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A Lockheed Martin F-35 II is displayed at Al-Maktoum International Airport during the Dubai Airshow 2025 in Dubai on November 20, 2025.

WASHINGTON, D.C. — It’s a high-flying tale of carrots, sticks and political flip-flops.

American leaders have been urging Canada to boost its military spending and NATO contributions since the alliance’s founding, back in 1949. Some, like former U.S. president Barack Obama, have been polite about it, encouraging Ottawa that “the world needs more Canada,” while others, especially U.S. President Donald Trump, have been more blunt, referring to Canadians as “freeloaders” who are “delinquent” on military contributions.

In other words, there has long been a bipartisan U.S. view on Canadian defence spending needs, and Ottawa has been pushed with both carrots and sticks to spend more.

So U.S. defence officials supported Canada’s 2022 selection of the F-35, with the intent of buying 88 U.S.-made jets, but political back-and-forths, reviews, and debates have meant that only 16 have been ordered to date. Earlier this year, amid Trump’s trade war and “51st state” rhetoric, and citing over-reliance on U.S. defence, Prime Minister Mark Carney ordered a review to inform his upcoming decision on the remaining 72 jet purchases.

As the Liberal government review winds down amid escalating trade tensions — including a warning from Ambassador Pete Hoekstra that a trade deal would be off without the F-35 buy — a debate has reignited, pitting Lockheed Martin’s stealth fighter jet against Saab’s Gripen.

Leaked 2021 Department of National Defence data show the F-35 beat the Gripen, 95 to 33 per cent in an evaluation of their stealth and sensor fusion capabilities. But those who support the Gripen point to Arctic advantages, such as shorter take-offs and a job-creation pledge from Saab, while some military experts have cautioned that it could be a logistical nightmare.

Defence experts urge Canadian leaders to see the fighter jet purchase as a strategic choice, one that prioritizes military effectiveness and operational independence, over political reactions to U.S. pressure.

Stealth vs. jobs

Industry Minister Mélanie Joly has said she would like to see more economic benefit from the F-35 and has described Swedish aerospace company Saab’s offer to create up to 10,000 Canadian jobs if Canada chooses the Gripen as “very interesting.” She would like to see more jobs offered by Lockheed Martin for the F-35.

But, in terms of ministerial support for the F-35, RCAF Deputy Minister Stephanie Beck has stressed the need for fifth-generation stealth capabilities as non-negotiable, which only the F-35 offers.

“Canada could choose a mixed fleet … to accrue more economic benefits,” said Philippe Lagassé, a Carleton University professor and procurement expert, noting how Saab has offered to build the Gripen in Canada.

 An F-35 fighter jet.

But first, he added, Ottawa must “examine whether the Saab proposal is feasible and how much it would cost.”

Joly’s push for the Gripen plays into the anti-Trump sentiment that is popular these days in Canada, and to which many attribute Carney’s election win, according to Richard Shimooka, a senior fellow and defence expert at the Macdonald-Laurier Institute.

But, he said, it ignores the DND 2021 evaluation, in which the F-35 soundly beat the Gripen, and prioritizes politics over military assessments. Siding with the Gripen over Saab’s job promises, he added, is based on a “misunderstanding of aerospace development,” noting that 10,000 jobs is “completely unrealistic” given that the Gripen production today supports only around 4,000-5,000 direct and indirect jobs around the world.

“Part of the issue with the Joint Strike Fighter program,” Shimooka said, “is that you cannot actually get industrial benefits. That’s not how it operates.”

Canada joined the consortium early and competes globally for contracts on every F-35 built, securing some 2,500 direct jobs across more than 30 Canadian firms to date based on a “best value” Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) that allows competitive bidding for industrial work and ensures ongoing involvement, but not fixed quotas.

Chauncey McIntosh, F-35 VP and General Manager at Lockheed Martin, says, “Over 110 Canadian companies have contributed to the F-35 supply chain with $3 million in Canadian components in each jet in the current fleet … That’s before Canada receives its first aircraft.”

McIntosh added that Lockheed Martin expects to produce over C$15.5 billion in industrial value for Canada, with both the current and projected production opportunities, spanning from the 2007 start of the Joint Strike Fighter program through 2058.

The other consideration here is simply scale. There are over 1,200 F-35s in service today versus fewer than 400 Gripens, and the Gripen is older technology that has been online for nearly 20 years longer.

There has been a lot of media speculation over the possibility of Canada opting for a split buy, investing in both the F-35 and Gripen to hedge its bets, limiting its reliance on solely U.S.-built parts, and also embracing more European partnerships.

 The Swedish Saab Gripen E.

“The long-term costs of maintaining a mixed fleet would be much higher than a single fleet,” said Lagasse. “But the government may determine that these costs are worthwhile from a defence industrial perspective.”

Doing so would prolong the wait to be operational, said Shimooka, pointing to the need to set up two production pipelines and spend more money to include an “aircraft that’s less capable.”

Michael O’Hanlon, director of foreign policy research at the Brookings Institution think tank, said that a split buy is “easily the worst idea.”

“Canada doesn’t have a big enough military budget to be trying to please all people by buying six of this type and 12 of the other type,” he said.

Reducing the number of each plane with a split buy would elevate maintenance and training costs.

“Canada is already punching below its weight in terms of defence budget and the size of its air combat capabilities,” O’Hanlon added.

Politics, at what cost?

Trump hasn’t said anything publicly about the decision, but he’s not shy about voicing his frustrations with Canadian choices. He recently halted U.S.-Canada trade talks over a television ad sponsored by Ontario featuring Ronald Reagan talking negatively about tariffs.

“I think the Americans would react pretty negatively,” to Canada choosing something other than the F-35, said Shimooka, noting how so many American policymakers have tried to get Ottawa to acknowledge its lack of spending on defence spending and especially on continental security issues.

“My view is that we have been severely deficient in providing any security,” he added, noting how this has frustrated American politicians from both sides of the aisle for decades. “Then, finally, when we buy the fighter, and we go to Congress and say, ‘Look, we’re serious about our defence,’ … and then we turn around and almost potentially pull the plug on this program? It’s really hard for a lot of even proponents of Canada within the U.S. national security ecosystem to look at us as a reliable partner.”

Shimooka went so far as to suggest that Carney is using the review as a bargaining chip. “I think this is part of an effort to gain leverage over the United States on trade negotiations,” he said, advising against it.

“I don’t think it’s a great bargaining chip when you’ve already promised it. And if you pull the plug, the consequences (could be) even worse.”

Other experts suggest leaving politics out of the equation altogether.

“I think you’d better make your decision based on what you think is right for you. And if you have to disagree with Trump, just tell him why,” O’Hanlon said.

He noted that Canada can’t really go wrong with either plane. But when it comes to the stealth, compared to the Gripen, the F-35 is a “little more modern” and “harder to pick up on radar, which would matter if you were going into a heavily defended area.”

The review of the jet buys was supposed to be completed by the end of summer, but it remains unclear when Carney will make a final decision. The Department of National Defence is staying tight-lipped.

“The review of the F-35 is still ongoing as Canada continues to consider our Defence Industrial Strategy and work to ensure maximum economic benefits for our businesses and workers,” it said via email.

National Post

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Minister of Justice Sean Fraser arrives to a cabinet meeting on Parliament Hill in Ottawa on Tuesday, Nov. 4, 2025.

OTTAWA — The Liberals have agreed to remove religious exemptions from Canada’s hate-speech laws to secure Bloc Québécois support to help pass its bill targeting hate and terror symbols, National Post has learned through a source close to the talks.

Currently, the law exempts hateful or antisemitic speech if it based in good faith on the interpretation of a religious text, but that immunity is set to be removed. Additionally, the Liberals are expected to back off plans to eliminate the need for a provincial attorney general’s sign-off to pursue a hate-propaganda prosecution.

The removal of the religious exemption is expected to come via an amendment to the Criminal Code in the form of Bill C-9 at the parliamentary justice committee that will be supported by both the Liberals and Bloc, a senior government source confirmed.

The source was granted anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss party negotiations publicly.

“We do have Bloc partnership,” the source said. “The bill is in a place now, even with those Bloc amendments, that everyone is happy,” they added in reference to Liberal and Bloc MPs.

Bill C-9, which fulfilled a campaign promise Prime Minister Mark Carney made during the spring election, was his minority government’s first major justice bill

introduced earlier this fall by Justice Minister Sean Fraser

.

It seeks multiple changes to the Criminal Code to confront the issue of hate, with the Liberals citing a rise in police-reported incidents in recent years, particularly in the wake of sustained anti-Israel protests over the last two years.

