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Prime Minister Mark Carney speaks in support of a two-state solution between Palestine and Israel as world leaders arrive for the 80th session of the UN's General Assembly on September 22, 2025.

The Canadian Antisemitism Education Foundation is calling on the prime minister and minister of foreign affairs to reconsider Canada’s stance recognizing a Palestinian state.

Prime Minister Mark Carney expressed support for a two-state solution at a meeting of the U.N. General Assembly in late September.

In a Nov. 17 letter to Carney and Anita Anand, shared with National Post by CAEF executive director Andrea Spindel, she argues “there is no leadership among the Palestinian Authority that seeks co-existence with Israel.”

Instead, Spindel asserts, the Palestinian Authority (PA) is a murderous regime that “incentivizes and rewards” terrorist activity, “paying salaries to the barbarians who committed mass murder on October 7th.”

Spindel’s letter refers to

Palestinian Media Watch

as repeatedly documenting that Palestinian movements “compete for popular support by arguing over who has committed more terror.”

And she cites 

Jibril Rajoub

, secretary general of the Fatah Central Committee (the Fatah party’s most senior institution responsible for developing and implementing strategic initiatives, with members holding top portfolios in Palestinian politics). Spindel says he has publicly urged that the PA unite with Hamas under the

Palestinian Liberation Organization

framework.

It’s a pattern, she says, that reveals several dangerous messages from the PA such as hypocrisy toward the international community. “On the one hand, the PA seeks international legitimacy and aid, claiming it fights terror. In reality, the PA’s senior officials publicly reaffirm and even boast of its terror history and a desire to ally with Hamas — the very organization the PA pretends to distance itself from in diplomatic settings.”

Further she says that Western audiences and donors may “imagine a Fatah-Hamas rivalry that favours moderation, Rajoub’s welcoming of Hamas shows that the PA does not really want to have Hamas destroyed.”

In mid-October, Spindel says, Palestinian Media Watch released the

latest list of “Palestinian terrorist millionaires

thanks to the pay-for-slay program. Many of those who received financial rewards were among the terrorists released by Israel in exchange for Israeli hostages.”

Mahmoud Abbas, president of the Palestinian National Authority since 2005, says Spindel, “is playing a game of duplicity which you and other Western nation leaders have swallowed, despite decades of evidence that duplicity is how the PA operates … You are demonstrating incredible naivety or willful blindness and neither serves the interests of Canadians.

“PA schools celebrate October 7! This is part of the

hate curriculum that has infected Arab children

for decades and continues to promote murder and martyrdom.”

Finally, Spindel challenges the prime minister and foreign affairs minister: “If you proceed with the reckless idea of recognizing another terror state in the Middle East, sanctioning the Palestinian Arabs to continue to train killers, reward terrorists, celebrate violence, preach and teach Jew hatred, then please tell us how this is different from supporting Nazism?”

 

Our website is the place for the latest breaking news, exclusive scoops, longreads and provocative commentary. Please bookmark nationalpost.com and sign up for our daily newsletter, Posted, here.


Prime Minister Mark Carney speaks in support of a two-state solution between Palestine and Israel as world leaders arrive for the 80th session of the UN's General Assembly on September 22, 2025.

The Canadian Antisemitism Education Foundation is calling on the prime minister and minister of foreign affairs to reconsider Canada’s stance recognizing a Palestinian state.

Prime Minister Mark Carney expressed support for a two-state solution at a meeting of the U.N. General Assembly in late September.

In a Nov. 17 letter to Carney and Anita Anand, shared with National Post by CAEF executive director Andrea Spindel, she argues “there is no leadership among the Palestinian Authority that seeks co-existence with Israel.”

Instead, Spindel asserts, the Palestinian Authority (PA) is a murderous regime that “incentivizes and rewards” terrorist activity, “paying salaries to the barbarians who committed mass murder on October 7th.”

Spindel’s letter refers to

Palestinian Media Watch

as repeatedly documenting that Palestinian movements “compete for popular support by arguing over who has committed more terror.”

And she cites 

Jibril Rajoub

, secretary general of the Fatah Central Committee (the Fatah party’s most senior institution responsible for developing and implementing strategic initiatives, with members holding top portfolios in Palestinian politics). Spindel says he has publicly urged that the PA unite with Hamas under the

Palestinian Liberation Organization

framework.

It’s a pattern, she says, that reveals several dangerous messages from the PA such as hypocrisy toward the international community. “On the one hand, the PA seeks international legitimacy and aid, claiming it fights terror. In reality, the PA’s senior officials publicly reaffirm and even boast of its terror history and a desire to ally with Hamas — the very organization the PA pretends to distance itself from in diplomatic settings.”

Further she says that Western audiences and donors may “imagine a Fatah-Hamas rivalry that favours moderation, Rajoub’s welcoming of Hamas shows that the PA does not really want to have Hamas destroyed.”

In mid-October, Spindel says, Palestinian Media Watch released the

latest list of “Palestinian terrorist millionaires

thanks to the pay-for-slay program. Many of those who received financial rewards were among the terrorists released by Israel in exchange for Israeli hostages.”

Mahmoud Abbas, president of the Palestinian National Authority since 2005, says Spindel, “is playing a game of duplicity which you and other Western nation leaders have swallowed, despite decades of evidence that duplicity is how the PA operates … You are demonstrating incredible naivety or willful blindness and neither serves the interests of Canadians.

“PA schools celebrate October 7! This is part of the

hate curriculum that has infected Arab children

for decades and continues to promote murder and martyrdom.”

Finally, Spindel challenges the prime minister and foreign affairs minister: “If you proceed with the reckless idea of recognizing another terror state in the Middle East, sanctioning the Palestinian Arabs to continue to train killers, reward terrorists, celebrate violence, preach and teach Jew hatred, then please tell us how this is different from supporting Nazism?”

 

Our website is the place for the latest breaking news, exclusive scoops, longreads and provocative commentary. Please bookmark nationalpost.com and sign up for our newsletters here.


Edward Cornwallis, the founder of Halifax, has been cancelled like John A. Macdonald, Egerton Ryerson, Henry Dundas, Matthew Begbie, and other notable figures from Canada’s past.

This is from a story about the scalping of British settlers and militia by Mi’kmaq warriors in what became known as the “Dartmouth Massacre” on May 13, 1751, from John Wilson’s eyewitness account: “These Indians chain the unfortunate prisoner to a large thick tree, and bind his hands and his feet, then beginning from the middle of the craneum, they cut quite round towards the neck; this being done, they then tear off the skin, leaving the skull bare; an inflammation quickly follows, the patient fevers, and dies in the most exquisite tortures.”

Wilson’s account is not the only record of Mi’kmaq attacks on settlers, nor even of the Dartmouth Massacre.

Another is from Thomas B. Akins, a lawyer, historian and archivist. In 1857 he was appointed Nova Scotia’s first Commissioner of Public Records and held that position until his death in 1891. He was held in such high regard that the government of Canada designated him a ‘Person of National Historic Significance.’ His History of the Settlement of Halifax was published in book form in 1895, four years after he died. But it had been published as a pamphlet half a century earlier, in 1847, and eight years prior to that he gave a formal reading from his notes about the attack on Dartmouth:

“The Indians were said to have destroyed several dwellings, sparing neither women nor children. The light of the torches and the discharge of musketry alarmed the inhabitants of Halifax, some of whom put off to their assistance, but did not arrive in any force till after the Indians had retired. The night was calm, and the cries of the settlers, and whoop of the Indians were distinctly heard on the western side of the harbour. On the following morning, several bodies were brought over – the Indians having carried off the scalps,” he said.

