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Conservative Party Leader Pierre Poilievre speaks at foyer of the House of Commons at West Block on Parliament Hill in Ottawa on Thursday, Oct. 8, 2026.

OTTAWA – Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre told reporters Thursday that his party intends to bring amendments to the Liberal government’s latest major projects bill, to ensure workers benefit from the government’s build agenda.

“We will be putting forward amendments, to protect workers, their jobs, their rights and the working-class people who build this country,” said Poilievre, during a scrum on Parliament Hill.

Bill C-39, titled Building Canada Strong Act, which makes several changes to Canada’s regulatory and environmental laws, promises a one-year timeline and one review for the approval of major projects.

The bill also makes changes to the Canada Labour Code, including changes to collective bargaining and giving the labour minister “guardrails” on when they can intervene to end a lockout or strike. Those “guardrails” include a special mediator and a national interest test.

The government has argued this gives more transparency to the labour minister’s use of Section 107 of the labour code, although labour unions argue it gives too much discretionary power to a member of cabinet and threatens workers’ fundamental right to strike.

The Liberal government has used Section 107 to end several strikes and lockouts at ports, railways and airlines.

The omnibus bill passed second reading on Thursday, with help from the Conservative Party, and will now go to a special committee for members of Parliament to study. Members of the Bloc Québécois, NDP and Green parties voted against the legislation.

Poilievre did not provide details on what sort of amendments his party will bring forward but has been in contact with labour unions about the bill.

“I think it’s appalling that after the Carney Liberals have destroyed the paycheques of the working class through high taxes and inflation, they are now blaming those same workers for our economic weakness that he caused,” said Poilievre.

Green Party Leader Elizabeth May warned Thursday, that like its predecessor Bill C-5, which was passed last year, the latest major projects bill gives immense discretionary power to ministers.

“Once Cabinet decides a project or undefined region of national interest has been decreed by Cabinet (then) every future decision will be taken for the furtherance of the project,” said May. “It’s quite extraordinary.”

May said this allows government to bulldoze through existing laws to get things built faster, which does not necessarily mean better outcomes.

“When you move fast, you often end up with projects being 300 to 400 per cent over budget,” said May, citing empirical evidence from a book titled “How Big Things Get Done.”

Liberal MP Patrick Weiler appeared to criticize the bill on Tuesday evening, while debating the bill in the House of Commons, to voice similar concerns outlined by May.

“Given that the powers in this bill would be permanent, it is important that where new flexibility or discretion is created, Parliament instils clear and transparent processes,” said Weiler.

Weiler said he ultimately supports the aim of the bill and voted in support of Bill C-39 with his caucus on Thursday.

Meanwhile, labour unions continued to voice their concerns about the bill on Thursday, urging the Liberal government to remove the provisions related to Section 107, or face the risk of more labour unrest.

“I can tell you that our national executive board has just made a decision that said if locals who are out on strike want to defy, our union will stand with them,” said Candace Rennick, national secretary-treasury at the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE), during a press conference in Ottawa.

“Because it’s CUPE members and CUPE members only that should decide when their picket lines end,” she added.

National Post

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Conservative Party of Quebec Leader Éric Duhaime at a press conference in Quebec's Bellechasse riding on Tuesday, Oct. 6, 2026.

PLESSISVILLE, QC — “Plessisville is Conservative. He’s wasting his time here.”

Samuel Côté, a country music DJ, and his girlfriend Mélanie Lévesque, a social worker, were eating lunch on their porch, just steps away from where Parti Québécois Leader Paul St-Pierre Plamondon was trying to shore up support before the election.

Clearly, the PQ did not have their vote. Their lawn sign showed they instead supported their Conservative candidate, Tarek Henoud, who would end up winning the riding of Arthabaska—L’Érable, located between Montreal and Quebec City, on Monday.

This is also one of the handful of seats that would end up costing the PQ its coveted majority, having underestimated the voter turnout for their Conservative opponents.

“To begin with, I’m not a huge separatist,” said Côté, who also goes by the alias DJ Sammy. “I used to vote for Québec Solidaire when I was much younger — like a lot of young people in the 18-to-25 age range. But I really lost interest in them during COVID.”

Côté said he was skeptical of the “medical conspiracies” during the pandemic and refused to get vaccinated. It was during that time that he subscribed to follow Conservative Leader Éric Duhaime who was not shy to address those questions.

“That’s what made me move from the far left to a less extreme right, I’d say.”

With the pandemic behind them, Côté and Lévesque said they continued to subscribe to Duhaime’s propositions to lower taxes so families could have more in their pockets and to cut in Quebec’s bloated bureaucracy to reinvest in better services for people.

One example that spoke to them was the promise to abolish the provincial tax on used goods. Lévesque said it makes no sense to pay taxes on a used car, for instance, when those same taxes were already paid for when that same car was brand-new.

Côté also said Duhaime’s promise to abolish Quebec’s “carbon tax” appealed to him. The province remains the only jurisdiction in Canada to have maintained its carbon pricing system, which is adding to the already bloated price at the pump.

The PQ government has promised to abolish the provincial tax on used goods. It also intends to cut the provincial tax on gas by half for one year and reimburse it completely for individual Quebecers earning less than $40,000 per year with a cheque of $125.

Côté said he was happy to see the ideas promoted by the Quebec Conservatives be adopted by other parties — and in this case, make their way to government.

“The important thing is for the ideas to get through — not for the Conservative government to get elected. No. The goal is for the ideas to get through,” he said.

While lots of ink has been spilled on the referendum issue, many Quebecers have expressed they just want to get by. And Duhaime was able to pound that message.

As a result, the Quebec Conservatives are making a noticeable comeback in the National Assembly with over 20 per cent of the votes and a whopping 19 seats. They won 15 out of the 18 seats in Quebec City, spilling into central Quebec and the Eastern Townships. Their navy blue seats now form a large blot on a map of Quebec.

“It exceeded our expectations,” said director of communications Cédric Lapointe.

Duhaime has said he built on the lessons of the past campaign, where his party won no seats despite finishing with 13 per cent of the popular vote. So, he focused his efforts on the Quebec City area, campaigning in surrounding regions as his support grew.

Lapointe said the idea was to develop their brand as the “party of taxpayers” by focusing on people’s purchasing power. He said it was a clear contrast with the PQ and the Quebec Liberals, which were more focused on constitutional debates.

“We were considered by many people as an alternative to the old parties,” he said.

The Quebec Conservatives were not immune to criticism, however. Some of their candidates made headlines for recent comments on vaccines, abortion or Canada becoming the 51st state. Duhaime dismissed those comments as “distractions.”

His campaign was also overshadowed by revelations that 62 per cent of his most recent book, “Destination Autonomy: Expanding Quebec’s Powers within the Canadian Confederation,” was written with artificial intelligence.

Duhaime argued that AI is a tool like any other and those were still his ideas.

In the last stretch of the campaign, Duhaime called on voters who were disappointed by the incumbent Coalition Avenir Québec government to instead opt to vote for the Conservatives to block a PQ majority and a possible third referendum.

Duhaime made that ultimate appeal in front of a garage with two buses — one with a “Yes” sign and the other with a “No” sign.

“There is only one party that can stop them from leaving the garage,” he said.

The Quebec Conservatives were aiming for at least 12 seats and form a recognized party at the National Assembly. Poll aggregators were showing there would be close races with the PQ in many ridings which could reduce it to a minority government.

The race in Arthabaska—L’Érable was especially personal for both parties.

The PQ had won a byelection in the riding in 2025 with former journalist Alex Boissonneault against Duhaime, who had asked Henoud, who was also their candidate in 2022, to step aside in an attempt to finally win a seat at the National Assembly.

St-Pierre Plamondon had even promised, days before the vote, to name Boissonneault as one of his ministers in a PQ government. In the end, it wasn’t even close.

Henoud won 41 per cent of the vote against Boissonneault’s 33 per cent.

Duhaime mentioned this accomplishment in his speech the night of the election.

“Tonight, we made history. For the first time in (nearly) 100 years, Quebecers have decided to send a large caucus of Conservative members to the National Assembly.”

“And just think about this: we defeated six incumbent ministers, and we even defeated a Parti Québécois minister, believe it or not,” he added.