Chief among the proposed changes is creating a new offence for intimidating someone to the point of blocking their access to a place of worship or another centre used by an identifiable group, as well as criminalizing the act of promoting hate by displaying a hate or terror symbol, such as one tied to a listed terrorist organization or a swastika.

The Opposition Conservatives have lambasted the current effort as censorship, saying

provisions already exist

within criminal law to counter hate, and that the bill’s proposal to remove the requirement for a provincial attorney general’s (AG) consent to lay a hate propaganda charge took away an “important safeguard,” according to the party.

The Liberals are now expected to accept another amendment eliminating that change from the bill entirely. That, too, was a Bloc request.

When the bill was first presented back in September, the Liberals argued that removing the AG requirement would help streamline the process of laying hate propaganda charges, while critics said it was an additional check on a charge with serious implications for free speech.

Once the amendments are passed, the Liberals and Bloc are expected to vote the bill through committee and the House of Commons. However, it is unclear when the justice committee will debate clause-by-clause amendments to the bill.

The House is scheduled to rise on Dec. 12.

The original text of the bill did not contain changes to the existing religious defences for hate speech, but the Bloc has consistently raised the need for it to be addressed.

Currently, Section 319 of the Criminal Code contains an exemption stating no person shall be convicted of promoting hateful or antisemitic speech if they expressed “in good faith” an opinion “based on a belief in a religious text.”

The amendment eliminating the religious exemption defence is expected to reprise a

bill tabled by the Bloc Québécois in November 2023

that proposed to erase it from the Criminal Code. That bill did not advance past first reading.

At the time, the Bloc Québécois argued that its bill was necessary to combat the outpouring of hate speech and antisemitism following the Oct. 7 terrorist attack by Hamas on Israel and the ensuing war. They also pointed to comments by Montreal Imam Adil Charkaoui calling for the extermination of “Zionist aggressors” during a public prayer.

In addition to the Bloc, Jewish and LGBTQ groups have called for years for the Liberal government to remove the religious exemption from hate speech laws, arguing it has allowed for the

proliferation of antisemitic and homophobic comments

.

The Quebec government also called on the Liberals last year to remove the exemption because it was used to “legitimize discriminatory or incendiary comments under the guise of a faith.”

Many Christian organizations and certain civil liberties groups have supported the exemption, arguing that it serves as an important protection of freedom of speech.

In submissions to the justice committee, the Christian Legal Fellowship argued the defences “exist to protect Canadians against imprisonment for good faith expression of sincerely held beliefs.”

“To remove this defence would risk undermining the constitutional integrity of the entire … regime,” it warned.

The amendments were expected to be presented and debated during a Commons justice committee meeting on Thursday last week.

However, a clause-by-clause study of the bill was delayed when Conservatives filibustered the two-hour meeting.

Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre’s office has not yet responded to a request for comment.

In a statement, a spokeswoman for the justice minister did not directly address the question of the amendments, saying it would be “inappropriate” to discuss changes to the bill before they are debated by the committee.

“Communities across Canada have been calling for stronger protections in the face of rising hate, and every Conservative delay means those protections are delayed,” Lola Dandybaeva said.

During a committee appearance back in October, Fraser expressed an openness to endorsing the Bloc’s proposal and welcomed committee members to hear from witnesses on the question of removing the religious defences.

He testified that, should “the majority of members agree to make this change, I see no problem with it.”

Bloc Québécois spokesperson Julien Coulombe-Bonnafous declined to comment.

Richard Moon, a law professor at the University of Windsor who specializes in freedom of expression, predicted the change would not make much of an impact because courts have interpreted hate speech as being speech that takes only the most extreme forms.

“For example, if someone believes that homosexuality is sinful, to describe it as sinful or unnatural or wrong in some way would not, almost certainly not count as hate speech, not be seen as sufficiently extreme in character,” Moon said.

“Now, on the other hand, if somebody says, and could look to the Bible for this, that anybody who participates in same sex intimacy should be put to death, then that would almost certainly count as hate speech.”

He suggested the defences around religious text “could be raised in very exceptional situations.”

Moon nonetheless says those who do not fully grasp the law’s provision against hate speech as applying to the most extreme forms of speech may be cautious about the change.

“I think it’s really important, if this exception is removed, that it be made clear that most, almost all of what religious folks might have to say about other religious groups or about LGBTQ community and so forth, would absolutely not be caught by this provision.

“The lay person’s understanding of what counts as hate speech can be pretty vague and pretty general. As you know, people often will attach the label hate speech to speech they just don’t like, or they consider to be objectionable or offensive in some way.”

National Post

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The anti-Israel encampment set up on the University of Windsor campus in 2024.

A leading Jewish group is continuing its legal battle against the University of Windsor’s boycott of Israel, enacted as part of an agreement with protesters to end anti-Israel encampments on campus last year.

“The agreements are discriminatory and signify a dangerous capitulation to extremists,” Richard Marceau, senior vice-president of the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs (CIJA), said in a statement after the group appealed a court ruling that left intact a provincial decision upholding the agreement.

The

deal with anti-Israel protesters

, who were part of a wave of anti-Israel protests at universities across Canada, included a mandate for the university to develop anti-racism initiatives, divest from investments in organizations involved in Israel’s offensive in Gaza, review academic partnerships with Israeli universities, as well as provide opportunities supporting Palestinian students and scholars.

It was signed by the university and by protesters, who called themselves the “Windsor Liberation Zone Team,” following weeks of negotiation.

On Oct. 29, the Divisional Court dismissed the CIJA’s request for judicial review of the Ontario Ministry of Public and Business Service Delivery’s decision upholding the deal.

“The academic boycott … singles out Israeli universities — and only Israeli universities — for exclusion,” CIJA says in a news release. “This constitutes overt discrimination based on nationality, place of origin, and geographic location.”

CIJA’s argument centred on a key provision stipulating the university “not … pursue any institutional academic agreements with Israeli universities … unless supported by the (University of Windsor) senate.” It contended this could be interpreted as refusing or failing “to employ a person,” contrary to the Ontario Discriminatory Business Practices Act.

The ministry director who reviewed the complaint disagreed.

The agreement with protesters acknowledged that the university does not have any academic partnerships with Israeli institutions. However, it goes on to state that because of “the challenging environment for academic collaboration the University agrees not to pursue any institutional agreements with Israeli universities until the right of Palestinian self-determination has been realized, as determined by the United Nations, unless supported by the (University of Windsor) Senate. This does not prevent individual academics at the University of Windsor from working (or collaborating) with academics in Israel. ”

The court wrote in

its decision

that institutional academic agreements fall “within a core non-business purpose” of the university, and therefore it was “reasonable for the (ministry) director to conclude the university was not a business, nor engaging in business in relation to the provision.”

Further, it wrote “any uncertainty about the impact on professors is expressly addressed (within) the provision itself.”

CIJA has filed a motion to appeal, saying that in the midst of a surge in antisemitism across Ontario’s campuses and public institutions, the court “failed to properly apply the law in a manner that would prevent discrimination.”

Said Marceau: “We continue to urge the University of Windsor to rescind the harmful agreements and take further steps to restore the Jewish campus community’s confidence in the institution.”

Our website is the place for the latest breaking news, exclusive scoops, longreads and provocative commentary. Please bookmark nationalpost.com and sign up for our daily newsletter, Posted, here.


The U.S. and Canada flags flutter next to the Blue Water Bridge border crossing in Point Edward, Ont., on Oct. 24, 2025.

Amid the economic uncertainty of the trade war between the United States and Canada are some silver linings. Companies are choosing to leave the U.S. for a new home north of the border, thanks to changes in trading policies, immigration practices and even energy regulations under the Trump administration.

“Each one has a slightly different context in this larger picture,” Julian Karaguesian, a lecturer at McGill University and an expert on international trade, told National Post. “But they all have the same common theme, that amidst a broader pullback of American companies from Canada, we’re having these small, symbolic victories, which are great at this time when people are hurting.”

Here are a few examples.

Brewing school moves to Montreal from Chicago after 154 years

The

Siebel Institute of Technology

, the oldest beer brewing school in the Americas, is moving to Montreal citing regulatory changes in the United States. Siebel said this month in a

social media post

that it would move to a site near Molson’s original brewery on Jan. 1, 2026.

“The decision follows a comprehensive review of operational costs, industry trends (and) increased student visa challenges to enter the United States,” it said.

This year, the Trump administration made cuts to academic research, reduced the number of visas for foreign students and increased taxes on some elite schools. It revoked Harvard’s ability to enrol foreign students, a move later blocked by a federal judge.

John Hannafan, Siebel’s general manager and director of education, said: “Recent regulatory changes in the U.S. have made it much more challenging for many of our international students, who have become the majority of our student body, to attend classes in person. This relocation of North America classroom operations to Montreal allows us to pivot without sacrificing the student experience.”