Enter Edward Cornwallis, the founder of Halifax, who had arrived on the shores of Nova Scotia on June 21, 1749, with 13 transports – boats or frigates – and 2,576 people. During that first winter more than one-third of those settlers died. Cornwallis, a major historical figure in Atlantic Canada, was a military man who had been named governor of Nova Scotia by King George II.

According to oral histories and archaeological evidence, the Mi’kmaq had been living in Nova Scotia for a long time. But with the coming of the Europeans things changed. Disease became widespread and by 1749 their numbers had dwindled. Between 1688 and 1763 there were seven wars in northeastern North America between the French and English with major impact on settlers and Indigenous people. But for the Mi’kmaq two were consequential – Father Le Loutre’s War from 1749 to 1755, and the French and Indian War from 1754 to 1763.

Le Loutre was a Catholic priest and missionary for the French Foreign Missions Society, an ardent French nationalist who led the band of French resistance forces which consisted of Acadian fighters and Mi’kmaq warriors. Thus, the Mi’kmaq were allied with the French and remained so during all those years of warfare in Nova Scotia.

Mi’kmaq raids on settlements began on September 30, 1749, and there would be eight raids on Dartmouth alone. French authorities had been paying bounties to the Mi’kmaq for British prisoners and their scalps. And so, on October 2, 1749, Cornwallis issued a proclamation, offering a similar bounty for Mi’kmaq warriors. Women and children were not included, but to be taken prisoner following the norms of British policy in such conflicts.

Today, the statue of Cornwallis in the middle of Cornwallis Park is no longer there. The park has been renamed, too. Cornwallis has been cancelled in the same way John A. Macdonald, Egerton Ryerson, Henry Dundas, Matthew Begbie, and other notable figures from Canada’s past have been cancelled by those with an axe to grind. And they don’t do it with history, but their own twisted take on history which is deep in ideology and involves something other than the truth.

Scalping is front and centre in this “controversy” which wasn’t a controversy for almost 250 years until a 1993 book by Mi’kmaq elder Daniel Paul. The book was We Were Not the Savages: a Micmac perspective on the collision of European and aboriginal civilizations. Paul passed away in 2023.

In his book he laid the charge of genocide perpetrated against the Mi’kmaq squarely at the feet of Cornwallis. He called the bounty proclamation an “extermination” order calling for “the scalps of men, women and children.” No sooner did he make this claim that other voices picked it up and built an anti-Cornwallis narrative in keeping with the story of the evil white man. Soon, the Daniel Paul story became the official party line and the rest, as the old saying goes, is history.

But it’s revisionist history.

 The podium where a statue of Halifax founder Edward Cornwallis used to stand in what is now Peace and Friendship park (formerly named for Cornwallis) in Halifax.

After Paul’s death, this is what Global TV reported: “His research also helped persuade Nova Scotia politicians that statues, school names and even a coast guard ship should no longer bear the name of Edward Cornwallis, the province’s first governor, who offered rewards for Indigenous scalps.”

In 2020 the CBC ran a story about the Mi’kmaq wanting to rename a coast guard icebreaker. The icebreaker was called Edward Cornwallis. The headline was: “Founder of Halifax issued proclamation of bounty for killing Mi’kmag men, women and children.”

Leo J. Deveau – an author, newspaper columnist, and authority on Nova Scotia history – says this of Paul’s claims: “Paul’s analysis ignored the wider context of the imperial wars of the period and the close alliance between the Mi’kmaq and the French in the struggle of empires. The history of that alliance records regular bounties paid for the delivery of scalps belonging to British soldiers and settlers obtained by Mi’kmaq warriors during numerous raids.”

Deveau went on: “Adopting the familiar ‘good and evil’ interpretation of history, Paul lays the charge of ‘genocide’ against Cornwallis, feeling that the term genocide ‘aptly’ described the barbaric behaviour of the British in colonial Nova Scotia. This in turn is meant to justify his wild exaggeration that the statue of Cornwallis represented ‘white supremacist thinking.’ For the author and his acolytes it seems everything comes down to genocide and white supremacy. This is grossly oversimplified history.”

Not all media reports were sympathetic to Daniel Paul’s take on history. Paul Bennett, an author of Canadian history textbooks, wrote an article in The Chronicle-Herald with the title ‘How solid is the case against Cornwallis?’ He said this set a dangerous precedent and took aim directly at Daniel Paul.

“While Paul is often described as an historian, his work is mostly popular storytelling since it’s a fascinating mix of history, folklore, and personal testimony.”

I obtained a copy of the fourth edition of Daniel Paul’s book, published in 2022. In the Dedication it says: “To the memory of my ancestors, who managed to ensure the survival of the Mi’kmaw People by their awe-inspiring tenacity and valour in the face of virtually insurmountable odds! For more than four centuries these courageous, dignified and heroic people displayed a determination to survive the various hells on earth created for them by Europeans with a tenacity that equals any displayed in the history of mankind.”

Not to minimize the very real plight of the Mi’kmaq after the coming of Europeans, but such words do not lend themselves as an authoritative work on recorded history. There is no mention in Paul’s book, or from what I can find in anything he’s ever written, about the Dartmouth massacre.

Nevertheless, in 2014 protesters gathered in Cornwallis Park, demanding the park be renamed and the statue of Cornwallis removed. In 2015 the Truth and Reconciliation Commission came out with its report and in Nova Scotia that would later lead to the cancellation of Cornwallis. In 2016 a municipal election was held and now there were new councillors who were swayed by a presentation delivered by the city’s first Mi’kmaw poet laureate who called Cornwallis a man “who prided himself on brutality” and who used Mi’kmaq scalps as “currency.” A vote to remove his name from all municipal properties passed 15-1.

Never mind that surveys showed most people in Halifax wanted the Cornwallis name to remain on public parks, buildings and street signs. And that the statue should stay.

It didn’t matter.

More protests came in  2017 and Halifax Regional Municipality council launched a Special Advisory Committee with “equal representation from Indigenous and non-Indigenous backgrounds.” This is similar to task forces created at the Toronto university once known as Ryerson and the one set up at the City of Toronto to discuss the name Henry Dundas. Indeed, the modus operandi with historical revisionists tends to follow a playbook. Part of that playbook involves establishing an “expert” panel with equal parts Indigenous and non-Indigenous, provided the latter are academics who have a progressive bent.

 A statue of Edward Cornwallis is hoisted to be taken away from the Halifax park that bore his name at the time, Jan. 31, 2018.

Soon the Cornwallis statue was removed. Cornwallis Park was renamed Peace and Friendship Park, and Cornwallis Street was renamed Nora Bernard Street after a Mi’kmaw activist who had been murdered by her grandson back in 2007. In short, Edward Cornwallis and anything associated with his name was as good as dead.

The man who started all this – Daniel Paul – said in his book that Canada’s first prime minister, John A. Macdonald, was an “unapologetic white supremacist.” He compared the plight of the Mi’kmaq to European Jews in the Holocaust. As for the Mi’kmaq and their way of life, he said: “Civility and generosity were so engrained in Mi’kmaw society that to be rude or mean was unthinkable.”