That comment prompted loud boos from the PQ supporters on their election night.

Duhaime said the rise of his party on Monday night is certainly no accident.

“It is about a political family — about values ​​deeply rooted in our identity, our history, and our regions,” he said.

“Individual freedom, entrepreneurship, the importance of family, regional autonomy, Quebec’s autonomy within the Confederation — in short, the pride of being Québécois,” he continued.

During an unrelated announcement in Sherbrooke on Thursday, Prime Minister Mark Carney would not comment on the rise of the Quebec Conservatives at the provincial level.

“For us, at the federal level, we take messages from byelections and federal elections,” he said.

In that sense, he said he was “very encouraged” that his own party won over 50 per cent of the votes in a Quebec byelection back in August.

National Post
calevesque@postmedia.com

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Elon Musk attends a press briefing held by U.S. President Donald Trump with AI executives following a meeting on artificial intelligence, outside the West Wing of the White House on September 29, 2026 in Washington, DC.

Alberta Premier Danielle Smith and Saskatchewan Premier Scott Moe have rejected billionaire Elon Musk’s suggestion that the provinces should separate from Canada.

The world’s richest man made the comments on the social media platform X, which he owns along with Tesla and SpaceX, on Wednesday.

Replying to a post from prediction market platform Polymarket, which was reporting on incoming Quebec premier Paul St-Pierre Plamondon’s pledge that Quebec independence would one day be achieved, the 55-year-old billionaire wrote: “Good. Quebec should separate.”

In a follow-up post, he added: “They would be better off. Alberta and Saskatchewan should separate too.”

On Monday, the Parti Québécois won a minority government in Quebec, less than two weeks before Alberta holds a referendum that could pave the way for its own independence vote.

On Wednesday afternoon, Saskatchewan Premier Scott Moe quote-replied to Musk’s post, simply writing: “No.”

Smith has also publicly disagreed with Musk’s suggestion. Speaking to the Leduc, Nisku and Wetaskiwin Chamber of Commerce Wednesday afternoon about the upcoming referendum, she said remaining in Canada is the best path forward .

 Premier Danielle Smith speaks to The Leduc, Nisku and Wetaskiwin Chamber of Commerce, in Leduc Wednesday, Oct. 7, 2026.

“I am going to do whatever I can to convince as many Albertans as possible that Canada can work and hopefully win them over to that view,” said Smith. “That’s because the fight to make Canada work for Alberta is producing results. When Alberta stood up and spoke out and refused to back down, the rest of the country started listening. That’s why I believe our best days are still ahead, as a strong Alberta within a united Canada.”

In May, Smith announced the Alberta government will present a referendum question on independence to voters after a pair of petitions from grassroots organizations Forever Canada and Stay Free Alberta gathered more than 700,000 signatures.

On Oct. 19, voters in Alberta will have the chance to answer the question: “Should Alberta remain a province of Canada, or should the Government of Alberta commence the legal process required under the Canadian Constitution to hold a binding provincial referendum on whether or not Alberta should separate from Canada?”

In Saskatchewan, however, Moe has previously suggested his province is not interested in separation, saying at the Western Premiers’ meeting in Alberta in May: “We support a strong and growing province of Saskatchewan with the united nation of Canada.”

At the same meeting he defended Alberta’s separatism vote question, saying that Smith is “following the law.” Though he added: “It’s beneficial for Alberta to remain in Canada.”

Meanwhile, this isn’t the first time Musk, a former adviser to U.S. President Donald Trump, has waded into Canadian separatism.

In April, he agreed with an X user who argued Alberta independence was the only way to save the province. And last year he declared that “Canada is not a real country” in a since-deleted post responding to a House of Commons petition seeking to revoke his Canadian citizenship.

Musk was born in South Africa, but his mother was born and raised in Saskatchewan, where he spent time working on a family farm as a teenager before attending Queen’s University in Ontario.

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VANCOUVER,BC:SEPTEMBER 24, 2026 -- Scenes from the Downtown Eastside in Vancouver, BC, September, 24, 2026.

They are rolling a dying man on a stretcher out of the Maple Hotel. He looks to be about 60 years old, unshaven, wild grey curls, filthy white socks. Electrodes are patched to a hairless chest and a monitor seismographs the agonal beatings of a beaten-down heart. The tattoo on the patient’s right forearm reads KILL TO LIVE.

“What have you got here?” I ask one of the EMTs as he sheds his antiviral poncho to reveal a crisp blue uniform beneath. “This is the Downtown Eastside,” he replies. “What do you think we’ve got?”

It is a late September morning at Canada’s most appalling intersection, the corner of High and Low. A quartet of citizens much younger than the man on the stretcher crouch smirking or slouch insensate on the pavement beneath the Maple’s marquee. Crack pipes scattered on the pavement welcome four new ambassadors to Armageddon from our nation’s deep supply of broken kids.

“Hotel” is a euphemism for the eight-storey Maple, as it is for a dozen or more other Single Room Occupancy (SRO) hellholes, many of them a century old, that define the blighted Downtown Eastside (DTES), relics of the epoch when they sequestered stevedores and lumberjacks up from the docks and down from the woods while they took their beer. The building’s windows, viewed from below, are shattered, hanging loose, missing completely, or smeared with vile graffiti. But on one sill, I see flowers.

Steps away from the youths on the pavement, our grizzled patient lies unconscious on the gurney. Now he is levitated into the ambulance that will hurtle the pale shell of yet another once-young, once-virile, once-dreaming soul to triage, lights ablaze and sirens screaming.

Across East Hastings Street, over by the Carnegie Community Centre, the honey locusts are turning gold and crows are arguing in the branches. A flitting wind is chilly off the harbour; the end of yachting season’s drawing nigh. I should have brought a warmer jacket.

Looking north, up the alley that runs west of Main Street and east of the blighted Maple Hotel, I can see Grouse Mountain’s silhouette against a pallid autumn sky.

Between the ancient but still-thrumming Carnegie, with its spiral stairway and its stained-glass effigies of Shakespeare and Milton and Spenser and its generous cafeteria and its take-no-crap security staff, and a seemingly abandoned office building that once was The Molson Bank, there is a narrow alley whose asphalt is smeared and slippery with breakfast cereal, urine and puke. In that little laneway are at least 30 reeling, half-alive drug users and their comrades and their sweethearts and their murderers.

In a doorway, some mother’s daughter, not yet 20, is crawling through a pond of spilled and spoiled buttermilk, feeling for a book of matches.

Another woman fumbles with a kit containing Naloxone, the antidote to some, but not all, of the poisons that are sold and consumed on our libertine streets while we walk around, look away, and step over. (What we do to ourselves with needles requires more needles to assuage.)

“My damn legs, my damn legs!” one man is wailing, and he rolls up threadbare cuffs to expose half a dozen open, dripping, bloody sores the size of playing cards.

Nearly all the other addicts in the alley are silent, clustered in pairs and trios, high as jets, deaf as trees, and mute as clouds. Many are folded forward at the waist like the letter L, staring down at the filthy ground, defying gravity, eyes vacant, lost in space.

I remember Wilfred Owen’s rendering of the British Army, 1917:

Bent double, like old beggars under sacks

Knock-kneed, coughing like hags, we cursed through sludge,

Men marched asleep. Many had lost their boots,

But limped on, blood-shod. All went lame; all blind;

But the addicts on the Western Front of Canada’s half-assed war on deadly drugs are merely displaying what toxicologists call the Opioid Flexional Phenotype — the “fentanyl fold” — not Great War poetry. And that screaming man’s necrotic lesions are a common side-effect of Xylazine, an animal tranquillizer often cut with fentanyl to prolong the high.

(Consider this: more Canadians have lost their lives to overdoses of opioids in the past 10 years than were killed in combat in the First World War, 18,000 in British Columbia alone since 2016.)

Explore further with me, come by another shocked and gawking tourist. Walk a block or two in any direction along the wide avenues and tight back streets of the Downtown Eastside — up toward Cordova and Powell, down toward Pender and Chinatown — and there must be a thousand more derelict users on the sidewalks: initiates and old-timers, locals and come-from-aways, sisters and brothers, Britons and Blacks and Dene, motionless and shuffling, vomiting and shitting, dealing and being dealt life’s losing hand in one of the most blessed and bounteous countries in the world. And countless more up in the fetid SROs, doing whatever they do.