Canada has reduced its own student visas over the last two years from record highs. But Karaguesian said it’s a different story in the U.S.

“The idea that you could potentially be rounded up in the street, even temporarily, by an ICE agent, scared a lot of foreign students,” he said. “

It’s not the Canadian way to go and round up people. And we don’t have anywhere near the kind of anti-foreigner message in our country that’s currently the case in the United States.”

 Siebel plans to move near the original Molson brew site in January.

Liqueur maker moves production to Montreal from Minnesota

Phillips Distilling Company, the maker of Sour Puss liquor, recently signed a

five-year deal

to produce its colourful sweet-and-sour beverage in Montreal after several provinces stopped stocking American-made alcohol.

“The vast, vast majority — about 98 per cent — is sold in Canada,” Andy England, the company’s CEO,

told Global News

. “In many ways, we think of it as being a Canadian brand. All the more reason we should produce it in Canada now.” Production began at Montreal’s Station 22 distillery in the city’s east end this month.

“I was totally against retaliatory tariffs,” said Karaguesian, “but the use of procurement policy by provincial liquor boards, taking U.S.-made alcohol off the shelves, in this case it produced a small victory. And also the main market is here.”

 Andy England, CEO of Phillips Distilling Company, with a bottle of Sour Puss flavoured liqueur.

Alberta’s Deep Sky becomes new home for U.S. carbon capture facility

CarbonCapture Inc., which was set to build a

direct air capture facility

in Arizona this year, pivoted when U.S. Energy Secretary Chris Wright terminated billions of dollars in incentives from the Office of Clean Energy Demonstrations. Now it’s up and running in Innisfail, Alberta, in partnership with Canadian company Deep Sky.

Alex Petre,

CEO of Deep Sky

, told National Post that “recent changes in the U.S. and I would say the overall political instability” was behind the move.

She added that Deep Sky does not actively seek out such businesses. But “interest from American companies in Canada has definitely increased tremendously in the past year.”

In September, Trump gave a

speech at the United Nations

in which he called climate change a “con job” and said talk of rising temperatures came from “stupid people.” He added: “The carbon footprint is a hoax made up by people with evil intentions.”

Petre said Washington’s stance on carbon capture “has really been unclear and sometimes unfavourable in this past year. It’s hard to set yourself up to innovate and to deploy new technology if you do not have regulatory stability, as well as line of sight to how to fund such endeavours.”

She added: “On the flip side, Canada has what is probably one of the most supportive regulatory and financial systems currently set up for carbon removal, and specifically for direct air capture.”

 Deep Sky’s direct air capture facility in Innisfail, Alberta.

Is it all a reaction to Trump?

Karaguesian said that, while much can be tied to recent changes in U.S. foreign and domestic policy, the Trump administration isn’t the first to battle Canada on the business front.

“We should remember that during (U.S. President Joe) Biden it was also bad,” he said. “The Inflation Reduction Act put a trillion dollars in tax credits to relocate to the United States. Trump is using tariffs. Biden was using subsidies, and that pulled away investment from Canada. The trend started more than a decade ago. It really started in the aftermath of the financial crisis.”

Will there be others examples like these?

“I don’t want to read too much into what happens afterwards, but it’s almost some kind of omen (of) the future direction of international trade,” Karaguesian said. “I don’t think we’re going back to deep globalization. And I don’t think the Americans are.”

But he looked at Sour Puss as “a microcosm, an example of a company now moving to produce the product close to its market. And maybe that’s a sign of the future.”

He also pointed out that Canada has a lot of untapped wealth. “We’re sitting on, per capita, the largest inheritance in the world in terms of natural mineral wealth and natural resource wealth, and the second largest in absolute terms, after Russia.”

He added: “And we’re perfect trading partners for East Asia. So that gives me hope that … we will be able to offset some of this by diversifying trade. Part of it will be companies moving back to Canada to be close to their markets, or because we have more clean energy credits, or because we’re not rounding up people in the streets.”

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Canadian fashion designer Kirk Pickersgill and philanthropist Suzanne Rogers, after she was presented with the inaugural ROM Immortal Award at Toronto's Park Hyatt on Nov. 4, 2025.

Growing up wearing hand‑me‑downs in the northern Ontario town of Elliot Lake, Suzanne Angelique Kolev could hardly have imagined she’d become one of Canada’s most visible champions of fashion and philanthropy.

“My mom would take me to the bin at the Goodwill with my sister, and we’d pick out the clothes that we liked,” she told National Post. Her first pair of new shoes came at eight years old.

Those were humble days for the family, and a time of struggle. The daughter of Hungarian immigrants, Miklos and Suzanna, Suzanne was just five months old when her father died at age 24 in a mining accident, while her mother ran a daycare to make ends meet.

 Suzanne Rogers, the inaugural recipient of the ROM Immortal Award, on Nov. 4 at the Immortal Gala: The Art of Fashion, which celebrated her contributions to the Canadian fashion industry and the Royal Ontario Museum.

Amid the hardship, fashion gave her a sense of purpose. “It helped me express myself. It helped me just be creative, and establish my own individuality.” A child of the ’80s, she’d visit vintage shops in her family’s new home of St. Thomas, Ont., and, inspired by New Wave music, wore ties with a blazer.

Two decades ago, that instinct for style met a new vision: she undertook a life of philanthropy, with a particular legacy of meaningful support for emerging designers. This month, Rogers was honoured by the Royal Ontario Museum “in recognition of her immeasurable contributions to the art of fashion within Canada and beyond.”

Her philanthropic activism came after her wedding to Edward Rogers, a prominent scion of one of Canada’s wealthiest families who is now the executive chair of Rogers Communications. Instead of gifts at their 2006 wedding, they asked guests to donate to Habitat for Humanity. And with that, two homes were built for families in need.

Shortly afterwards, SickKids hospital invited her to raise funds for a new portable cancer treatment system that allowed teens to receive chemotherapy through a backpack, reducing the time they must spend in hospital.

In the early 2010s, she recognized a lack of support for young Canadian fashion designers aspiring to international success. Intrigued by events such as Toronto Fashion Week, she had followed the advice of Robert Ott, who was then the chair of the school of fashion (2008-2018) at what is now Toronto Metropolitan University, who encouraged her to look deeper, “to see something different.”

Her first time at a school fashion show, she was “impressed” by the calibre of the youthful designers. She asked Ott about what happens next for them, and discovered there was no clear path for graduating fashion students — shrinking bursaries, and no master’s program in Canada.

It was an epiphany for her: “Wow, this is something that I’m interested in.”

 Suzanne Rogers prepares in March 2011 to host a gala at her Toronto home.

Within a few years, she and Edward were putting serious money behind emerging designers.

In 2011, she funded the $25,000 Suzanne Rogers Award for Most Promising New Label at the Toronto Fashion Incubator’s annual gala.

Later, she played a significant role in a monetary award given to promising labels — the Suzanne Rogers Designer Grant for International Development — established as part of the Canadian Arts and Fashion Awards (CAFA), which began in January 2014. (Notable recipients have included Greta Constantine and Sid Neigum.) CAFA became a recognized annual ceremony for celebrating both established and emerging talent in Canadian arts and fashion.

By 2016 came the founding of the Suzanne Rogers Fashion Institute at Toronto Metropolitan. Seeded by a $1-million donation from the Edward and Suzanne Rogers Foundation, the institute bridges the gap between post-secondary education and the global fashion market by providing mentorship, funding and vital professional connections.

“There needs to be some support within the business development for these young entrepreneurs,” Rogers said of budding fashion creators. “(Someone) could be a great chef, but he doesn’t know how to run a restaurant. So designers could be very talented, but they have no idea how to develop a brand, promote a brand, market a brand and sell a brand.”

The program has since become a launch pad for prominent Canadian talent, including Olivia Rubens and Alexandra Armata, and is now regarded as one of the industry’s most effective talent incubators.

“I wanted to make a big difference in Canada for these young artists to thrive, and to get a chance to play more prominently on the world stage. But with anything, to pursue any sort of business or a career in fashion, you need doors open, you need mentorship, and you need money. And that’s really lacking in the Canadian fashion landscapes,” she said. “We could help some great designers do well on the world stage.”

Meanwhile, her “Suzanne Rogers Presents” series of gala fundraisers have brought luminaries such as Oscar de la Renta, Marchesa and Victoria Beckham to Toronto, raising millions for both fashion development and children’s charities — of which many are dear to her.



The Rogers family, from left, Edward Jr., Edward S. Rogers III, Suzanne, Chloé and Jack.

In that realm, she has served in leadership capacities on campaigns for Covenant House and the Boost Child and Youth Advocacy Centre, among others. Through her foundation, more than $4 million has been raised to combat child poverty.