John E. Grenier, an American historian, wrote a book called The Far Reaches of Empire: War in Nova Scotia, 1710–1760. Published in 2008, it examines the wars in Nova Scotia during the 18th  century. While Grenier readily admits that when it was all over the Mi’kmaq and their way of life would be no more, he also said the treaties the Mi’kmaq signed with the British in 1760 and 1761 were “far harsher” than previous ones, including the Articles of 1749 with Edward Cornwallis. Nowhere does Grenier say Cornwallis is an angel or saint. He calls him a British colonial official who used “brutal but effective measures” to “wrest control of Nova Scotia from French and Indian enemies who were no less ruthless.”

Grenier was once interviewed by the National Post for an article about the renaming of  Cornwallis high school. In the article he said: “It is complicated. But the PC [Political Correctness] crowd, if you will, prefers to remain ignorant of the historical record.” He added: “It is important to look at the context in which Cornwallis and the other Anglo-Americans made the decision to issue the scalp proclamation. The Mi’kmaqs certainly were not innocent, passive victims in that train of events.”

The upshot of all this? No historian worth their salt examines any period or place through a one-way lens. That is to sacrifice context and credibility. What’s more, when a region, never mind a country, bases public policy on commentary that is rife with speculation, conjecture – and lies – a nation begins to lose itself and there is only one inevitable result.

Its history is vanquished.

Excerpt from the book SLEEPWOKING, which is about historical revisionism in Canada, and now available on Amazon.

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A woman checks the expiry date — or is it the best-before date? — of an item in her fridge.

A new study by Dalhousie University in Halifax finds that the average Canadian household throws away $761 worth of food every year based on best-before and expiration dates, but that almost a third of that is owing to confusion over what those dates actually mean.

The research, conduced in partnership with

Too Good To Go

, a Copenhagen-based company dedicated to reducing food waste, found that many Canadians are unaware of the meaning of food labels.

Expiration or expiry dates refer to food that is likely no longer safe to consume. Three-quarters of respondents to a recent survey knew that, but 14 per cent thought it referred to the food having passed its best quality, and another eight per cent thought it was merely to recommend that stores no longer sell it.

“Best before,” on the other hand, indicates when food has likely passed its best quality, but only 70 per cent of respondents knew that. Another 20 per cent thought it meant the food was no longer safe to consume.

“If 30 per cent of people don’t know what best before means, and one in five think that best before is an expiration date, there is so much opportunity to simply improve people’s understanding,” Chris MacAulay, vice-president of North America operations for Too Good To Go, told National Post.

And Sylvain Charlebois, director of Dalhousie University’s Agri-Food Analytics Lab, who worked on the study, said there’s an easier way to know when food goes off.

“Look, smell, taste,” he told National Post. “Taste goes last. That’s basically it.”

That’s also the message behind the look-smell-taste campaign launched last year by Too Good To Go, and embossed in alternative “don’t waste” labels that already appear on some Canadian products, including

Greenhouse

and

Paz Bakery

.

 An example of a “don’t waste” label designed by Too Good to Go.

Our senses evolved in part to warn us about what’s not safe to eat, so we should trust them by examining packaging for signs of damage, and food for any discolouration, as well as smelling and tasting our food to make sure it doesn’t have a bad odour or an “off” taste.

“Animal proteins are more risk,” Charlebois cautioned. “You want to be extremely careful with meat and dairy. And soon as the container is open, as soon as the product is exposed to air, all bets are off. That’s basically how it goes.”

On the other hand, raw meat and cooked meat are different animals (so to speak). “If it’s thoroughly cooked you can actually keep it for a long time,” he said. “You’ve just extended the conservation cycle for that product if you actually thoroughly cooked it.”

Charlebois said he’s watched best-before dates appear on more and more food products over the years, including items like sugar and honey that have practically unlimited shelf lives.

“Forcing people to throw away perfectly good food so they need to buy more,” he said, “is the food version of planned obsolescence. I once saw a best-before date on salt. I mean, come on!”

But he has also done research into whether Canadians would be in favour of throwing away best-before dates. He found most people still want them.

“They buy food but they also buy time,” he said. “They reach out for products where the best-before date is as late as possible, so they can have inventory at home.”

Inventory management is also why food sellers are behind the practice. “Grocers love these dates because it’s easier to rotate inventory,” said Charlebois. “There’s little or no appetite — no pun — to remove these dates.”

Similarly, MacAulay is more interested in updating labels and increasing education than doing away with the system.

“They do contribute to consumer confusion,” he said of best-before labels and expiry dates, “and that confusion then leads to not just food waste but also real economic loss. We are working to simplify the approach for consumers.”

He added: “If there are folks that remain wary of using their senses, that’s OK — we can still make a massive impact on the amount of food waste that exists, as well as an impact on people’s wallets.”

The survey was conducted online and involved 1,084 participants over the age of 18 from across Canada.

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Ultrasound image of a fetus, approximately five months after conception.

In 2013, former longtime Liberal MP Dr. Carolyn Bennett, in a

terse letter to the National Post

, said no doctor in Canada can terminate a pregnancy after 24 weeks unless the mother’s life is at risk or the fetus has serious complications.

“The assertion that late-term abortions can be performed ‘for any reason, or no reason at all’ is just not true,” wrote Bennett, who challenged a columnist to find a single late-term abortion performed in Canada “to a healthy mother with a healthy fetus.”

In fact, there need not be a medical reason for later gestational age abortion in Canada, according to Abortion Care Canada, formerly the National Abortion Federation of Canada.

“There does not have to be a specific medical concern that is named” to get an abortion beyond the first trimester, said executive director TK Pritchard.

Pritchard was responding to secret videos allegedly taken at abortion clinics in Montreal, Toronto, Calgary and Vancouver by Alissa Golob, co-founder of the anti-abortion group RightNow, in 2023, when Golob was more than five months pregnant with her third child. The videos are less than 10 minutes each and contain edited excerpts from conversations with clinic staff that sometimes lasted an hour or two. Three of the videos have been posted on the group’s website and shared on social media. A fourth, from Calgary, has yet to be posted. National Post has chosen not to name the clinics.

Golob said she went undercover to see if it was possible to get a late-term abortion, “no questions asked, specifically for no medical reason.”

In the Toronto video, Golob was allegedly told that the clinic’s limit was 24 week’s gestation, but that women seeking abortions later in the pregnancy could be referred to a nearby hospital that, an employee believed, “sometimes go up to 32” weeks. Pregnancy is normally 40 weeks.

When Golob later met with the what she says was the clinic’s abortion provider and asked if her health had to be at risk for a hospital referral, the doctor responded that “abortion care like that hasn’t existed since the 1960s.”

In terms of limits, “that’s a different answer depending on who’s answering it,” the doctor said, according to the video. “The law in Canada and the U.S. overall doesn’t have a ‘too far,’” she said.

“I can tell you that once things reach 35, 36 weeks, it might be impossible to find someone that would do it, OK? Twenty-four, up to 30 weeks, it’s very possible. The system certainly doesn’t think it’s too far.”

When asked if she had to prove her health had to be at risk, the video shows Golob was told: “No, absolutely not.”

According to another video, what appears to be a social worker at a Vancouver abortion clinic told Golob, who was then just under 24 weeks pregnant, that about 60 per cent of unplanned pregnancies end in abortion “because people are like, ‘It’s not the right time, I’m not ready, life has been so uncertain these last few years’ or ‘I have health concerns’ or ‘I already have kids.’ Just any reason you can think of.

