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In the aftermath of Oct. 7, 2023, Jews at Toronto Metropolitan University antisemitism. harassment and fear are part of their campus life.

A Canadian, Jewish, post-secondary student reported being called a “ Zionist whore. ” Another reported being placed on a list of “ known Zionists. ” And yet another reported being dropped from research projects simply for saying they wished for the “safety and security of both Palestinians and Israelis.” Zionists have been described to Jewish students as “evil” and deserving to be killed. And all of this occurred on Canadian campuses.

In early August, the federal government released the Campus Antisemitism and Student Experiences (CASE) report . Produced by the Association for Canadian Studies and the Metropolis Institute, and commissioned by Canadian Heritage, the report documents shocking levels of antisemitism experienced by Jewish students on Canadian universities and colleges. Ninety-six per cent of the 900 Jewish post-secondary students surveyed either experienced or witnessed at least one antisemitic incident in the past year alone.

Just over a week after the report was released, several Jewish Canadian academics, who describe themselves as anti-Zionists, attacked the CASE report’s findings in a Globe and Mail op-ed, claiming that the report treats opposition to Zionism as evidence of antisemitism, disagreements as evidence of hatred and provides grounds for disciplining scholars for what they teach and for the policing of legitimate protests.

Their argument is both disingenuous and false.

The CASE report paints a disturbing picture of campus life for Jewish post-secondary students after October 7. Since that day, students in this survey reported having been subjected to hostility, intimidation, exclusion and abuse (not infrequently initiated by professors) because they are Jewish, Israeli or perceived to be Zionists. Some report having been spat on and/or described as child killers, white supremacists and racists. They report feeling pressured to denounce “genocide” and marginalized, as well as being excluded from academic or extracurricular activities and having been subjected to rhetoric that goes far beyond criticism of Israel.

The anti-Zionist professors deny the definition of anti-Zionism as an ideology that calls for the annihilation or erasure of Israel and its people — thereby missing the point. That is precisely how anti-Zionism so often manifests on campuses and is experienced Jewish students — not as some reasoned political, intellectual or even passionate argument, but as the basis for vilifying Jewish students.

These anti-Zionist academics also ignore the long and well-documented history of antisemitic abuse perpetrated under anti-Zionist slogans. From the Soviet Union to Poland, to Iraq, Iran, and other Middle Eastern states, Jews have experienced violence and persecution justified in the name of anti-Zionism. It’s notable that their abusers — particularly in the former Soviet Union — often insisted that they were just being anti-Zionist and not antisemitic. Antizionism is not a political debate like any other because it relies on disinformation and aims to dismantle the world’s only Jewish state.

These anti-Zionist faculty members claim that the CASE report improperly treats the assignment of pro-Palestinian readings or criticism of Israeli policy as troubling classroom antisemitism. Yet, they did not care to explain how professors teaching courses unrelated to the Middle East might think it was a good idea to assign a podcast arguing that Zionism was similar to Nazism, or spend weeks discussing Gaza and the creation of the State of Israel, repeatedly referring to it as a “Zionist political project.”

These academics also gave no explanation as to why a professor might remove course content simply because it had been developed by a Jewish Israeli doctoral student. Nor did they seem to have an answer for why professors might decide it was completely normal to refer to to Zionism is an evil ideology, or to say, “those f–king Israelis,” in class. And they were mum as to why and how a Holocaust denial website could end up as mandatory reading material.

That’s because there is no good explanation for any of these things.

When a professor tells a class that all Zionists should be killed, that Jews belong in Poland and need to go back there, or forces a student to find “positive connections” between the Black Lives Matter movement and Hamas, grades students on metrics such as signing pro-Palestinian petitions or attending related demonstrations, or gives a female student a 0 per cent grade in a women and gender studies course because she spoke up about sexual assaults committed on October 7, this is not about criticism of Israeli policy. This is about demonizing and marginalizing Jews inside and outside the classroom.

The anti-Zionist professors who criticize the report demonstrate no real interest in how antizionism is being weaponized, not only to attack Jewish students on campus, but also to inspire and incite others to do so. Contrary to their assertions, the CASE report does not erase a century of Jewish debate. It exposes how anti-Zionism stifles classroom debate.

In our opinion, these professors are enablers of pervasive antisemitism because they are in denial (at best) about the lived experiences of so many Jewish students on campuses across Canada. They re-victimize Jewish students by invalidating those experiences.