Another organization that resonated with her was Darling Home for Kids in Milton, Ont., a respite for children with challenging medical needs. “The work that they do is just so inspiring and, again, under the radar. And I hope that me being involved with some of these groups gives it a bit more attention.”

A decade after she founded that first $25,000 award, the ecosystem she helped build is mature enough that institutions are now honouring her in turn.

On Nov. 4, she received ROM’s Immortal Award at their inaugural Immortal Gala: The Art of Fashion, which celebrated her contributions to the Canadian fashion industry, and the museum itself — including co-sponsoring the “Auschwitz: Not Long Ago, Not Far Away” exhibit in January 2025.

“I think it’s incredible that museums like this share the history of our past, and give us and our children opportunities to learn more,” Rogers said.

The ROM Foundation’s president and CEO, Janice Price, said the museum holds the country’s largest collection of fashion and textile, dovetailing with Rogers’ focus of philanthropy.

Rogers, she said, “represents authenticity and thoughtfulness in her giving,” meaning she gives to “causes where she can make a difference, and where she can lead by example.”

 Suzanne Rogers with her mother, Suzanna Kolev, with the CT scanner in the Miklos Kolev Digital Imaging Suite at St. Joseph’s Hospital in Elliot Lake, Ont.

Yet even after the glitter of a gala disappears, Rogers keeps one foot firmly planted 500 kilometres north, in the mining town where her father once descended 1,000 metres underground every day, and where a young girl in second-hand shoes learned to express herself.

“Whenever I can make a difference for Elliot Lake, I do,” she said. And she does: sponsoring Christmas dinners for 300 locals, hosting a memorial reception for the mining families, and donating a CT scanner — their first — to St. Joseph’s Hospital, where she was born.

“To me, Elliot Lake’s very close to my heart,” she said. “My father went down every day, 3,000 feet in a cage, to provide for his family. So to me, he’ll always be my hero for doing what he did for my family. So I always knew that to me, whenever I had a chance to be able to, Elliot Lake would be someplace that I would always give back to.”

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Mariah Carey performing songs from her holiday album New in New York City. She continued to reap substantial annual rewards for her hit,

As Christmas nears again, one song can be heard over the airwaves, in department stores and at festive parties

Mariah Carey’s 1994 hit “All I Want for Christmas Is You.”

It is the most-streamed holiday track of all time, reports British newspaper,

The Independent

.

Released three decades ago, Carey continues to reap financial rewards from the record-breaking song to the tune of an estimated US$2.5 to US$3 million, according to data from

Forbes

.

That’s in addition to the US$60 million in royalties the singer received when the song was first released three decades ago in 1994. It appeared on her fourth studio album, Merry Christmas, and then went gone on to become a global success, topping the charts in 26 countries. Billboard estimated that the “Queen of Christmas” made at least

US$2.7 million in 2022

.

Since being posted to

Carey’s official YouTube Channel

in 2009, the video has been seen almost 800 million times. And that’s with the bulk of the views limited to the holiday season.

Every year, in November, Carey shares a video on social media informing her followers that the holiday season can begin.

This year Carey disciplined an unruly elf

for stealing her lipstick, singing the phrase “it’s time” before riding off in a sleigh.

Carey also undertakes an annual holiday concert schedule. This year’s installment is called

Mariah Carey’s Christmas Time at Dolby Live in Las Vegas

from Nov. 28 to Dec. 13.

It made history in 2021, become the first and only holiday song to win the Recording Industry Association of America’s Diamond Award, which recognizes 10 million sales and streaming units in the U.S.

She went on to perform the song at the Billboard Music Awards in 2023, marking her first awards show performance for the song, with her twins, son Moroccan and daughter Monroe, presenting her with a special Billboard Chart Achievement award. It is the highest-charting holiday single by a solo artist on the Billboard U.S. Hot 100 and routinely lands on the music charts in dozens of countries year after year.

“All I Want For Christmas is You” has also become one of the most covered modern Christmas pop songs. In 2011, Carey even re-recorded the song as a duet with Justin Bieber for his album Under the Mistletoe.

There are now literally dozens of covers. Canadian singer-songwriter Michael Bublé released his own version in November 2011, as the lead single from his Christmas album.

It also showed up in the perennial holiday film “Love Actually.”

 

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Steven Guilbeault, left, in police custody after a Greenpeace protest stunt in July 2001; and, right, in the House of Commons as a Liberal MP in September 2025.

Despite the fervour of social media it is rare to see a federal politician in handcuffs and under arrest, so an old photo of Steven Guilbeault, who until Thursday was a member of cabinet, always piques curiosity, perhaps now even more because the circumstances of his resignation and of his 2001 arrest intertwine.

Guilbeault’s resignation, his turning away from the profile, influence and salary of a cabinet minister on a point of principle — which is opposing an agreement by Ottawa with Alberta to push for a new oil pipeline — rekindles a sense of fire in his belly that he had when first making news as an environmental activist, a reckless radical in the eyes of opponents.

His resignation is perhaps his biggest act of disobedience since his last arrest as a Greenpeace activist, when he scaled the side of Toronto’s best-known landmark, the CN Tower, making it 340 metres up before unfurling a banner saying “Canada and Bush Climate Killers,” a poke at both his government and then-U.S. president George W. Bush. The stunt urged ratification of the Kyoto Protocol, a treaty to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.

Guilbeault and a Greenpeace colleague lasted 12 hours on the tower and were arrested when they came down while news crews ate up the scene. It made him one of Canada’s best-known activists, broadly dissecting public opinion on him between love and hate.

Political office has always seemed an awkward fit.

The stern, recalcitrant stare in old photos of him being led away by armed police is a portrait of a badass. With unkempt hair swept back, his bright jumpsuit — part of his attire not a jailhouse amenity as it first appears — his hands chained give him a look of a movie villain. A touch of Hans Gruber from Die Hard or Cyrus the Virus from Con Air.

He was 31 at the time. He is now 55.

The photos are a contrast to his recent image in the halls of power, where he dons a suit and tie and heavy glasses; his hair, while still unkempt hangs in a shag over his forehead, giving him a nerdy look. More Rick Moranis than Alan Rickman.

Guilbeault might think so too. He hung a photo from the arrest incident on his campaign office wall in 2019 when he first ran for office, although he chose one of him dangling from ropes in front of the massive sign rather than of him in custody.

He was considered a star Liberal candidate under Justin Trudeau then, running in the Montreal riding of Laurier—Sainte-Marie. At the time, a new generation of environmental activists had been shutting down bridges in Montreal. When Guilbeault, the would-be politician, was asked about their antics, he revealed he had gone straight.

“I decided I’ve already done that. As the anglophones say, ‘Been there, done that, got the T-shirt,’” he said then. “I’ve decided to pursue my political action differently.”

For some of his fellow campaigners and activists, he was seen as a disappointing sellout, a traitor even. The move came when a long oil pipeline was the environmental hot button. His message then was that doing something good with the Liberals was better than surrendering to the Conservatives.

He called himself a “radical pragmatist” while speaking to National Post at the time. “In many ways,” he said then, “I’m still this guy who climbed the CN Tower.”

Maybe he did think that. Maybe he still does.

 Greenpeace activist Steven Guilbeault, 31, is met by police on the side of the CN Tower in Toronto, July 16, 2001.

Guilbeault won that election, taking the riding from the NDP. He was immediately brought into Trudeau’s cabinet as minister of Canadian Heritage. Following re-election in 2021, Trudeau made Guilbeault minister of environment and climate change.

It might have been his dream job, but his past brought baggage to the role, and sent a jolt of panic in the oil, gas and energy sectors, and to others who remembered his environmental protests with frustration.

Pierre Poilievre, then a backbench Conservative MP, called him the “looney-left environment minister.” Conservative MP Michelle Rempel Garner called him “an ideological anti-energy activist.”

Guilbeault had heard it all before.

He grew up in Quebec. His father was a butcher, and he learned English from his mother, who was of Irish background. In high school he was involved in student politics, helping to organize a student strike protesting a school transport strike.

He said his ideology was inspired by his uncle who was a missionary in Haiti. It was Guilbeault’s idea that his parents adopt a child from that country. He studied political science and theology at the Université de Montréal and was vocal on environmental issues.

 Greenpeace activist Steven Guilbeault is taken into custody by Toronto police after climbing up the outside of the CN Tower in a protest stunt, July 16, 2001.

Guilbeault joined Greenpeace in 1997. It was a global high-profile network of activists and campaigners, and he became a spokesman on environmental policy. He was arrested four times at various protests and stunts designed to draw attention to their issues.

