attempts were made but only 22 were successful (less than 60 per cent). Failures included the first 11 tries by the Soviet Union, and the first attempt by the United States, which on its second shot in 1962 pulled off the first successful flyby of another world.

Of the failed Soviet launches, 11 of them never escaped Earth orbit, and all of those fell back to Earth within a year. Only one — Kosmos 482 — stayed up longer. A lot longer.

Or rather, most of it did. The spacecraft broke into several pieces, with the would-be Venusian lander kicked into a high-Earth orbit that would take decades to decay. Two other pieces re-entered the atmosphere and, thanks to their titanium construction, managed to strike Earth without burning up.

They landed near Ashburton

, a town about 85 kms southwest of Christchurch on New Zealand’s south island, where they were dubbed

“space balls,”

long before Mel Brooks’ satirical science-fiction comedy of the same name.

They were regarded as objects of curiosity, until someone pointed out that they might also be radioactive, which led to at least

one being “jailed” briefly

for safety’s sake.

The objects turned out to be harmless — at least, now that they were no longer falling from the sky — and ended up in a local museum after the Soviets denied all knowledge of them. But the threat of radioactivity was not unwarranted.

In 1978, a Soviet reconnaissance satellite dubbed Kosmos 954 re-entered the Earth’s atmosphere and exploded over northern Canada. Radioactive debris landed in Alberta, Saskatchewan, the Northwest Territories and what is now Nunavut, prompting a joint Canada-U.S. team to spend the better part of a year searching a vast area of the Far North in a recovery effort known as Operation Morning Light.

Canada presented the Soviet Union with a

bill for just over $6 million

for the cleanup. In 1981, the Soviets paid just $3 million and considered the matter closed. In 2022, the CBC

created a podcast

to explore this little known episode in Canadian-Soviet relations and space history.

Kosmos 482 is not radioactive, but it was designed to plunge through the thick, acrid, hot atmosphere of Venus, so there’s a good chance that when its orbit finally decays — possibly within the next few days — at least part of it will reach the ground.

Scientists have calculated

that it could come down anywhere on the planet between 52 degrees north latitude and 52 degrees south. That (fortunately) encompasses a whole lot of ocean, but much land as well.

New Zealand could get another serving of space balls, or the probe could land in Canada — not the Far North, but Newfoundland, the Maritimes and most of the more populated regions of the country are potentially in the path of the debris. (Edmonton is safe, being north of 52 degrees and so — just — is Saskatoon.)

It could also land near

Venus, Texas

. Not to wish any harm on the small town, but that’s sort of where it was headed all those years ago.

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Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, right to left, Foreign Affairs Minister Chrystia Freeland, United States Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer, President of the United States Donald Trump, Mexico's Secretary of Economy Ildefonso Guajardo Villarreal, and President of Mexico Enrique Pena Nieto participate in a signing ceremony for the new United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement in Buenos Aires, Argentina, Nov. 30, 2018.

One of the challenges Prime Minister Mark Carney faced in the Oval Office on Tuesday was stickhandling around President Donald Trump’s insults of other politicians, including Canada’s minister of transport and internal trade, Chrystia Freeland.

Despite Trump saying the Canada-U.S.-Mexico free trade agreement is still a good deal, Trump levelled an insult aimed at Freeland.

As Canada former federal minister of international trade, Freeland was Canada’s lead negotiator for the 2018 treaty. Without mentioning her by name, he called her a “terrible person” on Tuesday, a comment he made

during the negotiations

too.

There was no reaction from the Canadians, or other Americans, in the room.

“Trump seems to have an attitude that many of us have experienced when working with an abusive employer,” says University of Toronto political science professor, Ryan Hurl. “The boss expects his subordinates to take everything he says in stride, even the worst insults and provocations. if you respond to the provocations, the boss will not only be angry but insulted.”

Hurl assumes Trump found “Freeland’s lack of deference” unsettling, he said in an email to National Post.