“But there doesn’t have to be a reason,” the employee allegedly said. “It could just be, ‘I don’t want to be pregnant.’”

There was no medical necessity required for a late-term abortion at the clinics visited, Golob said. “You can tell the clinics anything, and they will accept it as a valid reason to abort a third-trimester, viable baby.”

Pro-abortion groups said the videos are an attempt to create a “demonized” view of abortion.

“They’re a good example of something that is heavily edited, deceptive, heavily narrated and they’re basically built to elicit an emotional response from the public to support an effort to restrict abortion and gain support to make that happen,” said Frederique Chabot, executive director of Action Canada for Sexual Health and Rights.

“They are presenting bits of the conversation. We don’t know what they have presented to those health-care providers.”

Golob said the videos were edited to focus on “the pieces where they were specifically talking about late-term and third-trimester abortions.”

Later this month, at their annual general meeting in Edmonton, members of Alberta’s United Conservative Party will be voting on a resolution to stop public funding for third-trimester abortions “except in the case where the physical health of the mother is at serious risk.”

 Images taken by Alissa Golob that she says show what she looked like when she visited clinics in Montreal, Vancouver and Toronto in 2023 to request an abortion. COURTESY OF ALISSA GOLOB

The timing of the hidden camera videos “is not super mysterious … they are targeting health-care providers who offer specialized care to people who are vulnerable,” Chabot said.

“Who and how does it happen that people need that care?” Chabot said. “It’s not someone who wakes up randomly and frivolously and says, ‘You know what? I’ve changed my mind. I don’t want this pregnancy.’ Usually, there’s some pretty good complex, either medical or psychosocial reasons, that make some people, in rare cases, need that care.”

Those can include barriers to care that made it more difficult for a woman to access an abortion earlier. “Or it can be someone who’s in an abusive relationship and doesn’t manage to go to early appointments because of power and control in their own relationship,” Chabot said.

“Maybe it’s because they are facing a mental health crisis … because of economic situations, or homelessness or drug addiction.”

“The question becomes, do we punish them or do we help them?”

“In Canada, we have nothing that criminalizes abortion care at any point in the pregnancy,” Chabot said. “There is no criminal law that says, ‘At this random time, this is when abortion will not be provided.’”

The Post was not able to independently verify where the videos were filmed and who is speaking in them. The Toronto and Montreal clinics did not respond to requests for comment. The Vancouver clinic said it was reviewing a request for comment but did not respond by publication deadline.

“Our position is clear: the government considers abortion to be a health issue and has no intention of introducing limits or conditions regarding access to it,” Caroline Proulx, Quebec’s minister for seniors and status of women told CBC/Radio-Canada in a French statement after the Montreal video was published.

Pritchard, of Abortion Care Canada, said Bennett wasn’t necessarily wrong when she made her remarks in 2013. “I think that one of the important things to remember is that abortion care is evolving all the time, and slowly (there are) more people who can provide later care, and are being trained and able to offer that care, so this is a shifting and moving conversation.”

Federal officials appear to have backed away from Bennett’s never-without-a-medical reason assertion. The government’s website states that late-term abortions “

usually occur

” because of medical risks.

“But I also think there’s an important conversation around what we define as ‘risk,’ particularly to the pregnant person,” Chabot said.

With no legal boundaries on abortion in Canada, there are also no legal restrictions on gestational age limits — how far along in the pregnancy is too far. Legally, a woman could have an abortion at any stage of pregnancy. A Leger poll in May 2024 found a majority of Canadians strongly (63 per cent) or somewhat (17 per cent) support a woman’s right to abortion if she so chooses. However, abortions late in pregnancy can be particularly ethically and morally challenging.

In 2023, 101,553 abortions were reported by hospitals and clinics in Canada, according to data compiled by CIHI, the Canadian Institute for Health Information. Just over half were surgical abortions, the others medical abortions using abortion drugs that first became available in 2017 and that can be used up to nine weeks of pregnancy.

Most abortions in Canada occur before 12 weeks of gestational age, which is based on the number of weeks from the first day of a woman’s last normal menstrual period.

The Abortion Rights Coalition of Canada defines a later-term abortion as one that takes place after 20 weeks of pregnancy.

In 2020, of 14,815 induced abortions reported by hospitals outside Quebec that provided information on gestational age, 4.4 per cent (652) were performed after 21 weeks’ gestation, according to CIHI. In 23 per cent of abortions, the gestational age was unknown.

The agency no longer reports gestational age due to “low coverage,” meaning those tables in the past “were derived from a very small proportion of total abortions” and the data may be too small to meet privacy and reporting standards, a CIHI spokesperson said in an email to National Post.

According to a

recent scoping review,

abortion care “is only consistently available in Canada up to 23 weeks and six days” gestation and women who need abortion care beyond 24 weeks’ pregnancy typically have to find it in the U.S. Because the federal government considers abortion a medically necessary service, out-of-country abortion care is covered by most provinces (women are expected to cover travel and accommodation costs).

One study published earlier this year involving interviews with 28 clinicians providing second or third trimester abortions for medical reasons in Canada found that some sites only offered termination for “clearly lethal” fetal malformations. Others had an “open door policy” where termination was offered for any condition “other than social termination.”

“Many participants reported that options for termination were not offered to patients when not medically indicated (i.e. ‘social terminations’) and that the provision of this care was a ‘completely different’ process or pathway from the participants’ services,” t

he researchers wrote.

With most second, and almost all third trimester (28 weeks or more) abortions, a drug is injected under ultrasound to stop the fetal heart and reduce the risk of a live birth. Later-term abortions are performed via instruments — dilation and evacuation — or induced labour. Medication is used to soften and dilate a woman’s cervix beforehand. With induced labour, women are also given a drug to induce contractions. They experience labour the same way they would if they were delivering a live baby.

Golob has worked in the anti-abortion movement for 15 years. “I knew the line that (late-term abortions) were only done for serious medical situations wasn’t true, but it’s really impossible to prove that. You can try to say that’s not the case, but it’s better if it comes out of the horse’s mouth, which is kind of what I wanted to do.”

At the Toronto clinic, “I specifically asked if I needed to prove that I was at risk and (the abortion provider) said, ‘No, absolutely not.’ It obviously seemed like I wasn’t the first woman to come in and ask about that,” Golob said.

“I think it’s kind of hard to stick to your talking points when the abortionists are contradicting them in the videos.”

A 2020 DART & Maru/Blue poll conducted for National Post found seven in 10 Canadians say abortion should be generally illegal in the last three months of pregnancy, from 28 weeks on.

Pritchard said access to abortion later in pregnancy is “a pretty complex issue and not one that can be explained in a soundbite” or a “snapshot moment in one individual’s circumstances.

“That’s not the dominant narrative, that’s not what most abortion care looks like.”

While abortions beyond the first 12 weeks are much less common, and most abortions happen in the first trimester, “absolutely there are abortions that happen beyond the first trimester,” Pritchard said.

Most abortions that happen later in pregnancy are shown through research to be based on several common factors, Pritchard added, including a woman not being able to find an abortion provider, a diagnosis of a fetal or maternal health complication and experiences of marginalization “that can make access to care difficult.”

But does there have to be a fetal or maternal health risk? “No,” Pritchard said.