Many of the protest stunts reveal a sense of daring: blocking a ship from unloading coal by suspending activists over the hopper doors; fastening themselves to the top of an enormous piece of oil equipment, requiring the RCMP to rent cherry pickers to grab them. In 2002 he and colleagues climbed onto the roof of then-Alberta Premier Ralph Klein’s house to install solar panels. And then the CN Tower climb.

In office as environment minister Guilbeault issued the Emission Reduction Plan in 2022, called a roadmap to meeting international commitments to cut carbon emissions by 2030. He supported Trudeau’s carbon tax and approved of an eastcoast deep-sea oil drilling project, something he said was “particularly challenging” for him.

There was tension over many files. How could a radical environmental activist live up to the expectations of his former comrades while respecting the balances of federal governing? How could he straddle his personal passion with his government’s actions? Could he speak his mind like he could as a swashbuckling activist?

The answer, in a new government under Prime Minister Mark Carney, was to shift him from the environment portfolio to a newly named one: Canadian culture and identity. Perhaps as a nod to his tree-hugging past, minister of nature and Parks Canada was added to his responsibilities.

On Thursday, his juggling came to an end as the strain of conviction collided too harshly with political reality. The deal Carney struck with Alberta Premier Danielle Smith was one pipeline too far.

 Then Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, left, raises the hand of Steven Guilbeault during an event to launch Guilbeault’s candidacy for the federal Liberal party, in Montreal on July 10, 2019.

He said his resignation caused him “great sadness.”

“I chose to enter politics to champion the fight against climate change and the protection of the environment,” he wrote in a statement that outlined successes he saw over ten years of a Liberal government.

“I remain one of those for whom environmental issues must remain front and centre. That’s why I strongly oppose the memorandum of understanding between the federal government and the government of Alberta,” Guilbeault wrote.

He said he will remain a Liberal member of Parliament.

— With files from National Post

• Email: ahumphreys@postmedia.com | X:

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In the end, the verdict came late on a Friday afternoon when Toronto’s courthouse was quiet, and the only other observers in the gallery were a few curious staff.

But two weeks previously, it was a bright and bustling fall morning when Tamar Cupid, 27, was formally placed in the hands of his jury.

Cupid stood up beside his lawyers. The robed registrar spoke. “Members of the jury, look upon the accused, and hearken to his charges.” The registrar read them aloud. Manslaughter, aggravated assault, robbery. And then, with a rhetorical flourish scripted long ago, the registrar spoke the crucial words to the 12 seated jurors: “For his trial he hath put himself upon his country, which country you are.”

With its stirring language, this ceremony that unfolds daily in courtrooms across Canada emphasizes the human side of criminal justice. In this room, Crown and country are not abstract civic concepts, but actual people. Criminal trials are not the robotic application of rules or deference to some all-powerful state authority, but a weirdly psychological communal journey from opening ceremony through evidence to closing statements and onward into the inner sanctum of the jury room, with no deadline or even much instruction about how to actually deliberate, only the colossal task of unanimously deciding someone’s future.

As the judge put it to Cupid’s jury, Canada is entitled to nothing more than this duty, but expects nothing less.

Many Canadians rise to the challenge of jury service. They may be a minority, but a jury summons sets some people’s hearts racing, and curiosity propels them to the courthouse. Others resent the imposition, or the time away from work, or the drudgery of a boring trial, or the horror of a vicious crime. Some simply have other plans. But eager jurors imagine they know what they are in for, and they are up for it. Eager jurors imagine they can be clever, attentive, open-minded, logical, fair, that they can set aside their biases and rally their fellow jurors to justice and truth.

But they are wrong. Or at least a survey of expert opinion from academics, lawyers and judges casts a reasonable doubt on the high self-regard of the eager juror.

Eager jurors, it seems, are no better than the average juror. It might even be better, on balance, for jurors to be a bit reluctant, to feel a little humility or hesitation in the face of the enormity of their task.

The Crown’s prosecution of Tamar Cupid, and the gruelling experience of his jury, put this theory to the test.

A high school class on a field trip tromped in, taking their seats with no more quiet discretion than anyone would expect of high school students, one of whom later moaned to his buddies in the hallway that none of it made sense, that it was just some surveillance video of a parking lot that mostly showed nothing happening, and then some people running around.

It didn’t make sense yet, anyway, not to them. They weren’t the jurors. They weren’t the ones who, as the judge put it, had taken a solemn oath about how they would consider this matter.

“You are the only persons who decide the facts,” Ontario Superior Court Judge Kenneth L. Campbell told Cupid’s jury, as he dismissed two alternates. The remaining 12 would use reason, common sense and their own experience to judge the evidence. They would not use sympathy, prejudice, fear or public opinion.

“You must ignore all those extraneous matters,” Campbell said. “Punishment has nothing to do with your task.”

At their respective tables, lawyers for the prosecution and defence sized up the jurors who were their audience.

It was more or less representative. One worked at a major online media company. Another at a major Toronto tourist destination. One was a marketing executive. There were two Black men, two Asian men and everyone else was white. There were seven men and five women. Five swore on a holy book and seven solemnly affirmed their oath. Most were in their 40s or 50s; no one was younger than 30. Everyone looked alert, serious, nervous.

“Essentially, you’re on a stage in a courtroom,” said

Steven Skurka

, a criminal defence lawyer who was not involved in Cupid’s case. Skurka has run many jury trials, including the famous 1999 prosecution of his client

John Paul Roby

, the former Boy Scout leader and Maple Leaf Gardens usher in the notorious sex abuse scandal.

“We watch the dynamic and reactions. There will be visceral reactions, laughter, nodding or even nodding off,” Skurka said.

There is no perfect juror. But as the former Ontario Court of Appeal judge

David Watt

wrote in his book Helping Jurors Understand, there is a common notion of the ideal juror. It is of a passive, observant, empty vessel, the target of one-way linear communication, with perfectly accurate recall for information, someone who suspends judgment until the trial is over. This myth of the perfect juror is an “amalgam of assumptions and wishful thinking about human nature,” and, Watt writes, “is not rational because it cannot be validated empirically.”

We simply never know the truth beyond what a jury decides, and we never know how jurors deliberate, or how they decide, or why. Unlike judges, juries give no reasons for their verdicts, and it is literally a crime in Canada to reveal details from inside the jury room.

So, if we want to know how jurors really work and think, we have to do away with some of those assumptions. As Watt writes, real jurors are active. They have frames of reference through which they evaluate evidence. They can be different sorts of people, who think in different ways.

Skurka said the two most concerning types are the dominant juror and the vengeful juror. “Those are very dangerous,” Skurka said. But they are not the only common archetype.

On Cupid’s jury, it was not obvious which ones might resemble the illustrated jurors that accompany this story, which emerged from interviews with experts in Canadian jury trials. But some were there. There was a 70-something Boomer, whom Skurka imagines is less likely to be moved by modern political ideologies such as #MeToo.

There was a Millennial, a young adult who retains the idealism and faint cluelessness of youth. The one they all chose as foreman was a neatly presented, professional middle-aged white man. Over the course of the trial, other traits could be seen: the pensive juror, the easily distracted juror. It seemed likely that among them was an impoverished juror, a reluctant juror, a forceful personality, and jurors with politics from the woke authoritarian left all the way to the anti-authoritarian conspiracist right.

And, of course, there seemed to be at least a couple of eager jurors, who see themselves as ideally suited to the task.

These are the keeners, the true crime podcast enthusiasts, the cosy crime-show watchers. They are the wannabes, the one to whom much of a judge’s advice is directed: Don’t take your notes home. Don’t Google the case. Don’t post about it on social media. Don’t visit the crime scene. Don’t talk to your friends about this. The eager juror is keen to obey, but so excited that it is hard.

Self-confidence is part of that problem. Just as an eyewitness’s confidence in picking someone out of a lineup is no guide to their accuracy, eager jurors tend to get themselves wrong. Their enthusiasm is no guide to their aptitude. An eager juror, it turns out, is no better than any other random person who gets called for jury duty.

“What we know is that the first 12 jurors are just about as good as any others,“ said Tara Burke, director of the Psychology and Law Lab at Toronto Metropolitan University.

II

A few years ago, before the pandemic,

Dennis Oland

was facing his second trial for allegedly murdering his millionaire father, Richard Oland, in 2011, by bludgeoning him to death in Richard’s office in Saint John, N.B. The first jury found Oland guilty of second-degree murder, but the Appeal Court ordered a new trial because of errors in the judge’s instructions. Everybody knew this, especially everybody in the Maritimes. This was the Moosehead beer family in ignominy.

Oland’s legal team was worried that there was so much publicity that he might not get a fair trial the second time around.

Burke studies pretrial publicity and the legal remedies when it threatens to harm a jury’s fairness, such as changing the location of the trial. She thinks jurors are generally able to set aside their biases.