It was inevitable that anti-Zionist critics would deny the high levels of toxicity experienced by Jewish students at universities and colleges. Fortunately, the CASE report has shone a bright light on campus antisemitism. Now, what are governments and educational institutions going to do about it?

National Post

Pamela Walker, professor, Carleton University and co-president of the Network of Engaged Canadian Academics

Cary Kogan, professor, University of Ottawa and co-president of the Network of Engaged Canadian Academics

Deborah Lyons, former special envoy on Preserving Holocaust Remembrance and Combatting Antisemitism

Mark Sandler, chair, Alliance of Canadians Combatting Antisemitism

Alexa Barett-Taller, former Carleton University student and Springboard fellow

Izabella Tabarovsky, fellow, London Centre for the Study of Contemporary Antisemitism and research fellow Max and Tessie Zelikovitz Centre for Jewish Studies


High-voltage power lines cross the St. Clair River between Canada (background) and the United States on March 8, 2025 in East China Township, Michigan.

In the face of a new wave of tariffs from U.S. President Donald Trump, both Ontario Premier Doug Ford and Toronto Mayor Olivia Chow have publicly threatened to cut off Canadian electricity exports to the U.S.

Ford told a Monday press conference that cutting off electricity could be used to “put pain on the U.S.”

Chow has no jurisdiction over the electricity grid, but when asked about suspending electricity exports in a CNN interview, she said she would do “whatever it takes.”

Shutting off cross-border power was also entertained by Quebec Premier Christine Fréchette. “For the moment, I don’t want to exclude anything in terms of measures,” she told reporters.

There’s just one problem: Canada is no longer a critical supplier of electricity to the United States.

In fact, starting in 2024, Canada has begun experiencing the unprecedented phenomenon of buying more American electricity than it exports.

In February 2024, data from the Canada Energy Regulator show that, for the first time, Canadians had become net consumers of U.S.-generated electricity.

In that month, Canadian utilities sent 2.6 terawatt-hours to the U.S., while American utilities sent 2.7 terawatt-hours to Canada.

Although the disparity was blamed at the time on poor hydroelectricity generation caused by drought, it has since become a normal condition of the Canadian electricity grid.

In the two and a half years since, there have been seven additional months in which Canada was more dependent on U.S. power than the other way around.

The most recent example was December 2025. In that month, Canadians bought $330 million worth of U.S. electricity, but sold just $220 million of power in the other direction.

According to a 2024 analysis by the C.D. Howe Institute , this has all signalled the end of a “long-standing pattern of Canada exporting significantly more electricity to the United States than it imports.”

The Americans noticed as well. A 2024 briefing note by the U.S. Energy Information Administration similarly noted that the amount of Canadian electricity keeping American lights on had reached generational lows.

“Electricity exchanges across the United States and Canada — historically each other’s largest electricity trading partners — remain relatively small, representing less than 1% of their respective total generation,” it read.

New York State is typically among the most dependent on Canadian electricity imports. But even when power demand spiked to near-record highs during last month’s heat wave, 91 per cent of statewide energy generation was continuing to come from U.S.-based power plants (with the remaining nine per cent mostly coming from Quebec ).

Cutting off electricity to the U.S. would have been a much more dire threat 40 years ago.

Following a flurry of cross-border power lines being built in the 1970s, by 1982 nearly 10 per cent of all electricity generated in Canada was being sold at a profit to the U.S.

According to a 1985 report by the Economic Council of Canada, in that decade Canadian exports of electricity became 1,000 per cent higher than imports.

In 2025, by contrast, Canadian electricity exports were a mere 25 per cent higher than its U.S. imports.

Even as recently as 10 years ago, a threat of suspended Canadian electricity exports might have been enough to spark panic in select border states.

In 2016, 11 per cent of all power in the New York State grid (known as the New York Independent System Operator) came from Canada. But as of the most recent count in 2025, this has dropped to just two per cent .

The reasons for this are two-fold: Canada increasingly has less surplus electricity available to sell, while at the same time U.S. electricity production is hitting all-time highs.

Particularly over the last 10 years, any expansions to the Canadian electrical grid have mostly come in the form of small-scale wind and solar projects, with the bulk of electricity generation coming from legacy nuclear and hydroelectric plants that were predominantly built in the mid-20th century.