Studies suggest young, single women with lower education levels and those who already have children are more likely to seek late-term abortions than older, married women who have never given birth.

The videos include disturbing discussions concerning the three to five per cent risk of the woman aborting at home. The cervical preparation can increase the risk before the scheduled procedure. “It’s rarely dangerous but it is horrible in terms of the experience,” Golob was allegedly told. “We try to avoid it of course as much as we can.”

Pritchard said “sharing some of what a complication might look like, and making sure people are aware of that — that is simply good health care.

“You should, as a client, receive information about the risks and concerns and what might happen and what it might look like so that you can make an informed decision. But it’s framed as not good health care, and I think this is really trying to create a moment where we are suggesting that the providers are not being responsible and that is simply not the case.”

While Pritchard said it’s “not particularly easy” to access late-term abortions, hospital-based providers provide “up to around 26 weeks across the country. That’s a more common number. Whether or not providers do at points provide beyond that, there are often very individual circumstances and decisions that are made by entire health-care teams.”

According to the

American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists and the Society for Maternal-Fetal Medicine,

deliveries at 24 weeks’ gestation have a 42 to 59 per cent survival rate. Deliveries at 25 weeks have a 67 to 76 per cent survival rate.

Deliveries before 23 weeks have a five to six per cent survival rate. The risk of serious health conditions is “universal” among the rare survivors.

Golob said she was struck by “how nonchalantly and almost cavalierly they were talking about referring me” for a possible third-trimester abortion.

“I made up softball excuses that were entirely vague” as to why she was considering a late-term abortion, she said. “That was always my goal, to say I was on the fence to see how late they would offer me the abortion.”

She added: “I think the more information we have about this subject, and that we’re not deceived by claims that have flagrant disinformation in them, like the fact that (late-term abortions) don’t happen unless it’s medically necessary…. Is important to the conversation.”

According to the video of what appears to be a Toronto clinic, Golob was advised not to proceed if she was uncertain. “A lot of people … they think, ‘I’ll just get it over with’ and then they’ll be done and that means my brain will just accept it and it’ll shut off all of these doubts and all of these thoughts,’” a doctor allegedly said.

“That’s not what happens when you’re not ready … that’s what happens when we know, ‘I had to do this, I had to do this.’”

The apparent doctor said the referring hospital would also be uncomfortable. “If it’s kind of a coin toss whether this should happen or not, they’re also going to encourage you to wait longer,” she said. She added that the hospital “has the ability to take the fetus out and to complete the abortion well beyond 24 weeks.

“They just do it a little bit differently in that case.”

National Post

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Rescue workers clear the rubble of a residential building which was heavily damaged by a Russian strike on Ternopil, Ukraine, Friday, Nov. 21, 2025.

A draft deal that might end Russia’s war on Ukraine won some tentative Canadian support on Friday.

“We have to talk to each other, and we’re supportive of productive dialogue that might lead to a negotiated outcome that might end the war,” Defence Minister David McGuinty told reporters at the Halifax International Security Forum.

There are a thousand Russians, and hundreds of Ukrainians dying every day in the conflict, McGuinty said.

“Canada is always looking to support progress,” he said.

If U.S. efforts lead “to a negotiated outcome that ends the war, we’re supportive,” McGuinty said, noting he’s not privy to the negotiations.

“But we remain hopeful, eternally hopeful, that we can bring this to an end. First a ceasefire and then an end to the war.”

Meanwhile, Europe is “preparing to defend against potential incursions or malfeasance from Russia,” McGuinty said.

He noted that as Canada boosts its military budget to 3.5 per cent of gross domestic product, “there’s a level of preparedness, of sophistication, of arming, which will be much more powerful than it has been in years gone by.”

The White House proposal to end the war reportedly includes the surrender of Ukrainian territory and places limits on the country’s military. Drafted without the involvement of Ukraine or Europe, it would prohibit Ukraine from joining NATO, cap the size of the nation’s military and bar the presence of NATO troops in the war-ravaged country.

“They are starting points for negotiation,” General Jennie Carignan, chief of Canada’s defence staff, said Friday in an interview.

“Who knows how that’s going to turn out?”

One thing is certain, Carignan said. “There will be a need for rebuilding the Ukrainian forces and their institutions and their capacity to defend themselves. That’s absolutely clear.”

She’s hoping the draft deal “is going to provide for some stability and mostly for the conflict to pause to allow for reconstruction and, frankly, the Ukranians absolutely need that,” Carignan said.

But it “has to be an acceptable deal, for sure,” she said.

“Of course we are following closely how the situation evolves.”

The Canadian Forces is “developing various military options for the government to consider and the situation has been constantly changing and evolving in Ukraine,” she said.

“We are working with the coalition of the willing, with my counterparts as well, to come up with various solutions — who would do what in what type of context,” Carignan said.

Whether Canada provides soldiers to keep the peace in Ukraine “is all dependent on what kind of ceasefire” might be achieved, she said.

“There’s a spectrum in stopping a conflict,” Carignan said, ranging from a “shaky ceasefire” on one end to a “full peace treaty, which is very stable,” on the other.

No matter the scenario in this case, Ukraine is going to need training for its military and help with “building their democratic institutions,” she said, “which means, as well, a strong defence. This would be the common thread regardless of what kind of ceasefire or peace scenario that can be anticipated for Ukraine.”

Canada’s military is looking at options around what kind of force they could dedicate to Ukraine, she said.

“Currently I already have significant contribution to Ukraine. We can go up to 600 members,” Carignan said, noting she can’t discuss their whereabouts for operational security reasons.

“What we want to do is have scalable options that dial up or down depending on the demand.”

 Defence Minister David McGuinty and Gen. Jennie Carignan, Chief of the Defence Staff.

Canada has been helping Ukraine’s military since 2014, Carignan said. “We’ve got a long history of collaboration already. So, I already have a significant commitment. And then there’s ways to rearrange current forces serving in Europe via the NATO stream. Although one thing is very clear — we’re not going to modify our posture in Latvia. This is a firm commitment.”

Latvia is currently home to this country’s largest overseas military deployment. About 2,400 Canadian Armed Forces personnel are participating in Operation Reassurance, which is focused on contributing to NATO’s deterrence and defence effort in Central and Eastern Europe. That includes leading a 14-nation multinational battle group in Latvia, contributing naval assets to NATO’s maritime groups, and providing air support and training.

On top of that, Carignan pointed to Operation Unifier, which has trained over 47,000 members of the Security Forces of Ukraine since 2015, following Russia’s annexation of Crimea. That was modified in 2022 due to Russia’s full-scale invasion; it has since trained about 13,000 Ukrainian soldiers in various locations across Europe.

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Air Canada is reviewing a complaint about a flight attendant wearing a Palestinian -coloured pin during a recent flight between Toronto and Atlanta.

Air Canada is reviewing a complaint from a Toronto Jewish man about a flight attendant wearing a political pin on her uniform.

The pin was shaped like Israel but illustrated with Palestinian colours and had an image of the Al-Aqsa Mosque (in Jerusalem’s Old City) in the centre.

“We are reviewing this matter. We will address it directly with the employee involved, as appropriate,” Air Canada’s manager of corporate communications, Peter Fitzpatrick, told National Post in an email.

The passenger,

author

and businessman Israel Ellis,

told National Post in an email this week that there

“is no place for political statements of any kind on a public airline, especially that which identifies clearly with a polarized issue used as a guise for antisemitism.”