Six more ambulances and fire wagons are idling within half a block of the crucifix of Hastings and Main streets in Vancouver, B.C. They will not idle for long.

“Bring out your dead!” they used to cry in the Middle Ages, but in plague time at Hastings and Main, the dead and the dying are already in the open air.

Still, the CIBC and the TD Bank at Main and Pender are open, they still are having rock concerts at the Rickshaw Theatre, they are whisking omelettes in the Ovaltine Café, there are hushed and studious readers in the library inside the Carnegie Community Centre, and the big Route 16 bus still careers along Hastings toward the city’s prosperous and cultured core. In Chinatown, tonight’s full moon will bring the Mid-Autumn Festival.

This is Vancouver 40 years after Expo 86, 16 years after the Olympic Winter Games, three months after the FIFA World Cup, under the yellow trees.

The cancer is not only here, but here is worse. It is not just this season, but decades of decay and misery. And meanwhile, in fear and revulsion, pity and heartbreak, anger and avoidance, commitment and indifference, the city carries on.

* * *

“Toronto reporter discovers Vancouver has a drug problem,” someone out this way is bound to sneer, but this is not my first go-round on the Downtown Eastside. Back in 1988, I wrote and fronted a CBC documentary that we centred at the Carnegie and at an SRO on Powell Street — the Lucky Lodge. It was a place that, when you opened the front door, smelled like corpses, if you know that smell.

I remember interviewing a guy named Wilson at a vocational-training centre and Wilson telling the camera that “I am sick and tired of being sick and tired of being sick in the gutter.” But our subjects four decades ago were — or we chose to portray them as — harmless drunkards, a bunch of stumbling B.C. Barney Gumbles, no danger to the larger fabric of the city’s life. This was 30 years after fentanyl first was synthesized in a Belgian laboratory, but still decades before it would become the most commonly used artificial opioid in North America, soon to be broadcast by Chinese chemists and Mexican mules to our sidewalks and schoolyards and tenements and tents.

The doc was a hit. And the Lucky Lodge still is in business in 2026, even after a police sweep in 2005 resulted in dozens of arrests for “widespread drug dealing, deplorable conditions and welfare fraud.” However, The Tyee, a local news website, reported in August that long-term residents are under constant pressure — and offered bribes — to melt away so that management might replace them with students at jacked-up rents.

* * *

Around the corner from the Lucky now, a brace of brawny, tawny dogs — Nala and Bo.

Reining them, stroking them, barking at them when they leap to sniff a stranger, is a man who calls himself India. He says that he grew up in Montreal, that his parents came to Canada from Trinidad, that he played basketball and hockey in high school, that he has four children — somewhere — and that he slept on the sidewalk last night, propped against a brick wall, blanketed by the beasts.

“It’s a choice,” he says of his current circumstance. And again: “It’s a choice.”

We look around at a breathtaking panoply of desperation that stretches as far as the eye can see.

“I don’t see myself any different from them,” India says. “I’m still human. They’re still human.”

“Do you think that most of Vancouver cares about this?” I wonder.

“They probably care about cleaning up the streets,” he answers. “Some people care about the people, they want all of them to get better. Some people just want all of this to be gone.”

“That’s not a bad wish,” I suggest, “to want your city to be clean.”

“No, it’s not,” India agrees. And he says that his moribund neighbours “look more scary than they are — they are very nice people.”

“They would give you their last dollar,” he says. If they had a dollar.

“What would help them?” I ask. “What ends this?”

“There could be a lot more jobs, a lot more places to stay for people on the streets. To get a place, some people wait years. I know somebody that waited 11 years. Some people don’t want a place and some people actually do.”

“Would you go for treatment if they came around to take you?” I ask.

“I don’t need treatment,” says the man with the dogs.

* * *

When they vote for their mayor and council on Saturday, Oct. 17, Vancouverites also will be presented with a non-binding plebiscite (from the Latin plebiscitum, “the common people’s choice”) that purports to create a path toward cleansing the clients and clearing the catacomb at the crossroads of Hastings and Main.

The current mayor, who is running for re-election, is a Hong Kong immigrant’s son named Ken Sim, a father of four and the first Chinese to win high office in a city that has welcomed thousands of Chinese families and trillions of their renminbi in recent decades. Sim first gained the mayoralty in 2022 by unseating the incumbent with 51 per cent of the vote.

If you accept the premise that the heart-rending ruin of the Downtown Eastside began in earnest when a thousand SRO rooms were emptied or uprated to clear the grounds for Expo 86, then Sim is the eighth man to own the crisis. (Vancouver has had an Olympic Games, a World’s Fair, a World Cup, an NBA team — briefly — and two Stanley Cup riots, but never a Cup parade or a lady mayor.)

Early in his (first) term, Sim ordered the obliteration of hundreds of tents and hardened structures that were blocking traffic and commerce on East Hastings, and the removal of dozens of stolen propane tanks that were only a Bic away from blowing the addicts’ entire acreage to Kingdom Come. (Hundreds might have died at once instead of one at a time.) This purge was successful — Vancouver’s unhoused now repose under hospital blankets and garbage bags in lieu of canvas and plywood.

The plebiscite is a pointed (and to his opponents, pointless) manoeuvre by Sim to get the public to formally ratify his get-somewhat-tough approach to the Downtown Eastsiders and the other desperadoes who have spread larceny and loathing across Vancouver’s more moneyed ‘hoods.

The referendum here will ask:

Are you in favour of the City of Vancouver strengthening its laws to forbid open-air hard drug (heroin, meth, fentanyl, and crack) use in public spaces?

And: Should the City of Vancouver formally ask the Province of BC to convert portions of the old St. Paul’s Hospital, or another similar site, into a secure medical facility that provides acute voluntary and 100-plus involuntary care beds for individuals posing a serious risk to themselves or others due to severe substance use and mental health disorders?

“It’s a cynical election move,” said one of Sim’s opponents on the October ballot, Coun. Pete Fry of the Greens. (He the son of Hedy Fry, the longest-serving female MP in Canadian history, currently serving her eleventh term in faraway Ottawa.)

“I see this as nothing more than a cheap political distraction,” echoed Vancouver Liberals mayoral candidate Kareem Allam, who used to be Sim’s chief of staff at $150,067 a year.

On a drippy Friday, I meet Mayor Sim at his campaign headquarters. We talk about the referendum and the necrosis at his city’s core and the very real possibility that — given the potency of fentanyl and the even more addictive drugs that are coming onstream as you skim this — Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside may be the harbinger of even more unspeakable and unpreventable tragedies that all of our cities will face.

“What I can tell you,” the mayor says, “is that everything that we’ve done in the past obviously hasn’t worked. And so what we have done with the tools that we have, which is basically policing and reacting after the fact, is we’ve made massive investments in policing, Vancouver Fire and Rescue Services, and a whole bunch of things to stabilize that neighbourhood.”

Sim congratulates himself for the sanitation surge of 2023 and blames the current disorder on the provincial government of Premier David Eby, who — not to be left out — just called a snap election for Oct. 24.

“We’ve been working hard with the province,” Sim says. “We’ve got them to change their ideology, because they weren’t even into involuntary care a couple of years ago. Now the push is to get them to live up to their commitment.”

“That’s IF ‘they’ are still the same ‘they’ a month from now,” I remind him. (One poll I saw while I was in Vancouver showed Eby’s New Democrats trailing the Conservative Party of British Columbia, 43 per cent to 35. But the election still was a month away.)

“Well, you know what, that’s a great point,” the mayor responds.

“Do you think most Vancouverites care what happens to those few hundred or few thousand on East Hastings street?” I ask. “Most people never go down there.”

“I think when they do see it, they do feel it and they do care,” the mayor replies. “But it doesn’t matter where you live, it presents itself in other forms.

“Cars are getting broken into. Bikes are getting stolen. Shops are getting shoplifted. It’s happening throughout our city, and people feel it.

“The street disorder, someone defecating on the sidewalk or someone shooting up hard drugs in a public doorway. These affect people.”