“I defend juries in that sense,” Burke said. “I don’t think they are as easily swayed as some people think.”

Still, in Oland’s case, this was not just a few negative stories in the newspaper. Oland’s first trial had been a major event about which it seemed everyone had already formed a firm opinion.

“The problem is that in Canada it is really hard to measure this. It is impossible, actually, at least not with prospective jurors, people part of the jury panel,” said Veronica Stinson, professor of psychology at Saint Mary’s University in Halifax and an expert in how social cognitive psychology intersects with the legal system.

Stinson has done jury consulting work in the United States. She advised on jury selections and interviewed jurors after the fact to discuss what they heard and what they thought, “stuff that would get me arrested in Canada,” Stinson said.

As it turned out, the judge for Oland’s retrial decided these problems of pretrial publicity and bias could be remedied with questions asked of the prospective jurors about what they knew about the case, whether they could keep an open mind, and whether they “believe that wealthy people receive preferential treatment under the law.” A jury was chosen but then came a bombshell revelation that a police officer seated at the prosecution table had been improperly using a police database to research people in the jury pool.

This caused a mistrial

, and the case was heard by a judge alone.

Earlier, though, there had been talk of a possible venue change.

So, Oland’s team hired Stinson for a public opinion survey in 2018, a few months before jury selection began. By interviewing 1,203 people in three possible venues (Fredericton, Moncton and Saint John), Stinson found that 98 per cent were familiar with the case, 67 per cent had followed it closely, 31 per cent had a negative view of Oland, 27 per cent thought he was guilty and did not need to know more, 18 per cent thought he was not guilty, and 70 per cent felt they could keep an open mind.

Where they lived did not seem to have much of an effect, so there was no obvious benefit to a venue change for the defence. But one striking finding was that nine per cent said they would very much like to serve on his jury. This seemed odd.

“Nine per cent is a lot to me, I thought, and also potentially worrisome,” Stinson said. It was just a hunch, but she imagined they could be anticipating a chance to stick it to the rich man, to convict this privileged son who had known nothing but luxury his whole life.

“There are several pathways that can lead someone to be an eager juror, and these are not mutually exclusive or independent of each other,” said Stinson. These include a desire for excitement or a cure for boredom, an interest in fame or simple curiosity about the process or the case.

Her survey on the Oland case is, therefore, a rare piece of empirical evidence for why eager jurors are so eager. Asked to say why they “very much would like to serve on (Oland’s) jury,” these eager jurors said things such as:

“Because I consider myself astute enough to not be influenced by some fast-talking lawyer at a trial.”

“I am a natural at being fair.”

“Because I could have a say in him getting the just punishment he deserves.”

“I think he’s guilty. I’d get to see the proof that he really did it.”

“Because I don’t think that he is guilty.”

Worryingly, these motivations of eager jurors clearly include the impulse to decide a case before actually hearing the evidence or the law. This is the sinister side of eagerness, and for Oland, it could have been disastrous. In the end, the judge on his retrial found him not guilty, and the murder remains unsolved.

III

It is early on a Sunday evening in June 2023. Weekend traffic is slowing down at the southwest corner of Eglinton and Brimley, in the Toronto suburb of Scarborough. But the sun is still bright and there are plenty of people around. Commercial security cameras cover the scene from almost every possible angle.

Just beyond The Beer Store, Tamar Cupid and his girlfriend, whom he has been with since high school, are at the strip mall with his friend.

The friend approaches an SUV in which Ifeanyichukwu Oseke, 28, from Nigeria, is a passenger.

Oseke owes Cupid $100 in drinks money, lent a few weeks earlier in a nearby bar, which he has so far refused to repay. The conflict begins when Cupid’s friend confronts Oseke, but soon Cupid steps in, talking to Oseke through the passenger-side window.

This is the critical moment that will bring him before his jury. In what he would later describe as an overreaction, Cupid reaches into the car and rips a chain from around Oseke’s neck. This is the robbery to which Cupid will plead guilty, while denying aggravated assault and manslaughter.

Cupid’s friend punches Oseke and runs off. The SUV goes after him, but soon returns. Now Oseke is driving. He drives straight at Cupid, who leaps out of the way. It is the kind of close call that would rouse an adrenalin rush in Cupid. A medical examiner later found cocaine in Oseke’s blood, ingested sometime that day. The mood was heightened.

On foot, Oseke chases Cupid. Now Oseke is armed with a screwdriver. Cupid, armed with a folding knife, slashes Oseke in the cheek, causing a superficial wound. This is the alleged aggravated assault, which Cupid denies on the grounds of self-defence. Cupid keeps running away from Oseke around the parking lot, even into traffic.

As he chases Cupid, Oseke drops a satchel that Cupid’s girlfriend picks up. Oseke comes back and thinks she is stealing from it. He holds her, interrogates and threatens her.

Oseke leaves in the SUV, comes back, and drives directly at Cupid and his girlfriend as they run away along the strip mall sidewalk. This is an even closer miss, and the SUV smashes into a bank. Oseke, who was behind the wheel, leaves it in gear and chases them on foot. Oseke is the bigger man. Face to face, Cupid stabs him once with the small folding knife. The blade enters just above Oseke’s left nipple, pierces the lung, and severs the pulmonary trunk, a major blood vessel. This is the alleged manslaughter. Cupid leaves the scene with his girlfriend, apparently not knowing that Oseke is pronounced dead soon after emergency services get him to hospital.

A warrant goes out across Canada for Cupid. He is arrested a week later and spends a year in jail before getting bail last summer. The original charge of second-degree murder is removed after a preliminary hearing and replaced with the three lesser charges. Cupid admits robbing the chain but claims the knife wounds on Oseke were the result of reasonable efforts to defend himself and his girlfriend. His jury trial looms.

IV

College Street in Little Italy is tourist brochure Toronto, with red-brick Victorians up the side streets and trattorias looking out at passing streetcars.

The Royal Theatre is right in the middle of it. Which is to say, this is not some fringe show. This is mainstream modern culture.

Tonight’s show is

The Jury Experience

, billed as an immersive courtroom case, and the audience is full of hundreds of eager jurors.

The Great Seal of the state of California hanging behind the judge on stage is the first clue this is not going to be a glimpse into the culture of Canadian justice. But it just keeps getting worse, with the judge somehow giving evidence, and lame twists that the audience votes on through an app, all about a case in which an engineer designed a self-driving car that killed a cyclist to avoid an accident that might have hurt its passengers.

In the end, your National Post correspondent voted to convict, but less out of a sense of justice and more out a sense of vengeance at this preposterously cartoonish production. Somebody should pay for this atrocity.

This is what the popularity of jury dramas has done. They have created a casual esthetics of decision-making in criminal justice, divorced from the underlying facts and law. Verdicts are appealing to eager jurors, not only as logical conclusions or rational arguments, but as works of art, dramatic climaxes, acts of vengeance or mercy. They are, in the modern lingo, performative. You can watch them on TV. Sometimes you can even do them with friends, on your phones, over theatre lobby drinks on a College Street night out. Verdicts display something to the viewing public as much as they do anything for the fate of the accused.

Verdicts play on the emotions, the heart, the soul, the critical eye. How much cooler is it to convict the malingerer who falsely claims a diminished capacity for moral wrongdoing? Or to see beyond police tunnel vision to acquit the falsely accused who never stood a chance in this unfair world?

The accused engineer in The Jury Experience this night was found not guilty of negligence, but with a lower percentage of “not guilty” votes than a preliminary audience vote earlier in the show, so some minds were changed. None were blown.

With its jury of archetypal 1950s New Yorkers, the classic film

12 Angry Men

did a better job of dramatizing how different types of people come together to make one momentous binary decision: guilty or no? It set the cinematic standard for the pursuit of justice against the vagaries of human psychology, as 11 others — a salesman, a stockbroker, a high-school football coach, etc., each of them in their own way distracted, or bigoted, or sensitive or easily influenced — come around one by one to the view of Juror 8, played by Henry Fonda, who was the first to consider innocence.

“Trials are too important to be left up to juries,” says jury consultant Rankin Fitch, played by

Gene Hackman

, in the 2003 film Runaway Jury. When he first meets crusading plaintiff attorney Wendell Rohr, played by Dustin Hoffman, Fitch’s dialogue lays out his cynical view of jury service.

“You think your average juror is King Solomon? No, he’s a roofer with a mortgage. He wants to go home and sit in his BarcaLounger and let the cable TV wash over him. And this man doesn’t give a single solitary droplet of shit about truth, justice or your American way.”

“They’re people, Fitch,” says Rohr.

“My point exactly,” Fitch says, witheringly.

This cynicism remains, but it fails to capture that many people really do want to be jurors, and for diverse reasons. Sometimes the desire arises less from eagerness or curiosity and more as a matter of principle.