This kind of incident “normalize(s) calls for the erasure of the Jewish people,” he said. “A pin depicting Palestine in the stead of Israel is a clear call for genocide.”

National Post shared Ellis’s concerns with Air Canada, requesting comment.

“We have a policy for uniform staff that covers which pins and symbols are permissible,” said Fitzpatrick. “There is a finite list of pins that are accepted, none of them political, as I think you mean it. Instead think of something like a poppy.”

Ellis says the incident unfolded during an Air Canada flight to Atlanta last week, with a headscarf-wearing flight attendant who wore the pin underneath her airline pin.

“I felt her disdain as she shouted at me with a grimace, seeing me and my wife’s Star of David necklaces,” he says.

He shared phone-photos of the flight attendant’s pin with National Post.

After the incident, Ellis wrote to Air Canada to complain but has not yet received a response. Meanwhile, he posted his experience on

Instagram

, receiving almost 3,000 responses and 1,400 comments.

Ellis says he felt “harassed, threatened, and unsafe in a situation … that should be providing comfort and security regardless of my identity,” adding that “seeing this supported by Air Canada is unnerving and I suppose another consequence of a country that has betrayed its Jewish constituents.”

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A police car in seen in Port Moody, B.C.

Warning: This story contains disturbing details

A 35-year-old Hong Kong man has been

sentenced to seven years

in prison after a home invasion in which a gang of attackers traumatized a B.C. family with beatings, waterboarding and sexual assault while stealing some $2.2 million from their crypto accounts.

Tsz Wing Boaz Chan was sentenced by a B.C. provincial court judge on Nov. 14,

according to court filings

, which also found that he came to Canada specifically to participate in the attack. The family’s identities are protected by a publication ban.

Court papers reveal that on the evening of April 27, 2024, the family answered a knock at the front door of their house, revealing two men dressed in Canada Post uniforms and wearing face masks. They said they had a package that required a signature.

When the family’s daughter, a student, went to get her father, the men entered the house and were followed by two more, all wearing gloves and masks. They spoke in Mandarin, Cantonese and English and referred to each other only by numbers, one to four.

The intruders restrained the family members, pushing their heads down and binding their wrists with zip ties. They then took the family’s cellphones and laptops and demanded passwords, threatening to cut or kill them if they were not provided. One had a firearm or imitation firearm.

The home invasion lasted 13 hours.

At one point the invaders forced the daughter to strip naked, and to pose and speak for a video they said would be released if the family went to police. Among other things, she was told to look at the camera while saying: “I want you to f— me.”

The father was kept blindfolded throughout the attack except when his face was used to unlock his cellphone. He and his wife were both waterboarded by their attackers, a form of torture in which water is poured over a wet cloth covering the mouth, creating the sensation of drowning. The father was also stripped naked and beaten repeatedly.

Threatened with having his genitals cut off, the father gave the men access to his and his wife’s cryptocurrency accounts. Over the course of the evening, they made multiple withdrawals from both accounts totalling US$1.6 million (roughly $2.2 million Canadian), effectively draining the accounts.

The ordeal finally ended when the daughter, believing the attackers had left, escaped and called police from a friend’s house. The police arrived at about 8:30 a.m. and found the father naked from the waist down, his hands zip tied behind his back, while his wife was found bound, gagged and wrapped in a blanket.

A search of the home uncovered zip ties, surveillance cameras, knives, collapsible batons, duct tape, bear spray, bleach and other items. Police also found three cameras outside facing the home, and a power source for them hidden in the bushes.

Victim statements filed by the father and daughter describe “the profound impact these events have had on each of them and their family,” court records show.

The daughter is “tormented by images and dreams of the incident (and) has lost a sense of safety and views strangers with suspicion … and carries a weapon with her for protection.”

She also limits the time spent at home because of the memories of the attack. “What was once a place of comfort has become a place of distress for her.”

The father believed he was going to die that night. “But more significant was the fact that he had to hear his wife and daughter being assaulted and degraded while next to him. Despite his daughter’s assurance to him that she was not ‘fully raped,’ he believes that she was.”

He has also been tormented by flashbacks, anxiety, shame and guilt since the incident, records show. “His sense of security has been shattered” and “the taking of nude videos of his daughter will be a lifelong scar for all of them.”

Records show that Chan entered Canada on April 5 last year and left the country on May 1, bound for Hong Kong. On July 25, police learned he was returning to Vancouver, where he was arrested. He has been in custody since.

Records show that in early 2024, an acquaintance had approached him “and proposed an opportunity for him to earn some money in Canada” and offered the equivalent of six months of his family’s mortgage payments. Chan told the court he was “blinded” by the sum and agreed to participate. He did not have a prior criminal record.

Chan pleaded guilty to break and enter, unlawful confinement and sexual assault. He said he was not directly involved in the transfer of cryptocurrency and did not directly receive any of it.

He did receive HK$280,000, worth about $50,000 Canadian, an amount Judge R. McQuillan ordered him to pay as restitution to the family. The judge also noted that the jail sentence “must send a message that coming to Canada to commit such a heinous offence will not be tolerated and must be deterred.”

Police say the other three attackers remain at large, and the investigation is ongoing.

“Major Crime Detectives worked tirelessly to bring this matter before the courts,” said Const. Sam Zacharias of the Port Moody Police Department. “Mr. Chan did not operate alone and the matter remains active as investigators still work to identify other suspects.”

Police in B.C. have

previously noted

an increase in home invasions of this type. “The suspects appear to know the victims are heavily invested in cryptocurrency, know where they live, and are robbing them in their own homes,” said Staff Sgt. Jill Long of Delta Police in a 2023 briefing.

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U.S. Vice President JD Vance participates in a fireside chat with Breitbart Washington Bureau Chief Matt Boyle at the Andrew W. Mellon Auditorium on November 20, 2025 in Washington, DC.

JD Vance has weighed in on Canadian politics, calling out the country for its “immigration insanity.”

The comments by the U.S. Vice President came in response to

a post on X about Canada’s declining living standards

. The original post featured a graph created by IceCap Asset Management that showed the change in GDP per person for the U.K., the U.S. and Canada.

“While I’m sure the causes are complicated, no nation has leaned more into ‘diversity is our strength, we don’t need a melting pot we have a salad bowl’ immigration insanity than Canada,” 

Vance said on X

.

“It has the highest foreign-born share of the population in the entire G7 and its living standards have stagnated,” he continued.

In Canada, “

almost one in four people in Canada (23 per cent) are immigrants

— the largest percentage in Canada in 150 years and the highest among G7 countries,” according to the 2021 census.

“In the same way that immigration has created the Canada we all enjoy today, immigration is central to our future,” the federal government says on a webpage about immigration.

The Trump administration has taken a different approach, as laid out by the American president’s policy

Protecting the American People Against Invasion

. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officers have been ramping up efforts in an “unprecedented” way, a former acting ICE director

John Sandweg told POLITICO Magazine

.

Just last week, the

Department of Homeland Security said

hundreds of thousands of illegal aliens have been deported and “over 2 million more have self-deported” due to “aggressive enforcement, streamlined deportation protocols, and the restoration of real border security.” The U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services has also “restored

robust screening

and vetting capabilities” in order to obtain a visa.

In a follow-up X post, Vance continued: “And with all due respect to my Canadian friends, whose politics focus obsessively on the United States: your stagnating living standards have nothing to do with Donald Trump or whatever bogeyman the CBC tells you to blame.”