I head back to Ground Zero, where a phalanx of police officers are slow-walking their daily beat along the highway to hell.

“The mayor wants you to ticket these people and take their drugs away,“ I mention to one of the officers. (Sim proposes that the fine for possession be zero dollars and zero cents; the goal is to identify and catalogue users for treatment later on.) “We can’t arrest our way out of this,” the constable responds.

* * *

The online reviews of the Airbnb one block from Hastings and Main that shelters me for the weekend may unnerve someone who might consider coming here to verify that what I am describing is real.

Just got harrased (sic) by couple homeless that were in the outside corner something no one can manage but the place is flawless amazing …

One thing to be aware of is that there are quite a few homeless people in the area. We never had any issues ourselves, but it’s something potential guests may want to keep in mind …

There is homelessness but I don’t consider that to be the fault of a host …

The surrounding neighbourhood did have many unhoused individuals, but they did not bother us …

Just down the street from the condo is the good old New Town Bakery. This is a magnet for travelling gourmands and glad-handing politicians — Ken Sim’s photo is on the wall, alongside those of Prime Minister Mark Carney and various provincial poobahs — and a throwback to the time when you chose a café for flavour and conversation, not just for a plastic bag of grub from a courier on an e-bike.

Susanna Ng, who owns the New Town, came here from Hong Kong in 1972, before Margaret Thatcher colluded with Deng Xiaoping to hand five million free people back to the Pekingese Communists without a single cannonball being fired by the famous Noonday Gun at Causeway Bay. (Not that the Iron Lady had a choice, with Deng controlling the city’s water supply, not to mention his two-million-man army.) It was that smirking betrayal that triggered so many wealthy Hong Kongers to invest in the beautiful city of Wen Ge Hua beyond the sea.

Vancouver gave the fleeing Chinese the freedom to prosper and study and dream. It gave Susanna Ng the liberty to make steamed pork buns and sesame rice balls, seven days a week, 12 hours a day for 40 years. She has watched her little slice of Wen Ge Hua shamble into woe and sadness, one stolen bao and pitiable wastrel at a time.

“Before, our block was very clean,” she tells me one morning over dried-fish congee and tea. “Before, it didn’t bother me that much because they kept on the north side of Pender Street or on Hastings. But now they are spreading.”

“You talk about these people like they’re COVID,” I snap back. “Like they are bacteria.”

“The government should do something like putting them into some rehab centres and help them to have their feet back on the ground again,” she says.

Perhaps, I suggest, they all should be sent, as they would have been in Chairman Mao’s China, up to Fort St. James or 100 Mile House to perform the manual reform-through-labour called lao gai.

“China is a very civilized place now,” Susanna says. “And rich, too.”

“Do most people in Vancouver care about Pender Street and Hastings Street?”

“I don’t think so,” she replies. “They don’t come down here. Particularly my daughter; she won’t come here. Only we in this area suffer it.

“A few years ago, a few of them were very aggressive. They came in here. They grabbed customers’ food, grabbed customers’ phones from the table. I was really upset.”

“What happened to them?”

“What happened to them? Nothing. And I guess some of them passed away.”

“Can this be a great city and a great country if this exists and we tolerate it?” I ask.

“Canada is still a great country,” Ms. Ng answers. “Vancouver is a nice place. I’m proud of this city. But I’m also ashamed of it, because the city is getting worse. We have to do something with the drugs.

“We don’t see this in Hong Kong, in China. Here, no punishment. There’s no punishment.

“Here,” says the doyenne of Pender Street, “too much freedom.”

* * *

Send in the bulldozers. Send in the cops. Send in the doctors.

Once a year, send in the clowns.

The advent of autumn signals more than rain and chill at Hastings and Main. For one man from the capital of Mexico — a megalopolis that is no stranger to tearful woe and sprawling poverty — it heralds the coming of The Day of the Dead, the funniest day of the year.

Gerardo Ávila came to Vancouver to perform at Expo 86 — I saw him bounce around on his pogo stick on the fair’s final day. Like the Carnegie Community Centre and the Ovaltine Café, he’s still here, still clowning.

Every year on Nov. 1, the Día de los muertos, he parades with a marching band along East Hastings Street, and he sets up an ofrenda in a storefront and invites the mourners of Vancouver to display photographs of their beloved and their lost.

“After my wife passed away, I put on a death mask and I danced for hours before the altar,” Ávila tells me. “And one woman got up and danced with me and then others were dancing, even the people all bent over, and they were so happy.

“These people are struggling, right? It’s sad. But there is humanity there. And on this one day, it is so wonderful to see people laughing or having fun. Those people don’t have much to laugh about. But when I dance with the music, and I invite everybody to dance, you have beautiful things happen.

“There are many people there, but not for just one reason. You must not assume. Some people could be just sick. I have found people who tell me, ‘My wife just left me and I’m sleeping here. I have nothing.’ But they are not drunk or not on drugs. And then you get the heavy drugs, too.”

“How does this end?” I wonder. On the Downtown Eastside, it is always the day of the dead and dying.

“People with money can get into a place where they can get off the drug,” the jester answers, “but the poor people, how can they do it? It’s a big, big problem. I don’t know how to fix it. I am not in politics. I am a clown.”

* * *

On a bulletin board in the vestibule of the library in the Carnegie Community Centre , anguished posters give names to a few of the faceless thousand on the streets outside.

HELP FIND DEZIRAE JEANNETE BERCIER

Age: 21 Height: 5’7” Weight: Approximately 80 lbs.

TRAVELED FROM WINNIPEG, MANITOBA TO VANCOUVER AFTER ANOTHER PERSON PURCHASED HER PLANE TICKET

Her family has had no communication with her since approximately July 19, 2026

– – – – – –

MISSING

Toni Leigh Ann O’Keefe

Hair: Brown Eyes: Green Height: 5’4”

Other features: Missing Front Tooth

– – – – – –

MISSING

SEAN ANTHONY KISCH

WE HAVE TRIED TO FIND YOU, BUT EACH DOOR WE OPEN IS CLOSED

YOU ARE WORTHY

PLEASE CALL SOMEONE. PLEASE HAVE THE COURAGE.

YOU ARE SADLY MISSED

Back at the Airbnb, I take a deep breath and dial the number printed on each family’s appeal.

My first two calls are not answered.

Then Sophie Kisch picks up the phone in Lethbridge, Alta.

“All the posters I sent out, I didn’t get any response at all, and I sent a LOT of posters,” she says.

“Everyone I reached out to, I got no help at all.

“The police said, ‘He is an adult’ and they would not tell me anything.

“I’m sure there are many, many other families in the same situation.

“Sean was very, very, very sick.

“We got down there, but he was in a coma.

“He died at St. Paul’s Hospital. Sean died on April twelfth.”

* * *

The woman behind the front desk at the Carnegie is a Dënesųłı̨né from the Cold Lake First Nations of Alberta named Deanna Piché.

“The priest gave us that name,” she says.

Deanna Piché has a smile for everyone; the few who survive the streets of Vancouver often are like that — grateful daily and respectful deeply of those still trapped in the quicksand of addiction and hopelessness.

“When I moved to B.C. 13 years ago,” she says, “I assumed everybody drank. I grew up watching my parents drink, my cousins, my grandparents. I just thought it was normal. I thought everybody drank around their kids. So when I moved out here, I was still in my alcoholism. And there were the drugs, too.”

“What got you off the street?” I ask her.

“I was a mother,” she replies. “I had something to live for.” Today, at 40, she lives for four children whose ages range from 13 to 21.

Deanna and I walk into the alley between the library and the old Molson Bank. The laneway, as always, is a garden of horrors that would take a Bosch or a Bruegel to paint. She says that terrifying new drugs — a zoo-animal sedative called “rhinoceros tranq” and the synthetic opioid cychlorphine — already have arrived at Hastings and Main. We may be only at the beginning of the plague.

“These are my people,” Deanna says. “A lot of them have seen me at my worst. I love them, and I tell them that I love them, and I am real with them, and they say that they love me.”

“What ends this?” I ask her. “Does love end it? Does Jesus end it? Or does it just go on like this for another 40 years?”