Over time, Trump has repeatedly expressed negative opinions about Freeland. He has publicly called her “terrible,” a source of

“ill will for Canada,”

and

“whack”

— particularly criticizing her role in trade negotiations and her approach to Canada-U.S. relations.

During the CUSMA negotiations, he said,

“We don’t like their representative very much,”

referring to Freeland.

After Freeland resigned as Canada’s finance minister in late 2024, Trump posted that her “behavior was totally toxic, and not at all conducive to making deals which are good for the very unhappy citizens of Canada.

She will not be missed

!!!”

Jeni Armstrong, who teaches political communication at Carleton University, said she finds it curious that Trump would continue to harp on Freeland.

“I think a lot of Canadians — women in particular — are asking themselves that question,” she wrote in an email to National Post. “It’s pretty well documented that the president takes issue with strong and effective women who don’t share his political leanings (Hillary Clinton, Kamala Harris, Nancy Pelosi, Alexandria Ocasio Cortez … it’s a long list).”

Rob Danisch, professor of communications at the University of Waterloo, shares that view. In an email to National Post, Danisch says that Trump is “not really capable of viewing any woman as anything other than an object. Hence, Freeland is caught in this … rhetorical pattern.”

Trump was likely “looking to Carney, as another man, to confirm his view of women as objects.”

Freeland has responded

with her own theory about Trump’s insults. In early 2025, she posted on X that the reason both Trump and Vladimir Putin have complained about her is: “I don’t back down – and Trump and Putin know it.”

Regarding Carney’s lack of reaction to Trump’s insult of Freeland on Tuesday, Armstrong says: “There was zero upside for Prime Minister Carney to engage on it, so I’m not surprised that he didn’t.”

“I’m struck by how needy he is for others’ complicity, says Rob Goodman, politics and public administration professor at Toronto Metropolitan University. “He’s aware that he’s breaking some sort of rule (otherwise he’d simply mention Freeland by name), and he wants everyone else in the room to get their hands dirty with him by acknowledging that they

 
do

know who he is talking about,” he wrote in an email to National Post.

He thinks Carney “did a good job of not taking the bait. But I think we saw a glimpse of what makes Trump an effective demagogue — his instinct for inviting others to participate in his abuse.”

He also points to a worldview that he thinks is inherent in Trump’s comments as well as the direction of U.S. trade policy: “So while it is tempting to write off comments like these as the product of one man’s animosity or sexism, they matter because the American side in yesterday’s negotiation has fully bought into the worldview they represent. When Trump and the members of his administration talk about trade, they talk about “manly” manufacturing jobs, “weak” European beef, and spoiled girls who have too many dolls.”

Armstrong doesn’t think there is any implication in the Trump’s Freeland comments for the future trade negotiations.

“I don’t think we can or should make a connection between these specific comments about Freeland and the future of trade negotiations … We don’t know if she is going to have a meaningful role in whatever negotiations take place.” Carney seems to be taking a pragmatic approach to Trump and trade, Armstrong says, “so it’s possible that if she stays in cabinet, he may elect to assign her a role that’s not obviously related to the trade file.”

Danisch agrees: “I think given that Freeland is not likely to be a major part in future trade negotiations that this will not be relevant, or relevant to the extent that Trump will be more willing to work with a man because he sees men as having agency and being important decision-makers, a role a woman cannot have in his worldview.”

In noting the difference in Trump’s overall demeanour yesterday, Hurl points out that Freeland and Trudeau took Trump’s 51st state rhetoric seriously and literally, but says Carney was more strategic. “Carney has reacted in a way that Trump has more respect – ignore the jokes and simply get down to negotiation.”

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Premier Danielle Smith speaks to reporters during a press conference at the Alberta Legislature, in Edmonton Tuesday May 6, 2025.

OTTAWA — Prime Minister Mark Carney could soon be facing a national unity crisis after Alberta Premier Danielle Smith lowered the bar for a referendum on the province’s independence in 2026.