“The fault lies with your leadership, elected by you,” he said.

The two neighbouring countries have been at odds since U.S. President Donald Trump imposed tariffs on Canadian imports and referred to Canada as the 51st state. Trade talks were briefly stalled after

the Ontario government ran an anti-tariff advertisement

. The heated rhetoric has cooled in recent months; however, the

relationship between Trump and Prime Minister Mark Carney

has remained rocky.

Leader of the Conservative Party Pierre Poilievre shared the same graph about Canada’s declining living standards in a post on social media a few days before Vance.

“Mark Carney is importing to Canada the same financial disaster that he caused in the U.K. as Bank Governor there. Wherever he shows up, inflation goes up, paycheques shrink, housing costs balloon, and living standards collapse,” he wrote.

“That’s the cost of Carney.”

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Liberal Party of Canada Leader Mark Carney speaks to Prime Minister Justin Trudeau after Carney was announced as the winner of the party leadership at the announcement event in Ottawa, Sunday, March 9, 2025.

OTTAWA — Mark Carney has inherited Justin Trudeau’s nightmare.

In his decade as prime minister, one of the policy decisions that haunted Trudeau was the unavoidable question about whether to allow Chinese electric vehicles (EVs) into the Canadian market.

It was Trudeau’s nightmare, bequeathed to Carney pretty much in tact, because it forced him to choose between two clusters of powerful, competing political forces, both of which he was accustomed to going to bat for.

On one side of the ledger were the formidable forces in favour of allowing the increasingly well-regarded Chinese vehicles allowed into the Canadian market: consumers, the environment, farmers, fishermen and anybody else who exports to China, voters on the West and East Coasts and in farming regions and Canada’s relationship with China.

On the other side, in favour of using hefty tariffs or other measures to keep Chinese EVs out of the Canadian market: big auto, Canadian autoworkers, Southern Ontario voters and Canada’s relationship with the United States.

After much consternation, delayed on more than one occasion, the former prime minister’s government sided just over a year ago with keeping the Chinese vehicles out. Echoing the response from then U.S. President Joe Biden, Ottawa slapped 100 per cent tariffs on Chinese EVs, essentially pricing them out of the market, and 25 per cent tariffs on Chinese steel and aluminum.

To almost no one’s surprise, China retaliated with tariffs on some key Canadian exports: canola oil, canola meal, peas, seafood and pork.

Despite the powerful forces on both sides of the political tug-of-war, however, trade officials and government sources agree that Ottawa’s decision to tariff the Chinese EVs wasn’t that complicated. Canada simply couldn’t act against the U.S. and an industry as large and lucrative as the auto sector. There were also serious concerns, as with many things relating to China, about security. Electoral politics were of course also a key part of the equation.

“A year ago, I think it was an easy decision,” said Tyler Meredith, a senior policy advisor in the Trudeau government.

 Between two superpowers

Fast forward more than a year, however, and a rematch between those two armies of political forces is looming.

Carney has since replaced Trudeau, but the threat of Chinese EVs continues to haunt a Liberal prime minister.

The equation is similar to a year earlier, with one significant component change: Donald Trump has returned to power in the United States. From Canada’s perspective, that’s made pretty much everything worse. And more complicated.

Tim Sargent, head of domestic policy at the Macdonald-Laurier Institute think tank and a former deputy minister of international trade, said the quandary is that Canada is unlikely to regain full access to the Chinese market without allowing at least some Chinese EVs into Canada. But doing so, Sargent said, would likely upset the U.S. and threaten those talks at a time when Canada’s top priority is of course to regain full access to the American market.

“I don’t think we can do it right now,” Sargent says of a trade deal with China.

 Prime Minister Justin Trudeau holds a tool along an assembly line at an event announcing plans for a Honda electric vehicle battery plant in Alliston, Ont. on Thursday, April 25, 2024.

 A trade reset

Trump’s return to the White House then is preventing Canada from renewing critical trade relationships with both of the world’s superpowers, who are also the top two markets for Canadian exports. According to 2024 data, 75.9 per cent of Canadian merchandise exports go to the U.S., and about 4.1 per cent bound for China.

The U.S. president’s trade policies have also forced a reset, among many things on the international landscape, on the Canadian auto industry.

His controversial and punishing tariffs on Canadian vehicles — along with key vehicle inputs steel and aluminum — has placed much of the industry in peril without any help from Chinese EVs.

The fallout has already started.

At least two major manufacturers, General Motors and Stellantis, which owns the Jeep, Ram and Chrysler brands, have already said that they plan to move some production to the U.S., from Canada and Mexico. That has left the industry in peril and placing extra value on the remaining production.

But the Trump tariffs and the early production losses weren’t the only things to wallop the Canadian auto industry in recent years.

 Volt-face

In the fall of 2023, federal and provincial governments — almost always Ontario — started a flurry of subsidy agreements that were to trigger massive investments in the EV and EV battery industries. It looked like those deals, while expensive and not without risk, might create a significant beachhead for the future of Canadian auto.

“Canada has positioned itself to be a leader in the EV industry,” said Trudeau last August at a Goodyear plant in Napanee, Ont., as the tiremaker was getting government money to grow its facilities and expand into the tire market for EV vehicles. “And we will continue to be because those are where the jobs are going to be, not just a couple of years from now, but a decade from now, a generation from now.”

EVs, it was widely agreed, looked like the future of auto and Canada was well-positioned to benefit. The hefty subsidies supplemented Canada’s solid auto industry lure of skilled workers, reasonable energy costs, weakened currency, public health care and, perhaps most of all, guaranteed tariff-free access and proximity to the U.S. market.

At least that’s how it looked.

Until it didn’t.

The bet by Canada, Ontario, much of the auto and EV industries, and many other jurisdictions was based on a single critical calculation: that EVs were the future.

While that may still be true, analysts say that it’s also fair to now question how much consumers have bought into that vision.

Even before Trump returned to power and centred his energy policy on the mantra “drill baby drill,” the EV industry’s cost equation was under threat. Emissions standards on gas-powered vehicles were weakened; some EV subsidies were lowered or simply expired; and then, not surprisingly, consumer demand stalled.

The industry had also failed to quell consumer concerns about EVs’ range, availability of charging networks, and higher sticker prices. Sargent said there should also be long-term concerns about whether electricity grids can handle dramatic increases to the size of the EV fleet.

The industry is clearly hemorrhaging. In 2024, zero-emission vehicles, a category that includes battery-electric vehicles and plug-in hybrids, accounted for about 15 per cent of all new car sales in Canada. In the second quarter of this year, that same category accounted for just 8.6 per cent of all sales.

But the industry seemed to see the tumble coming.

As 2024’s calendar pages were flipped, those factors combined to make EV companies question consumer demand and their own expansion plans. An increasing number of the massive EV and EV battery investments were either cancelled, delayed or at least in question.

In Canada, Northvolt Batteries, Volkswagen, Umicore Rechargeable Battery Materials Canada, Honda Canada, and Stellantis were among those forced to reassess their production plans.

But the market reset wasn’t just a Canadian problem. EV investments in the U.S., mostly in the bedrock auto industry regions of the midwest and the southeast, were suffering a similar fate.