“Do you want my God’s honest opinion?” Deanna asks in Death’s alleyway, and I tell her that I do.

“I believe we are in Hell,” she says, “and we all go from here to Heaven.”

Main image: The alleys in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside are a breathtaking panoply of desperation that stretches as far as the eye can see. On Oct. 17, Vancouverites will vote in a non-binding plebiscite about whether to strengthen laws forbidding open-air use of hard drugs. Photo by Rich Lam/National Post


A man stands outside the British consulate in Jerusalem on September 8, 2026.

The British Consulate in Jerusalem, which Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar last month said would be shuttered, will be renamed the UK Mission, Jerusalem, and operate from the same building with a smaller staff, according to statements published on Thursday by Jerusalem and London.

Twenty diplomats, including the consul general, will end their assignments and leave Israel, Sa’ar said. The consulate’s sign has been removed. Britain retains ownership of the building and may operate a small task force there, Sa’ar said.

“We have allowed the British Government to operate a task force of only seven diplomats from the building, which ceased to function as a consulate today. Their scope of activity will be very limited,” he wrote.

Sa’ar announced the closure on Sept. 8, immediately after the U.K. introduced an import ban on products from Israeli communities in the West Bank.

“A boycott of goods from Judea and Samaria is a despicable practice that harms hard-working, law-abiding citizens,” Sa’ar said last month. “The Labour Government has decided to employ this practice of boycotts and BDS only against the Jewish state.”

Sa’ar added that the Israeli public overwhelmingly supports the Jewish communities in the West Bank and just as overwhelmingly opposes the creation of a Palestinian state in its heartland. “This is something that the Labour government is attempting, through measures that are doomed to fail, to force upon Israel. It will not work,” he said.

The U.K. and Israel had conducted weeks of talks to prevent a deterioration in bilateral relations, Sa’ar said on Thursday. Understandings were reached on Wednesday night and the two governments agreed to continue dialogue. Under the current understandings, “no measures will be taken against Israel as a result of the implementation of the decisions,” he wrote.

Ed Miliband, Sa’ar’s British counterpart, wrote in a statement on Thursday: “Following discussions with the Government of Israel, our Consulate General building will not be closing, and will be known as the UK Mission, Jerusalem from today. The UK Mission, Jerusalem is independent, operational, and will continue to deliver vital services and our work with the Palestinian people.”

The arrangement would preserve Britain’s longstanding presence and its role in supporting a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Miliband said.

“Without an understanding, we would not have the necessary assurances for the security and protections of our staff and premises. Accordingly, the UK has temporarily withdrawn a number of staff and families to ensure their safety and security,” he wrote.

Miliband said the U.K. “will work in the coming months to build back up our presence, and we will not take reciprocal action while such discussions are underway and credible.”

Britain remains “committed” to the measures it adopted on Sept. 8, Miliband said, describing them as coordinated with the international community and intended to support a two-state solution delivering peace and security for Israelis and Palestinians.

Sa’ar said Israel had implemented all of the retaliatory measures he announced on Sept. 8, which included banning British representatives from the International Gaza Support Center (previously known as the Civil-Military Coordination Center) in Kiryat Gat.

Other Israeli sanctions included terminating British training for Palestinian Authority forces in the West Bank, and barring 12 British officials and other citizens from entering Israel over what Sa’ar called their involvement in antisemitic and anti-Israel activity.

“We established a clear principle: It is not possible to act against Israel without Israel taking appropriate measures in response,” he wrote.

Miliband, in his statement, wrote, ”We have been clear that we do not accept that the Government of Israel has the legal right to close the British Consulate General in Jerusalem, which has been there for nearly 200 years. The UK government reiterates its long-standing view that East Jerusalem is occupied territory.”

Sa’ar assigned responsibility for the crisis to Britain’s Labour government.

“We did not want to reach this point, but the actions of the UK Labour Government brought us here. Their latest decision in this series was to initiate a range of far-reaching sanctions against the communities in Judea and Samaria, as well as additional sanctions on defence exports to Israel,” he wrote.

“All this was accompanied by hostile rhetoric, including false accusations against Israel, such as accusations of ‘ethnic cleansing.’”

Sa’ar described the measures as part of an escalating series of unilateral actions against Israel since Labour took office in July 2024.

These included Britain’s unilateral recognition of what he called a “virtual Palestinian state” in September 2025; renewed funding for UNRWA; the suspension of defense export licenses; sanctions on Israeli ministers and other individuals and entities, and the suspension of talks on a free trade agreement.

He also listed restrictions on Israel’s participation in an international defense exhibition in Britain, the exclusion of IDF officers from training at the Royal College of Defence Studies, and repeated “biased attacks” against Israel internationally.

Israel continues to believe in dialogue, Sa’ar said, although no genuine dialogue had taken place with the Labour government in recent years. “This is despite good relations with Britain, reflected, among other things, in security and intelligence cooperation,” he said.

Bilateral relations and security and intelligence cooperation have repeatedly helped protect British lives and interests, Sa’ar also said. Israel had recently provided Britain with “vital information” concerning the RAF Fairford incident, he added. British security forces last month arrested several people who are suspected of planning a terrorist attack at the base.

Sa’ar thanked those on both sides who contributed to the understandings, which he said served Israel’s interests.

“I cannot promise that there will not be further crises in the future. If there are, we will face them on the basis of our core principles,” he wrote, adding, “Israel will no longer turn its cheek to diplomatic attacks against it.”


Bullet holes are seen in the stained-glass windows at the Sons of Jacob Synagogue in Belleville, Ont., following an attack on the eve of Yom Kippur, Sept. 20, that left the shooter dead and a police officer critically injured.

The recent slew of hate-motivated incidents in Canada had myriad alleged motivations, from Islamism to white supremacy. The terror groups that promote such ideologies were likely drawn to recruit in Canada because of its multiculturalism, says one academic.

“Most Canadians are big fans of multiculturalism. We celebrate it. It’s part of our existence,” says Arne Kislenko, a professor of international relations at Trinity College, University of Toronto and in Toronto Metropolitan University’s history department.

But, he said, there’s also that friction that exists. “There are some people always that feel left out, so they tend to engage in crass stereotypes.”

Recent weeks have seen incidents across Canada: a shooting at a synagogue in Belleville motivated by antisemitism, the arrest of three people in Ontario in separate incidents related to antisemitic and anti-Muslim threats made online, the arrest of an Alberta teen in relation to the 764 network , which is classified as a terrorist group in Canada, the arrest of a man in Quebec for allegedly planning to attack Canadians with chemical weapons, and antisemitic flyers handed out in Belleville nearly two weeks after the shooting.

 Bullet holes are seen in a stained glass window at the Sons of Jacob Synagogue in Belleville, Ont., after a shooting that left a police officer seriously injured and the suspect dead on Sept. 20, on the eve of Yom Kippur, the holiest day of the Jewish calendar.

There are currently 89 terror groups listed in Canada, including Hamas, ISIS, Al Qaeda, Proud Boys and the Bishnoi Gang.

Kislenko said it’s no different than Germans in the 1930s. Despite some of them being highly educated, they started to think that Jewish or Slavic people “were somehow not human or that they had evil designs.” Today, there’s a similar sentiment of placing blame on others, he said.

Another reason why terror groups might recruit in Canada? From the outside, at least, it appears to be an “easygoing” society. It’s “safe place” where they can operate.

One way recruiters acquire targets is to find someone who has made a comment on a mainstream platform, like Instagram or Twitter. Recruiters from terror groups with similar ideologies to whatever post the person commented on then bombard them with messages. Eventually, the person may be put in contact with like-minded people, who might recruit them.

“We saw that with ISIS. It’s super sophisticated, targeted propaganda — high-tech recruitment videos with music and the promise of everything you could imagine,” said Kislenko.

Radical ideologies can also spread on encrypted and unmoderated forums and game sites, according to Dr. Valarie Findlay. She is an Ottawa-based expert in extremism and ideological violence. She founded non-profit resource network IVY , dedicated to supporting youth.

Forums like Discord, Gab, Telegram, 4chan, 8kun (formerly 8chan) and game sites like Roblox and Rimworld “all operate in a similar fashion” and are places where “anyone can create groups focused on hate movements, extremism and social violence,” Findlay told National Post.