Liberal insiders with ties to Alberta say this is a threat that Carney shouldn’t take lightly. And Ontario Premier Doug Ford told reporters on Wednesday that he agrees.

“About two in 10 Albertans say routinely that they want to see the province separate from Canada,” says Dan Arnold, an ex-Alberta Liberal organizer who’s now an executive with

Pollara Strategic Insights

.

“These people are in the minority, to be clear, but they’re too numerous to be written off as a radical fringe.”

Arnold points to the grim numbers from Pollara’s latest

Western Identity Report, released in February

. The report

found that 55 per cent of Albertans

feel that their province is being treated unfairly by the federal government.

Albertans were also

the least pessimistic group

anywhere in Canada about their province’s prospects outside of confederation and the least opposed to joining the United States.

Arnold said the silver lining for Carney is that most Albertans have a gripe with Ottawa, not with Canada as a whole.

“Albertans still identify strongly as Canadians,” said Arnold. “Alberta separatism isn’t identity-based in the same way as Quebec separatism.”

Arnold also said that now is a good time for Carney to “sell Canada” to disaffected Albertans, with national pride rising in the face of tariffs and annexation threats from U.S. President Donald Trump.

He noted that next month’s G7 summit in Kananaskis, Alta., will give Carney a great opportunity to send a message of national unity to Albertans.

Carney reportedly gave Trump a hat and golf gear bearing the logo of

the Kananaskis Country Golf Course

 as a gift during his visit to Washington, D.C. on Tuesday.

Ford said Wednesday that he’s personally told Carney to take a less confrontational approach to Alberta and the other western provinces than his Liberal predecessor Justin Trudeau.

“I said it’s time that your government starts showing some love to Saskatchewan and Alberta (because) the last prime minister showed no love,” Ford told reporters in Toronto.

Ford said that the two Prairie provinces, both major oil producers, had been “treated terribly” under Trudeau.

He added he was a “big believer” in pipelines and scrapping the Liberals’ Bill 69, which critics have called the

“no-new-pipelines” law

.

Calgary-based Liberal strategist Sabrina Grover said that Carney’s outreach to Alberta can start with the

more than 600,000 Albertans

who marked “Liberal” on their ballot in last week’s federal election.

“The Liberals had their best showing in Alberta in years, if you look at the number of votes they won,” said Grover.

“That tells me that Carney already has hundreds of thousands of Albertans behind him… and those are the kinds of people that you want to mobilize and bring on your team.”

Provincewide, the Liberals won 28 per cent of the popular vote, a double-digit improvement over the 15.5 per cent they won in the last federal election in 2021.

Grover said that Carney can build even more goodwill with Albertans by listening attentively to their concerns, especially surrounding natural resource development.

“You’ve had that with (Carney’s) scrapping of the carbon tax already… and I think there will be some give-and-take on things like the federal emissions cap and clean electricity regs,” said Grover.

Grover added that Intergovernmental Affairs Minister Dominic LeBlanc could be a huge asset for Carney on the national unity file, assuming he stays in the portfolio when Parliament resumes.

“Dominic LeBlanc has decades of intergovernmental experience and will be a great voice to be engaging with Alberta and the other provinces,” said Grover.

LeBlanc’s office didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment on the story.

Carney, who grew up in Edmonton, launched his campaign for the Liberal leadership near his childhood home in the

city’s Laurier Heights neighbourhood

.

He brought up his upbringing in the province when asked on Tuesday about the possibility of an Alberta referendum.

“Canada is stronger when we work together,” Carney told reporters in Washington.

“As an Albertan, I firmly believe that.”

National Post

rmohamed@postmedia.com

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Prime Minister Mark Carney and U.S. President Donald Trump engage in a meeting at the White House in Washington, D.C., Tuesday, May 6, 2025.

OTTAWA — As Prime Minister Mark Carney left his meeting with U.S. President Donald Trump, officials left behind gifts seen as fit for a president with whom Canada is trying to forge better relations.