The losses from those stalled investment plans extend far beyond the auto sector. They’ve also meant foregone losses in jobs, sales for supplier companies, customers for restaurants, accountants and other small businesses, investments in housing and schools, and tax revenue. About a year after the sector’s pullback, it’s unclear how many of the delayed production plans throughout North America will be revived at some point down the road.

“The future is still electric,” said Brian Kingston, chief executive of the Canadian Vehicle Manufacturers’ Association. “What’s changed is the pace.”

 A thaw in relations

While many EV production plans may be on hold, that doesn’t mean the same is true for Carney’s dilemma.

In fact, the pressure to land a deal with China — even if it’s second in line behind the U.S. — may be greater now than it was under Trudeau. The U.S. market is no longer fully open, despite the continental free trade deal that Trump signed in his first term, and the Canadian economy is slowing.

Carney met late last month with Chinese President Xi Jinping on the sidelines of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit in South Korea, the first time that leaders from the two countries had met in eight years.

While there were no concrete deals from the almost 40-minute meeting, Carney said later that he believed the two countries had reached a “turning point” in trying to advance the relationship. Xi said the relationship “achieved a recovery and positive development.”

With Carney also accepting Xi’s invitation to meet again in China at an undetermined time, there seems to be interest on both sides to iron out the wrinkles in the Canada-China relationship.

But it’s not just about trade friction, says Meredith, the former Trudeau advisor. “There’s a level of distrust on both sides.”

There may be trade friction with both the U.S. and China, but Canada’s auto industry is clear on where its loyalty lies.

Kingston said the Chinese economic model is to use massive subsidies to make low-cost goods, then dump those products on foreign markets, leaving those markets without a domestic industry and dependent on China.

A recent report by TD Economics expressed a similar view, saying that Beijing’s $230-billion in subsidies to its automakers has caused overcapacity that have given Chinese producers an unfair advantage. But the report also suggested that Ottawa’s tariffs mean that Canada has missed the chance to gain expertise from China’s advanced battery technology and diversify domestic EV supply chains.

Michael Kovrig, a Canadian geopolitical advisor and former diplomat who was arrested by Chinese authorities in December, 2018 in what was seen as a politically motivated move,

told National Post that the Chinese economic model

involves providing artificial incentives that lead to intentional overproduction in key sectors such as EVs, and then low-cost exports.

“China’s view of trade is China exports lots,” said Kovrig, who spent 1,019 days imprisoned in China, “and everybody else opens their markets and absorbs it and China imports very little. Basically it wants to turn countries like Canada into suppliers of commodities and energy.

“It’s hard to stay an advanced industrial economy when you don’t have any industry left.”

Kovrig, one of the so-called “two Michaels” who was arrested in Beijing following the detention in Vancouver of Chinese national and Huawei executive Meng Wanzhou, said the security concerns about Chinese vehicles should not to be dismissed.

Although stopping short of a full ban, the U.S. ruled last year to prohibit the import or sale of vehicles from, or connected to, China or Russia that include either autonomous driving software or connectivity systems such as Bluetooth, Wi-Fi or cellular technology.

The restrictions, based on similar concerns as to those about Chinese-made telecom devices, kick in in 2027 for the auto software and three years later for the hardware.

Chinese state media have criticized these moves, calling them protectionist and unfair.

For Kingston, head of the Canadian Vehicle Manufacturers’ Association, Canada shouldn’t even consider veering from the U.S. policy in allowing Chinese EVs into the domestic market, Kingston said. “In the current environment, it can’t even be contemplated.”

 Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney, left, meets Chinese President Xi Jinping at the start of a meeting in Gyeongju on Friday, Oct. 31, 2025.

A pivot point (if you want it)

In 2018, the Canada-China relationship turned frosty when Canadian authorities arrested Meng, the Huawei exec, but the election in April and the subsequent switch to Carney from Trudeau offered a chance to reset the relationship.

And the Trump tariffs, along with a sluggish economy and high unemployment in auto-centric southern Ontario, have put extra pressure on Ottawa to enhance trade beyond the U.S.

The problem in this case is that Canada doesn’t have too many cards to play, says Sargent, the former deputy minister of international trade.

While Carney has cautioned to keep expectations low, China has been surprisingly clear in what it wants from the new Liberal prime minister: If Canada wants to put its lobsters and peas on dinner plates in Guangzhou and Chengdu, it had better get used to the idea of Chinese-made EVs being part of the 401 gridlock.

Analysts say a deal with China could see Canada cut its 100 per cent tariffs, perhaps in half, and include an annual quota on Chinese EVs. Possible assembly of some Chinese vehicles in this country could also be part of the negotiations.

Many Canadians would take that deal, or at least one shaped around those two primary elements: agriculture for auto. The suggestion has been received enthusiastically by western premiers, Manitoba’s Wab Kinew, Saskatchewan’s Scott Moe and Alberta’s Danielle Smith, who argue the West is suffering disproportionately from the two-front tariff war. And many Canadian consumers would like the option to buy a lower-priced Chinese EV.

While there are concerns about Chinese automakers doing business elsewhere, a number of them are already manufacturing outside their home country and have taken great strides in doing business with some of the industry’s most recognizable foreign players.

BYD, for example, has built an assembly plant in Rayong, Thailand and announced plans to build plants in Hungary, Brazil, Turkey, Uzbekistan and Mexico. It also builds buses in Brazil, Hungary, the U.S. (Lancaster, Calif.) and in Canada (Newmarket, Ont.).

Geely, another major Chinese automaker, has plants in Egypt and Indonesia. Its holding group also owns Volvo, which manufacturers in Sweden and Belgium.

Great Wall Motor (GWM) has plants in Brazil and Thailand; SAIC Motor, which has a joint venture with the German giant Volkswagen, has assembly plants in Thailand, Indonesia and Malaysia. There have also been reports that Chery Automobile plans to build a factory in Argentina.

For top Chinese officials, the EV industry is clearly one they’d like to dominate, after seeing what successful auto industries did for economic development in Japan, and then South Korea. That ambition has played a large role in China’s efforts to control as many of the world’s critical minerals as possible. Chinese industry now specializes in cheaper lithium iron phosphate (LFP) batteries, rather than the more expensive nickel, manganese and cobalt-based batteries (NMC) that are more common in North America. That’s helped China produce EVs more cheaply than comparable internal combustion engine vehicles, in contrast to the 26 per cent EV price premium in the U.S. market.

While Carney may be caught between a rock and a hard place in the two trade wars with superpowers, he may have a pivot point.

When it decided to impose the tariffs on Chinese EVs a year ago, the decision included an automatic review after one year. As he shuffles back and forth between Washington and Beijing in search of market access in the land of superpowers, Carney will no doubt try to use that review and anything else he can muster as leverage, perhaps against both China and the U.S., or even play one against the other.

His hand may not be strong, but folding isn’t an option.

Like Carney, Trudeau had to make a decision on Chinese EVs. And that need to choose between two sets of powerful interests may have been his policy hell, one of the most gruelling files to cross his desk in almost a decade in office.

For Carney, however, the equation, while similar in most of its elements, is more complicated and treacherous because the U.S. tariffs mean that Canada is now embroiled in trade wars with both superpowers.

Settling up with the U.S., due to the risk of a deal with China upsetting the unpredictable U.S. president, must come first. That means the tariff-loving Trump is effectively blocking Canada from resolving either dispute.

And that, even if it was only partially inherited from his predecessor, is surely Carney’s nightmare.

National Post

Link to Michael Kovrig interview

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