Brenda Fine, for example, has been summoned for jury duty three times in the last four years with a letter from the sheriff’s office in Vancouver, where she is a post-secondary math instructor. The most recent was for a 10-day civil trial. Considering how to reply, she was conflicted, as both a citizen and an employee.

“I thought, I guess this is my duty, and this is going to mess things up for people I work with,” Fine said, wondering why she was unable to declare her willingness to serve, just not in the middle of an academic term.

“I was intrigued. I wouldn’t say I was excited, I thought it would be interesting. I’m under no illusion that it’s an exciting experience,” Fine said. “My experience is that most people are like, ‘Oh, jury duty, that’s the last thing I want to do. It’s going to be so boring.’ I thought I was on the eager end of that spectrum.”

She ended up doing what many people do and found a way out of it. Her boss wrote her a note explaining the hardship her absence from class would cause.

“Everyone should get a letter from their boss like this,” she said. “I think he called me irreplaceable.”

V

There are many pitfalls for the eager citizen on the way to becoming an eager juror.

During the Cupid jury’s deliberations, for example, on another trial in the same courthouse, a juror was kicked off a jury for falling asleep.

The more common reason to exclude a juror is what is known as a challenge for cause, when a person who would otherwise be picked as a juror is interrogated about their ability to set aside any bias.

For Cupid, who is Black, a challenge for cause about racial bias led the judge to excuse one potential juror.

“I think people in general, when a judge asks if you can be fair, most people would say, ‘Yes, of course I can be fair,’” Stinson said. “A judge is asking me to be fair, what am I going to say, I’m unfair?”

Burke similarly sees such questions as mostly ineffective efforts to eliminate bias, like boxes ticked as a formality.

“There’s no diagnosticity to how people answer that question. It’s just a check mark,” Burke said. In fact, she thinks people who say, “Oh, I’m not sure,” would nevertheless be good jurors.

Skurka, the defence lawyer, is more blunt. “Essentially, you’re looking for the honest racist,” he said. In his view, it is only people who say they cannot set their bias aside who should be excluded. But these people are the rare exception, not the rule.

Lawyers in Canada used to be able to reject prospective jurors for no reason at all, known as a peremptory challenge. Those were

eliminated in 2019

by legislation that was partly inspired by the Saskatchewan prosecution of Gerald Stanley for the

2016 shooting of Colten Boushie

, a young Indigenous man who was on Stanley’s farm. In selecting that jury, defence use of peremptory challenges led the court to exclude several people who appeared to be Indigenous, resulting in what appeared to be an all-white jury, which acquitted Stanley.

“You want the eager juror who wants to be there and be fair,” Skurka said. “You can see it in their eyes. It’s almost like dating. You can tell if someone wants to be there or not.”

“Often a jury ends up voting for the better narrative, the narrative that makes more sense,” said Burke.

This is not always a logical or even purely rational decision. But it frames where a jury might start their deliberations. It influences what each juror pays closest attention to, and what they might ignore. “That’s just how we think,” Burke said.

When he gave his closing arguments about Cupid, Crown prosecutor Constantinos Stratos was flat, perfunctory, obviously reading a script, and he sometimes misread his own words. He had the air of a slightly distracted bureaucrat, competent, but with no skin in the game, not really trying. His tone never soared. There were no artful punchlines, no emotional connection, no appeal to justice for the victim, just a scripted argument about what the video shows, not entirely convincing.

“That veil of innocence has now been pulled aside and you can now see him for who he is,” Stratos said.

He did not get any smiles, a sure sign of connection. But defence lawyer Gabriel Gross-Stein did, a couple of times. He even got a murmur of a laugh when he explained that, because his client Cupid testified in his own defence, the Crown gets to give its closing arguments last.

“You and I might think that is not fair. Maybe only I think it’s not fair,” he said.

He was clearly playing to all of them, not too folksy, not cringey, not patronizing. But engaged, good-natured and dramatic enough to hold attention and be almost moving.

“Each one of you has the power individually to say, ‘No, I’m not convinced,’” Gross-Stein said.

He read his script like he was talking to them. At one point he directed their attention to one “salient” detail about body language in the surveillance video but quickly corrected himself to say “important” because salient sounds too clever, and people hate that, even if they know what it means. It’s a lawyer word, and jurors aren’t lawyers.

In fact, lawyers cannot be jurors. Neither can medical practitioners actively engaged in practice. Neither can police or firefighters or soldiers or other members of the justice system. There are exceptions for illness, hardship and religious objections. But everyone else is fair game, whether they want to be or not.

VI

It is a rare jury that asks their judge for a glass of wine. And it is a rare judge who grants them two each. Yet, here we are, late in the afternoon on the second day of deliberations in Toronto’s main courthouse, and the tension is setting in. Nerves are frayed. People are getting weary. These jurors by now have tried everything, and still they have no agreement. It is wine o’clock.

The jury had a hard night, their first night sequestered in a hotel. This is the subject of the first question they ask, when they submit three questions in writing. They want to change hotels. Last night was “problematic,” they said. The walls were thin. There were fireworks outside. The taxi ride was long.

Question Two was: “May we have a glass of wine or one alcoholic beverage tonight?” Question Three was: Can they eat at the hotel instead of at court and retire after dinner.

In the jury’s absence, the court had a bit of chuckle about all this. But the judge’s answer when they returned was serious and to the point. First, they were going to be at a different hotel anyway. Second, we’re all adults here, the judge said. No one should be downing half a bottle of wine and three double whiskeys, but one drink, even two drinks, is perfectly acceptable. The jurors all lean back and smile with relief. And, yes, they can eat at the hotel and go to bed right after.

Their work is challenging. Judge Campbell told them not to speculate or make up theories, not to pick and choose among his many instructions, and to be willing to change their mind. Their verdict must be unanimous, but the path of reasoning any given juror takes to get to the conclusion can be different than the others.

“You, not I, decide what happened in this case,” Campbell said. The deliberation has no deadline. It “will take as long as it takes.”

Crucially, he did not tell them how exactly to deliberate. Burke said there are no firm rules about how to start deliberations, but research on American juries has turned up two main options. An “evidence-driven” jury will talk about evidence first, withholding their votes until they have taken a broad and thoughtful approach.

A “verdict-driven” jury will start by taking a vote, to see who thinks what and who is on whose side. In these cases, Burke said, a stated opinion can be psychologically hard to walk back, and deliberations can become less about evidence and law and more about trying to convince each other and change minds. Everyone is forced to be argumentative from the start.

This “verdict-driven” approach is what gives 12 Angry Men its dramatic tension, and its narrative arc of a 1-11 vote slowly transforming into a 12-0 vote. Burke thinks this rarely if ever happens in real life. She thinks there are no general patterns. “It’s the dynamic of the people in the room,” Burke said.

Sooner or later, a jury will hit a wall and need to ask a proper question, as Cupid’s jury did, not long after resolving the hospitality issues.

“Your honour, do we need to satisfy all three elements of self-defence, or just one to be satisfied?” they asked.

It was a poorly formed question that revealed a slight misunderstanding of the issue, which ironically is often the best and most rewarding sort of question to ask.

It is not Cupid’s burden to prove he acted in self-defence, the judge explained. It is the Crown’s burden to prove he did not. Self-defence has three elements under the law: Cupid must have had a reasonable belief that force was being threatened against him or his girlfriend. He must have acted with the purpose of defending against that force. And his action must have been reasonable in the circumstances.

The jurors were to consider those elements in two separate alleged crimes that happened a few brief and harried moments apart: aggravated assault for the cheek slash, manslaughter for the chest stab. If the Crown proves beyond a reasonable doubt that any one of these three elements does not apply, it has disproven self-defence as a justification for the aggravated assault or for the killing.

Reasonableness is a tricky standard. It seems devilishly subjective, but the judge explained that a reasonable person is sane and sober, not overly excitable, aggressive or fearful, and with the same general characteristics as Cupid, including past experience with Oseke about such things as his propensity to violence or whether he was likely to have a gun.

Oseke did not have a gun, but he did have the screwdriver, which was recovered from the front seat of the SUV he was driving.

“Bottom line is nobody understands instructions. That’s the reality,” Burke said. She imagined there were two camps who had split on how to analyze this self-defence issue, and they were probably talking past each other for a while before finally deciding to ask the judge for help. “Someone went back and said, ‘Ha! I knew it.’”

“I think, generally, juries really try hard,” Burke said. “I really think people take it pretty seriously and do their best.”

VII

Day 4 of Cupid’s jury deliberations. The Blue Jays play tonight. A court officer is overheard on the phone in the hallway making arrangements for the jurors to watch the game at the hotel if there is no verdict by nightfall. They cannot access news media, but sports are evidently OK. Or maybe there is an informal playoffs exception.