They also spoke to the president’s favourite sport: golf.

For his visit to Washington, Carney and the rest of the Canadian delegation — which included several of his ministers, senior advisors and top bureaucrats — gave the president a photograph taken by a Canadian military photographer of a

football game

known as the “Tea Bowl,” which was played between Canadian and American soldiers before a wartime crowd in London during the Second World War, several months before D-Day, in 1944.

The photograph captures a moment shared between each team’s captain and speaks to a sense of coming together in the midst of global turmoil — something Canadians are hoping to restore with their U.S. neighbours.

Carney’s delegation also gifted Trump a hat and golf gear from the Kananaskis Country Golf Course.

Kananaskis is where the leaders are next set to meet, when Canada plays host to the G7 in June. Trump also provided Carney with a gift, which has yet to be disclosed on the registry for office holders.

Gift-giving is customary among world leaders during official visits.

French President Emmanuel Macron gifted Carney a bottle of Martell Cordon Bleu Cognac and a bottle of Chateau Lynch-Bages 2014, which would each set the average consumer back several hundred dollars.

The French also gifted him a Hermès Tie, which would cost roughly the same.

U.K. Prime Minister Keir Starmer, whom Carney also visited on his trip to Europe back in March, gave him a crystal bowl with a laser engraving of 10 Downing Street’s door.

But as Carney turns his mind to that next month’s meeting, he does so with the issue of U.S. tariffs on steel and aluminum still being unresolved. He is also under pressure from business leaders to forge a path to ensuring the extension of the free trade agreement between the U.S., Canada and Mexico, which is due for review next year.

After leaving Washington, it appears he can now tackle that to-do list in better standing with the president than his predecessor.

“Everybody felt, that I’ve spoken to, from ambassadors to people who were in the room, to secretaries that I’ve spoken with who’ve gotten briefs and debriefs, everybody felt that there was a total reset that took place here between the relationship between the prime minister of Canada and the president of the United States of America,” said Business Council of Canada CEO Goldy Hyder, in an interview from Washington.

“That was critically important,” he says, “that there was a relationship being established there, that even on the sensitive issues that were provocative on 51st state and so forth, they threw their jabs the way they’re supposed to, but they didn’t let it dominate the rest of the discussions that took place privately.”

Some of those travelling back with Carney felt the same, noting how productive they felt the discussions were and how direct the president was behind closed-doors.

Going into the visit, Carney had tried to lower expectations of what he would be able to accomplish through one day of meetings.

Trump himself told reporters there was

nothing the prime minister could say to convince him to lift the tariffs

on Canada, but nonetheless emphasized he wanted to have a friendly visit.

The president was also effusive in his praise of Carney, saying he has a great deal of respect for him.

Trump made it clear that he likes Carney much more than his predecessor, former prime minister Justin Trudeau, as well as Chrystia Freeland, who served as foreign affairs minister during Trudeau’s first term in office when Canada, the U.S. and Mexico negotiated the free trade deal that replaced the North American Free Trade Agreement.

For Hyder, who spoke with Carney when the prime minister attended a business event he hosted in Washington the day before meeting with Trump, he believes Trudeau’s exit plays a factor in the president’s openness towards Carney, but is not the only reason.

“I don’t think we should underestimate that it probably has a lot to do with who Prime Minister (Mark) Carney is, in the eyes of the president,” he says.

“Someone who respects global stature, someone who respects global achievement, someone who respects people who have prominent friends in different parts of the world. I think he respects that,” Hyder said of the president.

Carney successfully ran an election campaign on the promise that his time spent as the governor of central banks in Canada and the United Kingdom during the 2008 recession and Brexit, respectively, made him the best leader to go toe-to-toe with Trump.

A senior government official, speaking on the condition of anonymity, said that behind closed-doors, the president and Carney discussed foreign policy, with Trump asking for his perspective on issues from Iran and China, to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, which the official took as an encouraging sign.