Groups like the 764 network coerce youth and “psychologically manipulate them to do the most abhorrent, terrifying crimes towards themselves, their own family, to family pets,” she said.

“Once you’re out of that situation, you realize what you’ve done and how horrifying it is, and that now somebody knows about it, somebody has that evidence or proof, then you have a sort of responsibility to yourself to try and maintain that ‘friendship’ on an even keel, so they never use it against you,” said Findlay.

“But they’re going to use it against you. That was the plan all along. It’s a very slippery slope.”

 Police investigate a shooting outside of Belleville’s Sons of Jacob Synagogue, on Tuesday, September 22, 2026.

She said it’s a red flag when someone online becomes increasingly interested in your personal life. “It’s the unfortunate thing about social media. It’s great for the friends that you already have, but it is the worst place to actually make enduring, trustful friendships,” she said.

Both Findlay and Kislenko said that recruiters seek out vulnerable and isolated youth.

“They’re still trying to understand the world. They’re trying to experience it,” said Findlay. “Well-formed adults who are very socially intelligent and have developed their principles — they don’t want to talk to them because those are the folks that will poke holes in their theories, because logic ruins those narratives.”

The young people who do get targeted are often looking for the simplest explanation for complicated issues, said Kislenko.

“People blame Jewish people for everything. It’s a convenient scapegoat. Or you blame big government, or you blame women, right? And that’s what a lot of these newer terrorists are engaging in,” he said. “If you’re deeply antisemitic, you’re probably focusing on Israel and what it’s doing in Palestine, even if you don’t know what that means or have an opinion about it. You see it on the news, and certain narratives play into that.”

Findlay said that although it may seem like there are more hate-motivated attacks now, it’s been going on “for a long time.”

“How it manifests and how it channels and how (terror groups) establish their reach obviously has changed because of the advent of technology from the 1970s roughly onward. It has really made everything look like it’s happening more often in a way,” she said.

“And (terror groups) really do attach to waves of prosperity and economic decline, as well as the rise of conspiracy theories. They follow trends. When things are not looking so great … these things kind of seem to flourish a little bit more.”

Kislenko said just because it’s hard to police against recruitment, it doesn’t mean that we shouldn’t. He recommends an educational approach and possibly putting some restrictions on social media.

“We should empower law enforcement and intelligence not with more authority, but with a better capacity and more funding and training to look for these (recruiters),” he said.

“We should be judicious in prosecution…because it is hate and it is terrorism, and they are closely connected, and that leads to (the shooting in) Belleville, amongst other places.”

Our website is the place for the latest breaking news, exclusive scoops, longreads and provocative commentary. Please bookmark nationalpost.com and sign up for our daily newsletter, Posted, here.


U.S. President Donald Trump speaks with Prime Minister Mark Carney at a working lunch with leaders of G7 and the Middle East in Evian-les-Bains, France, on June 16, 2026.

WASHINGTON, D.C. — The political pendulum appears to be swinging left south of the border, with November’s midterm elections expected to give Democrats a House majority. Depending on how a few toss-up races go, Democrats may also have a credible path to winning control of the Senate.

Some Republicans, meanwhile, are already wondering how the party might respond to those losses.

Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.), who has been in a long-running feud with President Donald Trump and is retiring in January rather than defending his seat, pointed to a “risk” that Trump could lash out if the GOP does as poorly as polls suggest during an interview this week on “60 Minutes.”

Tillis fears Trump could attack fellow Republicans or dispute the election results, or both.

But there may be another target for GOP blame: Canada.

Last week, Trump’s trade adviser Peter Navarro told Canadian lobbyists to “get the hell out of our country” and warned that “if you interfere in our elections in Maine and Michigan, you will pay even more dearly.”

Navarro’s approach? Blame Canada !

We heard a similar accusation last year from Ambassador Pete Hoekstra, who equated Canada’s anti-tariff advertising in the U.S. to electoral meddling and warned of consequences.

So could Canada become a scapegoat for Republican losses? And, even if it does not, would a weakened Trump be any easier on Canada?

“It’s certainly the case that the administration will probably latch onto any sort of external cause to blame bad election results,” said Alfredo Carrillo Obregon, a trade policy analyst at the Cato Institute in Washington.

“I think it’s not off the table that someone like Peter Navarro could go onto whatever news outlet he gets interviewed at these days and say that Canada is at fault,” he added.

“But I just don’t see that becoming the primary explanation or the primary narrative coming out of the White House.”

Most pundits and trade watchers agree that Trump will likely lash out, but their views vary on how the president will focus that anger. For Canada, most say there’s little good news either way.

Christopher Sands, ​​director of the Center for Canadian Studies at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies in Washington, is not worried about the “gloves coming off” as Trump enters his lame-duck phase.

When asked whether Trump will be less restrained with Canada after the election, Sands said he doesn’t expect major changes in the approach either way.

“I’m not worried because I don’t think (Trump) took the midterms as much of a constraint,” he said.

Sands is more concerned about Canada becoming a target of partisan recrimination.

There is a risk, he said, that “if Democrats do well but are nonetheless seen as the enemy, and Canada is associated with just one party, then it becomes harder to have conversations with Republicans who you’ll need unless the Republicans are completely wiped out.”

“That may be part of what the Trump administration’s hoping — to push Canada into a partisan alliance that it can then condemn Mark Carney with all the Democrats that they don’t like,” Sands explained.

Politicians have an incentive to shift blame for the costs of their policies, says Richard Stern, vice president of the Plymouth Institute for Free Enterprise at Advancing American Freedom, referring to the unpopular tariffs.

The U.S. administration has been trying to paint the tariffs as a foreign policy tool that foreigners pay for when they are really “an offensive, aggressive tax that’s been levied on the American people,” he said.

Politicians running for reelection “don’t want to tell voters, ‘I’ve done something terrible to you,’” Stern said. “They want to point the finger overseas and at other people.”

But even if Navarro, Trump, or other leading Republicans try to direct blame north, most experts agree that it’s unlikely to land with the American public.

“I think President Trump lashing out in the face of a loss is … almost a certainty,” said Christopher Hernandez-Roy, acting director and senior fellow at the Americas Program of CSIS in Washington.

“They can … try to blame Canada, but … I don’t see how that’s really gonna get much traction.”

“One thing is lashing out and threatening to do things. Another is actually … creating some sort of a crisis,” he added.

Still, many experts expect Trump to continue being tough on Canada.

Stephen Nagy, senior fellow at the Macdonald-Laurier Institute, says the president will likely stick to his usual playbook.

“I suspect Trump will do what he always does based on Roy Cohn’s rules of winning, taught to a young Donald Trump: centre on relentless aggression, total denial, and never admitting defeat,” he said.

“Based on that, he will say that the vote was against bad candidates, not a vote against himself,” Nagy added, noting that Trump’s lost latitude domestically means he will probably focus increasingly on foreign policy.

Many experts agree that the president’s last two years in office, especially if Republicans lose control of the House, will be focused more on international affairs, and that it’s likely bad news for Ottawa.

“I doubt very much the president is going to be in any sort of accommodating mood with Canada,” said Hernandez-Roy.

“I think the likely scenario is that he’ll continue to put a lot of pressure on Canada… and driving a very hard bargain with Canada, even if, the Congress, now in Democratic hands, would be much more sympathetic to Canada,” he added, noting that the Democrats are unlikely to win enough seats to have a veto-proof majority.

So, even if Trump and other MAGA Republicans can’t make Canada their scapegoat for a GOP midterm collapse, the country may still need to brace itself.

“I would expect the next four, five, six months to be rather difficult for Canada,” said Hernandez-Roy.

But consistent criticism of Ottawa and making demands may continue without a sharp uptick in post-election targeting, too.

Unlike those who think a more Democratic Congress could be friendlier toward Canada but without much effect, leaving Canada subject to a tougher tone from Trump, Inu Manak, senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics, expects pressure to build on the president to tone things down.

“We will probably see a little bit more moderation in … the tone towards Canada,” she said, noting that while Trump will likely focus more on foreign policy in his final months, he will also be keen to shore up his place in history.