The jurors also cannot access their phones and some problems have arisen. On Day 2, one of them forgot to pay an urgent insurance bill and so two court staff observed the phone as the bill was paid and reported back to the judge that no other apps were accessed.

The longest jury deliberation in Canadian history was 18 days. Serial killer Robert Pickton’s jury went nine days. Four days is long, but not uncommon.

Suddenly, the courtroom door is unlocked. The registrar starts robing up. “We have a verdict,” whispers a court officer.

It is over in what seems like a flash. The jury enters, everyone’s eyes downcast. The judge silently reads the verdict sheet. The foreperson stands, reads out the verdicts by number to the registrar. There is no obvious emotional reaction from anyone.

Cupid already admitted guilt on robbery at the outset of the trial. Now, the jury has found him guilty of aggravated assault, for slashing Oseke’s cheek.

Truly, as the Crown said a few days previously in his closing remarks, the “veil of innocence has now been pulled aside and you can now see him for who he is.”

But on this afternoon, there is a fresh note of poignancy to this comment. Now it seems true in a more profound way. Because on the first count, the central count, the allegation of manslaughter with its potential life sentence, Tamar Cupid is not guilty.


Minister of Energy and Natural Resources Tim Hodgson.

OTTAWA — Natural Resources and Energy Minister Tim Hodgson says he reached out to apologize to Coastal First Nations in British Columbia after suggesting they could meet with him over Zoom to discuss their concerns about Alberta’s proposal to build a new bitumen pipeline to the West Coast.

The exchange happened during a TV interview with Hodgson, who is Carney’s point person in the cabinet for major projects, when the minister was asked on Thursday about meeting with the leadership of the Coastal First Nations, which represents eight nations along B.C.’s coast, as well as the Haida Gwaii islands, home to the Haida Nation.

CBC News Power and Politics’ host David Cochrane raised concerns from the Coastal First Nations that its president was unable to travel to a meeting with the minister in Vancouver after an invitation that arrived on short notice.

“It’s called Zoom,” Hodgson said, smiling while he added to the host who was conducting the interview virtually, “I think that’s what we’re using, David.”

By late Friday, the minister took to X to apologize.

“My comments last night about a virtual meeting with Coastal First Nations were a poor choice of words, which I regret,” Hodgson wrote. “I have reached out to them directly to apologize and look forward to an in-person meeting at their convenience.”

In her own statement, Coastal First Nations President Marilyn Slett, who is also elected chief of the Heiltsuk Nation, called the minister’s comments “deeply disrespectful,” saying they show “a complete lack of understanding of our communities.”

She went on to say that Coastal First Nations have worked with different B.C. and federal governments on different initiatives across the Great Bear Rainforest that protect the ecosystem, create jobs and contribute to Canada’s economy.

“We can only continue that work if we have productive relationships, grounded in respectful dialogue,” Slett said. We expect better from this government moving forward.”

Hodgson’s apology comes as Prime Minister Mark Carney’s government deals with political fallout from a new deal struck with Alberta Premier Danielle Smith to pave the way for construction of a new oil pipeline to B.C.’s northwest coast.

While Carney has touted the plan as an important step in his pledge to transform the country into an “energy superpower” and also secured a commitment from Alberta to strengthen its industrial carbon tax, some B.C. Liberal caucus members have expressed concern about the plan, including over how both B.C. Premier David Eby and Coastal First Nations were not consulted beforehand.

The Coastal First Nations have vocally opposed the government’s openness to the potential lifting of an oil tanker ban off B.C.’s coast, saying in a statement after the deal with Alberta was released, that they “will never allow our coast to be put at risk of a catastrophic oil spill.”

Former Liberal minister Steven Guilbeault, who served as environment minister under Trudeau, resigned in protest over the deal, also citing concerns about the lack of consultation with both B.C. and the region’s Indigenous rights-holders.

Coastal First Nations invited Hodgson back in mid-October to meet by the end of the month to discuss their concerns over the pipeline proposal.

The minister responded, saying he was unable to do so in that time frame, referring its leadership instead to speak with his chief of staff and senior department officials, whom he said he had asked to meet to discuss their concerns.

The minister’s office then reached out on Wednesday, the day before Carney and Smith released their new pipeline pact, to invite Coastal First Nations to meet in Vancouver on Friday, where the minister was set to meet with Eby.

Hodgson is expected to be on hand when the Assembly of First Nations, which represents more than 600 nations across the country, gathers chiefs in Ottawa next week.

The minister’s apology on Friday marks the second one in one week from a key figure of the Liberal government.

Carney himself apologized earlier this week for what he also called a “poor choice of words” when asked by a reporter when the last time he spoke to U.S. President Donald Trump was, to which the prime minister responded by saying, “Who cares?”

— With a file from The Canadian Press

National Post

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According to the latest update, 95.6 per cent of Canadians who died by MAID last year had a

As Canada approaches the ten-year mark of legalized doctor-assisted death, the number of annual deaths appears to be plateauing, according to the federal

government’s latest report on medical assistance in dying (MAID)

.

A total of 16,499 people died by MAID in Canada in 2024. However, the year-over-year annual growth rate in deaths has been shrinking, from 36.8 per cent between 2019 and 2020, to 6.9 per cent between 2023 and 2024, according to Health Canada’s sixth annual report on MAID.

“While the data suggests that the number of annual MAID provisions is beginning to stabilize, it will take several more years before long-term trends can be conclusively identified,” according to the report.

In all, MAID deaths accounted for 5.1 per cent of all deaths in Canada last year, a small — 0.4 per cent — increase from 2023.

There have been 76,475 reported MAID deaths in Canada since the practice was allowed in 2016.

According to the latest update, the vast majority (95.6 per cent) of people who died by MAID last year had a “reasonably foreseeable” death, known as “Track 1” deaths. They were older (78 on average) than MAID recipients who weren’t near death — so-called Track 2 cases — and more likely to have cancer.

Those who received a doctor-assisted death whose natural deaths were not reasonably foreseeable were mostly women (56.7 per cent), slightly younger and had lived longer with a serious and incurable condition than Track 1 cases.

Along with neurological conditions, such as Parkinson’s disease, diabetes, frailty, autoimmune conditions and chronic pain were conditions most often cited among people who weren’t close to dying.

The latest data come amid concerns that some MAID deaths are being driven by

loneliness, hopelessness and isolation,

and that some doctors are taking an over broad interpretation of the law.

Among Canada’s MAID criteria, a person must be experiencing intolerable and “enduring physical or psychological suffering.”

Isolation or loneliness wasn’t reported as a “sole source of suffering” for any MAID cases in 2024, according to the report. However, people approved for MAID often report not one, but multiple sources of suffering.

In 2024, loss of ability to engage in meaningful activities was most common, followed by loss of ability to perform daily tasks of basic living, like eating, drinking, dressing and moving around. But there were some differences: Track 1 (reasonably foreseeable death) people were more likely to say their symptoms weren’t being adequately controlled, or they were worried they wouldn’t be, “while Track 2 MAID recipients were more likely to report isolation or loneliness and loss of dignity.”

In all, Health Canada received 22,535 reports of MAID requests in 2024; 16,499 were approved. Of the remaining, 4,017 died before receiving MAID, 1,327 people were deemed ineligible and 692 ultimately withdrew their request.

The report’s other findings include that people who receive MAID don’t disproportionately come from lower-income or disadvantaged communities, suggesting they’re “more likely to be represented in higher income neighbourhoods.”

They’re also less likely to live in a remote area, suggesting they weren’t driven to MAID due to a lack of access to health services, according to the report.

Most MAID deaths occurred in Quebec (36.4 per cent), Ontario (30 per cent) and British Columbia (18.2 per cent.)

Cancer, especially lung, colorectal pancreatic and blood cancer, was the most frequently reported condition in nearly all age groups of people who died by MAID in 2024, except those 85 and older, “for whom ‘other’ conditions were the most frequently cited.”

“Loss of ability to engage in meaningful activities” was the most commonly reported source of suffering.

Of the 16,104 people who responded to questions around disabilities, roughly one-third (32.9 per cent) reported having a disability.

The United Nations Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities earlier this year called on Canada to repeal the 2021 law that expanded MAID eligibility to people whose deaths aren’t reasonably foreseeable out of concerns that people with disabilities are seeking MAID due to “unmet needs, a systemic failure of the State party,” according to a meeting summary.

There were 2,266 doctors and nurse practitioners providing MAID in 2024. However, a small number were doing a lion’s share of provisions: 102 who provided MAID 31 times or more were responsible for 38 per cent (6,185) of all MAID provisions, according to the report.

National Post

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