Matt Holmes, the executive vice-president and chief of public policy at the Canadian Chamber of Commerce, said the visit signalled the best restart of the Canada-U.S. relationship they could have hoped for, particularly because of the time senior members from both countries’ governments spent out of public view, where talks about trade and negotiation should happen.

However, he cautioned that despite a positive first meeting, the times ahead will still be difficult.

“It’s important that we don’t create any false urgency or false timelines, here. This is not going to be an easy process.”

In terms of next steps, Holmes said significant milestones will come when Canada plays host to the G7 in June and then attends the NATO Leaders’ Summit right after.

That requires Canada to become a serious player when it comes to national security, he says. “National security is economic security.”

Hyder believes the government ought to take a “minimalist” approach and focus its immediate attention on next year’s scheduled review of the free trade agreement between Canada, the U.S. and Mexico.

In fact, he believes Carney should invite Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum to next month’s G7 meeting and set aside some time to talk about the deal with Trump.

National Post

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Quebec has introduced legislation that suggested tip amounts are calculated using the subtotal, not the price after taxes.

Quebec became the first Canadian province to enact legislation stipulating that recommended tip amounts on payment terminals must be calculated using the subtotal — the price before the GST (five per cent) and the province’s sales tax (9.975 per cent) are applied.

In most Canadian retail and service settings, when a consumer is presented with a digital debit machine displaying suggested tip percentages, that figure is calculated using the post-tax total. It should be common knowledge, but it’s not, and it often results in people paying an added gratuity on money ultimately paid to government.

As of Wednesday, suggestions on a $100 tab at a Quebec brasserie, for example, will be determined by that number, not the current $114.98 after tax sum. That means an 18 per cent gratuity works out to be $18, not $20.70.

The province introduced the measures to return to the halcyon days when patrons, particularly those at bars and restaurants, were given a bill that displayed the tax breakdown, allowing them to determine how much to tip before the server returned to collect payment.

While promoting the changes last fall, Simon Jolin-Barrette, Quebec’s minister responsible for consumer protection, cited

a January 2024 Canadian survey

that found 62 per cent of people went overboard on tips because of percentages presented or by doing the math themselves based on the after-tax total.

“We shouldn’t feel pressured when someone hands us the terminal at the time of payment,”

Simon Jolin-Barrette told the National Assembly

when Bill 72 was passed in November.

The new rules also state that the tipping options must be “presented in a uniform manner.” On many debit machines, choices are sometimes accompanied by praise for the employee, like “good,” “great,” or “amazing.”

“There should no longer be undue pressure with exclamation points, comments, smiley faces, depending on the level of satisfaction linked to the level of the tip,”

Québec solidaire member Guillaume Cliche-Rivard

said in support of the measures last fall.

 A survey in February revealed 94 per cent of Canadians are annoyed by card payment machines prompting tip options for services for which tips or gratuities weren’t previously expected.

Quebec is the only remaining province where a lower minimum wage is paid to those who regularly receive tips — they make $12.90 hourly compared to the $16.10 everyone else earns. Ontario eliminated its reduced wage in 2022, and Alberta abandoned its in 2019.

“We really do depend on the tips to make a living, so with it being less, it’ll just affect my yearly income and everyday life,” Montreal waiter Tyler Muehleisen told City News this week.

When passed last fall, Montreal barista Sophia Cooke told

The Link

she worried skewing tipping culture toward the consumer rather than the worker could create more competition for the most sought-after positions in an already competitive market.

As for consumers,

a recent survey by H&R Block

suggests Canadians are growing weary of tipping expectations and being asked to tip for services that traditionally wouldn’t warrant one.

“A colossal 94 per cent of Canadians say they’re annoyed by card payment machines prompting tip options for services that tips or gratuities weren’t previously expected,” the survey of 1,790 people in February found.

Regardless, 57 per cent who tip only do so because they feel uncomfortable not choosing a tip option.

As for how much they tend to leave, more than half (53 per cent) choose the lowest option or only tip for exceptional service, while 39 per cent consider themselves generous tippers.