“Presidents tend to focus on foreign policy in their second term,” she said. “But he also has to think about his legacy, and how much time do you want to spend in your last two years berating Canada?”

National Post

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Minister of Industry Mélanie Joly speaks during a press conference at Ideal Roofing Company Limited Manufacturers in Ottawa on Tuesday, Aug. 25, 2026.

OTTAWA — More than one year after Industry Minister Mélanie Joly ordered the government rip out all Chinese surveillance giant Hikvision gear from its properties, multiple key federal organizations refuse to say if they have done so.

In statements provided over the last two months, the Canadian Space Agency, Employment and Social Development Canada (ESDC), Environment and Climate Change Canada, Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada and Parks Canada all declined to say if they continued to use Hikvision cameras at their offices.

Furthermore, two government agencies — the National Research Council and the Windsor-Detroit Bridge Authority — told National Post that they continue to use Hikvision cameras.

That’s despite a clear order from Joly over one and a half year ago that she wanted all those devices out of every single federal government office.

“The silence actually to me is the story itself,” said Dennis Molinaro, a former federal national security analyst and author of Under Assault: Interference and Espionage in China’s Secret War Against Canada.

“The products are ordered out, and refusing to say … whether the cameras are actually removed undercuts the government’s own findings.”

In June 2025, Joly issued a federal ban on Hikvision Canada — a global leader in surveillance camera gear that is partly owned by the Chinese government — due to national security concerns. She gave the company 120 days to pack its bags and shut down its Canadian operation.

According to the minister, the company’s work in Canada created an unacceptable risk of espionage and mass surveillance which raised significant concerns among the federal security and intelligence community.

Hikvision is the most valuable manufacturer of surveillance equipment in the world, but also one of the most controversial. It is partly state-owned by the Chinese government and benefits from PRC subsidies that allow it to sell its equipment cheaper than most competitors.

But over the last decade, the company has been linked to multiple major cybersecurity vulnerabilities, allegedly used by the Chinese government for mass surveillance of Uyghurs and other minority groups, and has been blacklisted governments around the world over espionage concerns.

The ban also extended to federal departments, agencies and crown corporations, who were henceforth barred from purchasing or using any Hikvision equipment.

“The Government of Canada is further conducting a review of existing properties to ensure that legacy Hikvision products are not used going forward,” Joly said, all the while “strongly” encouraging Canadians to “take note of this decision and make their own decisions accordingly.”

Hikvision is currently challenging the ban in Federal Court and has dismissed the government’s claims as baseless and unfounded.

“Since entering the Canadian market, we have followed all applicable laws and regulations, and will continue to defend our position that Hikvision products and technology have not endangered the national security of Canada or any other country in which we operate,” Hikvision said in response to the June 2025 order .

In September 2025, a judge refused to temporarily suspend the application of the order pending a final judicial decision, citing the “serious public interest harms” linked to the national security risks posed by Hikvision.

According to a 2024 document tabled in Parliament, over a dozen federal departments and agencies declared using Hikvision gear. Many more said they had previously purchased or used equipment from the company but had since stopped, sometimes citing security concerns.

Contacted by National Post in recent weeks, the majority of the federal bodies who declared Hikvision gear on their properties in 2024 said they had complied with the June 2025 to remove the equipment. That included Justice Canada, Via Rail, Veteran Affairs Canada and the Military Police Complaints Commission.

But a slew of departments and agencies, including some who host troves of sensitive personal data such as ESDC or conduct classified research and work like the Canadian Space Agency, refused to say if they’d complied with the 2025 order.

In all cases, they pointed to Hikvision’s lawsuit against the government to justify their silence.

But more surprisingly to national security specialists is the fact that the National Research Council (NRC) and Windsor-Detroit Bridge Authority continue to use such gear, in apparent violation of Joly’s 2025 order.

 Hikvision security camera seen at the Embassy of People’s Republic of China in Ottawa on Friday, Aug. 28, 2026.

“The cameras referenced in the 2024 (document) remain in use at WDBA’s community office, which serves as a space for WDBA to share non-confidential information with the public. The cameras will no longer be in service as of November 2026,” said bridge authority spokesperson Heather Grondin.

In a statement, NRC spokesperson Pamela Pilon said the organization removed all Hikvision gear from its security systems in 2025, but continues to use them to monitor “non-sensitive experiments and work areas.”

“None of the NRC’s remaining Hikvision cameras are connected to the internet or NRC networks,” Pilon said. “The cameras used in research will be eliminated this year.

Neither of those explanations satisfied Molinaro or Andrew Kirsch, a former CSIS intelligence officer and founder of risk consultancy Kirsch Group.

“You’d like to think that if the government’s going to implement a ban, at the very least the government can follow it, right?,” Kirsch said.

“If it’s important enough for us to want to look at it, it may be important enough for someone else to want to look at,” Kirsch said.

For Molinaro, the Chinese government’s or hackers’ interests in espionage isn’t just towards classified or sensitive information. Seeing who may be transiting through a federal office, everyday conversations or finding out more about NRC experiments can all be extremely valuable to a foreign intelligence service.

Andrew Elvish, vice-president at Montreal-based security software firm Genetic, said that his company has essentially barred clients from connecting Hikvision hardware to their tech because of the risks.

“If you should wish to make a terrible technology decision, you will have to sign a waiver to hold us harmless when the sh-t hits the fan, as we believe it surely will, and (you) did that against our own financial interests,” Elvish said.

“These cameras, they’re not just cameras,” he continued. “They are computers, and … they are designed intentionally to be insecure computers on a network, so that they can gain a toehold.”

According to Sami Khoury, a recently-retired top government cybersecurity official, it would be “doable” but challenging to use such cameras in a safe way.

“If your networks are not properly segmented, you run the risk of the vulnerability being exploited indirectly,” he explained.

National Post

cnardi@postmedia.com

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Parmpal Sidhu, who is accused in connection to the 2023 gold heist at Toronto's Pearson airport, outside the courthouse during his trial in Brampton, Ont.

Shortly before a large shipping crate of gold bars and cash worth more than $22 million was stolen from Toronto’s Pearson airport, a worker inside the Air Canada cargo warehouse where it was stored received two mysterious phone calls.

They seem mysterious now, when revealed in court and knowing what was about to happen — the largest gold heist in Canadian history — at the time, though, it all seemed normal, the employee testified. Court heard on Wednesday from several staff who moved the crate stuffed with gold and cash — seemingly unknowingly — around the large facility without anything seeming suspicious.

It was business as usual, cargo workers said.

So much so that nobody realized the crate of gold and cash had been stolen until hours later when the real customer — armed Brink’s guards in an armoured truck — arrived to collect it, and no one could find it for them.

“It was just a regular day, doing the duties, like day to day, whatever was required of me,” said Vatsal Vaid, who helped run the computer end of facility’s automated sorting and moving machinery.

Vaid was one of several workers at the warehouse testifying on the third day of the trial for Parmpal Sidhu, one of those accused of pulling off the notorious Pearson airport gold heist on April 17, 2023.

At the time of the heist, Vaid, 27, was working inside Air Canada’s cargo warehouse for Katlyn International, a third-party contractor to the airline that provided the automation equipment to manage the movement of freight through the facility at Canada’s busiest airport.

The system allows cargo to move around the warehouse on a device not unlike an enormous baggage carousel for passengers at the airport terminal.

Vaid was a controls technologist working in the Hub Operations Control Centre, known as HOCC, which is the control centre for incoming and outgoing cargo. He sat in an office with Air Canada cargo managers providing system assistance and solving problems that came up to ensure containers kept moving to where he was told they should go.

“They would reach out me if there’s any technical problem, otherwise, everything worked automatically most of the times,” Vaid said.

The system was automated to take cargo that is specially tagged to the appropriate pit, a staging area for containers where they are unpacked into their component packages, if that’s what the codes told the workers to do, and moved into a storage space until picked up by a client.

Cargo that must be kept cold, such as food, flowers or pharmaceuticals, goes to one place, called the cool-chain; cargo marked high-value goes to a secure area; those marked priority go to a pit where they are dealt with first by warehouse workers. Containers that aren’t specially coded wait their turn and are distributed randomly to one of five pit areas, court heard.