While respondents were divided on whether the tip money is actually making it to the worker or being pocketed by their employer, the vast majority (88 per cent) agreed that tipping culture allows the employer to pay lower wages.

Another survey, conducted by Lightspeed Commerce in 2024 and featuring 1,500 Canadian respondents, found nearly half (47 per cent)

tip between 10 and 15 per cent

. About a quarter will tack on 16 to 20 per cent.

Additionally, more than three-quarters (77 per cent) are opposed to auto-tipping prompts like those now more tightly regulated in Quebec.

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Andrew Scheer speaks with reporters in the foyer of the House of Commons in Ottawa, Tuesday, Jan. 7, 2025.

The federal election has done more than just choose a prime minister. Several party leaders failed to secure a seat in the House of Commons, leading to a shakeup at the parties’ top levels.

Jonathan Pedneault stepped down as Green Party co-leader after losing the riding of Outremont to Liberal candidate Rachel Bendayan; Elizabeth May remains the party leader. And this week the New Democratic Party appointed

Don Davies as interim leader

after Jagmeet Singh lost his seat and stepped down. The NDP also lost official party status with just seven seats in the House.

Now it’s the Conservatives’ turn. On Tuesday it was announced that Andrew Scheer will replace Pierre Poilievre as interim opposition leader until Poilievre, who lost his seat in Ottawa’s Carleton riding on election night, can rejoin the House. The plan is for Poilievre to run in Alberta, where MP Damien Kurek has offered to resign his seat in Battle River–Crowfoot to trigger a byelection.

 Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre spent the weekend touring around Battle River—Crowfoot, the Alberta riding he intends to win in a byelection.

Who is Andrew Scheer?

Conservative Andrew James Scheer was born in Ottawa in 1979, and has a Bachelor of Arts in criminology, political science and history from the University of Ottawa. During his time at school he worked on the Unite the Right campaign to merge the Progressive Conservative and Reform parties under Preston Manning.

Scheer was first elected to the

House of Commons

in 2004 in the Saskatchewan riding of Regina–Qu’Appelle, and has held that riding in every election since then. (His wife, Jill Ryan, is from Regina.)

Scheer holds dual Canadian-American citizenship because his father was born in the U.S. In 2019 he said he was in the process of

renouncing his U.S. citizenship,

but the following year said he would

no longer do so

as he did not have a chance of becoming prime minister.

What’s his history as Conservative leader?

In 2011, Scheer became House speaker under the ruling Conservatives at the age of 32, the

youngest person in history

to hold that position.

After the Conservatives lost power in 2015, he ran for leadership of the party. In 2017 he was

elected to that position

, narrowly defeating Maxime Bernier, who would go on to found and lead the People’s Party of Canada.

Scheer would be leader of the opposition from 2017 through 2020. After the Conservative loss in the 2019 election he announced he would step down as leader. He was replaced by Erin O’Toole, who subsequently named him Opposition Critic for Infrastructure & Communities in his shadow cabinet.

Scheer endorsed Poilievre’s campaign to become leader of the Conservative Party in 2022, and Poilievre later named him Opposition House Leader.

How long will it be before Poilievre can regain his leadership?

Canadian law prohibits MPs from resigning until

at least 30 days

after their election result is published in the Canada Gazette, the federal government’s official publication. This itself can take about a month, meaning it could be late June before Kurek can step down.

The byelection is then called by the Governor General on the advice of the prime minister and cabinet, between 11 and 180 days after an MP resigns. However, Prime Minister Mark Carney told reporters last Friday: “I will ensure that it happens as soon as possible. No games, nothing.”

Under that timeline, Poilievre could be back in the saddle by the start of the

fall sitting of Parliament on Sept. 15

. Scheer would step down and return to being a regular MP.

 Conservative Party Leader Pierre Poilievre speaks to supporters alongside his wife, Anaida Poilievre, after losing the federal election, in Ottawa on April 29, 2025.

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