Vaid testified that after he learned of the gold heist, he thought back to the day before. Police investigators asked him to tell them what he remembered, he said.

He said he got a phone call from inside the building, from a container processing area called Pit 5, sometime after 6 p.m. It seemed a routine call.

The caller said a shipment was going into the system in about half an hour — there “were a couple units ahead of it,” he recalled him saying. The caller said something like “this is a high value cargo going into the system. Tell the managers working at the desk.”

About half an hour later, he received a second phone call, Vaid said. This one appeared to come from the cargo manager’s office phone saying that an import manager required a unit to go down to Pit 1 and told him to generate the appropriate command in the conveyer system, “because the customer is here to pick that unit up, and it’s a priority unit.”

Vaid told court he didn’t know who was on the phone. It was a male voice, he said.

The caller, he said, “knew what they were doing, or they had an idea of the system and everything, like how to approach or do some certain stuff within the system, so I was just following the orders in my job.”

The specific impact of those phone calls on the gold heist was left hanging by court by the end of the day. It was not even said whether the phone calls were legitimate or nefarious, but Vaid said he wanted police to know about them.

John Iheme, who worked as a station attendant within the cool-chain, testified about his unfortunate position of unknowingly delivering the crate of gold to the driver of the heist crew and even helped him load it onto the truck that hauled it away, never to be seen again.

He didn’t know of his role until he was called in to speak with Peel Regional Police investigators.

“When I was called to the police station to go give a statement, I was shown a video and that’s when I realized that I had served the driver that came in to pick up the shipment,” he told court.

“If someone needs help, I just step up and help… the gentleman came to the back and needed help, so, I just got up and went and helped,” he said of the man who came to collect the shipping crate.

 A shipment worth $20 million disappeared in April 2023 from this Air Canada cargo holding facility at Toronto’s Pearson airport.

Court watched video of Iheme, wearing a bright orange safety vest and a ball cap, striding through the loading bay to a man standing beside the open back of a truck that had backed into one of the loading docks.

In the video, he greets the driver with a fist bump. The driver’s face is covered.

“I can’t even remember dealing with the gentleman to be honest, but on the video, I can see myself serving him.”

Police were interested in the fist bump. It could suggest familiarity. Iheme said he was just being friendly. “I do it with everyone,” he said. “I’ve never seen them before.”

He was asked about the driver’s mask.

“I don’t know why he would be masked up,” he said. “It’s not my job to check what people wear and how they’re dressed. I serve you and I move on. He could be sick. I don’’t know.”

He said there was nothing peculiar about the delivery. He took the air waybill from the driver, which is a receipt for picking up a shipment, and looked at it “to make sure it’s got the stamps that you need,” he said. “There was no stamps missing.”

He then went back to find the container; it wasn’t hard, it was already in the cool-chain area.

“I didn’t have to go and get it out, it was already there and I picked it up,” he said. Video shows him navigating a forklift to raise the hefty crate. He said he didn’t know what was inside — staff aren’t to open containers unless they’re told to.

He drove the forklift back to the loading bay, helped the driver load it into the truck and said goodbye.

Court heard previously that somebody had used Air Canada’s internal computer systems and login credentials for various Air Canada employees to change the routing tags in the systems that tracked and automated cargo handling while the crate was in the air from Zurich, Switzerland.

The tag that it was high-value cargo was deleted, which prevented the automated machines from directing it to the secure storage area, which is locked and guarded. Court heard that the digital hygiene at the facility was dreadful and workers routinely shared logins and passwords and workstations were left logged for weeks, month, or years.

• Email: ahumphreys@postmedia.com | X:

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The jacket of a Outlaws Motorcycle Club member.

A full patch member of the Outlaws Motorcycle Club (OMC) can keep his Trenton, Ont., liquor delivery service licence, despite three recent run-ins with police.

The registrar of Ontario’s Alcohol and Gaming Commission issued a notice of proposal in March revoking Adam Bridge’s liquor delivery service licence for Big Deal Delivery because he “is a full patch member of the OMC,” according to a recent decision from the Ontario Licence Appeal Tribunal.

“The registrar argues that the appellant’s membership, influence and participation in the OMC constitutes reasonable grounds for belief that he will not carry on business in accordance with law and with integrity and honesty.”

The registrar argued that Bridge’s “affiliation with the OMC, which it considers to be a criminal organization and whose members are required to uphold a code of non-cooperation with police and law enforcement, is incompatible with holding a licence in Ontario’s regulated liquor industry, and three recent interactions the appellant had with police further demonstrates his disentitlement to a licence.”

The registrar argued unsuccessfully “that revocation is the only appropriate remedy under the circumstances.”

That didn’t fly with tribunal member Bruce Stanton, who directed the registrar not to carry out the proposal.

“The registrar has not met its burden in establishing that the appellant’s conduct, in the form of his full patch membership in the OMC and the three interactions with police should disentitle him to a licence,” Stanton wrote in a Sept. 22 decision.

Bridge told the tribunal that “licensing should be based on actual conduct, not assumptions based on association,” said the decision.

“He argues that his activities as a licensee are unimpeachable and he has always acted in accordance with the law and with integrity and honesty.”

Bridge told the tribunal “that he provides lawful regulated services to customers including pharmacies, restaurants and other regulated premises,” said the decision.

“He submits that he has never wavered in upholding the obligations of his licence including never selling alcohol illegally or acting dishonestly, and his customers rely on him and are confident in his services.”

Bridge pointed out that his three recent interactions with police did not result in any charges “and did not implicate him in any unlawful activity.”

The tribunal heard Bridge was at a restaurant in Picton, Ont., on Sept. 2, 2024, when police were called.

“The owner of a restaurant there called police because they thought ‘a couple of bikers are getting into it’ and ‘it looks like it will be physical,’” said the decision.

Police responded to the scene and separated the club members to “figure things out,” in this case two Red Devils and Bridge, who was then a probationary member of the OMC, accompanied by a friend.

OPP Det. Laura Empey, a biker expert, testified “that the situation was ‘not good’ because Picton is an area controlled by Hells Angels. She testified that the Red Devils are a support club of the Hells Angels.”

Bridge, who was wearing his OMC colours, and his friend “were initially obstructing police and refusing to identify themselves while video recording the officers,” said the decision.

Bridge told the tribunal he didn’t identify himself to police because the law does not require him to do so.”

Empey “described the incident as a provocation because the OMC members were in an area known to be controlled by the Hells Angels and Red Devils,” said the decision.

Bridge testified that “he was just having lunch with a friend when two Red Devils approached and started yelling at him. He stated that the situation had calmed down by the time the police arrived. He submits that no charges were laid, there was no altercation and he was simply standing up for his rights.”

On Sept. 4, 2024, police were called to the Trenton Downtown Business Improvement Agency after its executive director, who had previously complained about Big Deal Delivery overcharging her son for a food order, dialled 911 when Bridge showed up in her office.

Bridge testified that he was there “to clear up the misunderstanding and ‘things did not go well.’”

Bridge returned to the same office later that day “and proceeded to video-record elements of the interior,” said the decision, noting that prompted the executive director to dial 911 again.

When police arrived, Bridge told them “that he was uploading video to YouTube, he would not identify himself and that he would not answer any questions of police.”

Police had to use Bridge’s licence plate to identify him.

Bridge “said he posed no threat” to the executive director, who “refused to speak with him and told him to leave.”

Then on Feb. 27, 2026, police pulled Bridge over in Quinte West after he turned onto a side street to avoid a police checkpoint looking for impaired drivers.

When a cop asked Bridge why he avoided the checkpoint, “he said he did not feel like stopping to talk to them,” said the decision, which notes his breath sample showed he had not been drinking and no charges were laid.

Stanton found Bridge’s three police encounters demonstrated he was “following the OMC’s unwritten rule requiring that he avoid talking to law enforcement officers,” said the decision.

“Each of the encounters were resolved peacefully and seemingly without violence or risk to public safety. Accordingly, I find there is insufficient compelling and credible information to find that the appellant’s conduct in these three interactions reaches the level of reasonable grounds for belief that he will not carry on business in accordance with the law and with integrity and honesty.”

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