As a result, electricity production has been almost entirely stagnant in Canada for at least the last 25 years, even as Canada has massively expanded both its population and its demands on the existing grid.

In 2000, Canada generated 606,377 gigawatt-hours of electricity . At the time, the population was 30 million and there were effectively no electric vehicles on the road.

In 2024, Canada generated 619,762 gigawatt-hours of electricity, but for a country that now had 40 million people, and more than 1 million registered EVs .

In the U.S., by contrast, electricity production has been soaring in recent years, largely as a result of cheap, domestically produced supplies of natural gas. “U.S. electricity generation in 2025 hit a record, again,” announced the U.S. Energy Information Administration just last May.

What this means is if Canada were to suddenly power down its cross-border transmission lines, the U.S. power grid would likely be able to pick up the slack without even a temporary brownout.

The impact wouldn’t be blackouts, but higher utility bills as a result of Canadian hydro power being replaced with slightly more expensive U.S. natural gas power.


Conservative leader Kerry-Lynne Findlay leads a press conference at The Pinnacle Hotel Harbourfront in Vancouver on Aug. 25, 2026.

Buy the lettuce. Start the clock. Kerry-Lynne Findlay is surely done as leader of British Columbia’s Conservative Party. Anyone willing to bet Findlay will remain at the party’s helm longer than the typical leafy green can prevail in your fridge clearly isn’t paying attention to current events. On Wednesday afternoon two MLAs quit Findlay’s Conservative caucus, bringing the total to a whopping five in twelve days . There isn’t a fire inside B.C.’s Conservative party; there’s an inferno, and Kerry-Lynne Findlay is the one who lit the match to start it.

Having won the B.C. Conservative leadership by a hair’s width over activist and commentator Caroline Elliott at the end of May, Findlay has set about purifying the Conservative party back to its roots and away from the broader centre-right, free market coalition which has caused tension in the party since it merged with B.C. United (formerly the B.C. Liberals) ahead of the 2024 election.

Gone are the people who actually built the party to its current broader tent status. Notable examples, apart from the MLAs fleeing the scene of the crime-in-progress, include Angelo Isidorou , the party’s former executive director who left at the end of July. Isidorou represented the wider coalition that the B.C. Conservatives could be and directed the party towards that end. Former party president Aisha Estey also resigned in the last few weeks .

As mind boggling as all the departures are, in response Findlay has said herself that more might follow. She’s probably right and, based on the current flow rate, I would advise readers to check the news upon completion of this column for wind of who else has decided to pull the ripcord.

During her time as leader Findlay made some eyebrow raising hires, as they signaled a more stridently right-wing turn. As her chief of staff, she appointed Chris Delaney, perhaps best known for his ties to former Social Credit Premier Bill Vander Zalm , notable for refusing to cover abortion costs under provincial health care.

Then she named Apollo Chung, a former member of the separatist Alberta Republican Party , as her director of operations. Embarrassingly for Findlay, Chung was fired on Wednesday, following the release of recordings in which he made comments that he didn’t “care about saving the province,” that “white people are like crazy” and that he has “the leader in his hands.” He further added dubious comments about his plans for funds raised by the Conservatives, saying he would go in and “steal everything” to use for his aims for the party.

Findlay’s critics says she and her team have created a massive culture problem within the party, rewarding blind loyalty over competence and treating those outside the leader’s circle poorly. The most recent MLA to depart, Brennan Day spoke to the general tenor of those who have left when he said on X on Wednesday “The current direction of Conservative Party of BC under Kerry-Lynne Findlay is no longer something I can support. More fundamentally, I have lost confidence in the judgement, conduct and ethical standards of her leadership and those she has chosen to surround herself with.”

MLA Teresa Wat, who also quit caucus on Wednesday, said in her letter explaining her reasons for bolting that Findlay had “called my allegiance to Canada into Question.”

Former president Estey too voiced her views on X Wednesday: “Can’t wait for conservatives to start electing respectful, kind, and ethical human beings again.” Then there was Dan Knight, Ms. Findlay’s digital director during her leadership campaign, who today posted on X a meme of a dumpster fire.

The vibe being given off is not that the B.C. Conservatives are for everyone, but rather that they represent the fringe they used to in the days when they garnered two percent of the vote; that is to say every day prior to the 2024 election under John Rustad’s leadership.

Consider for a moment that by nearly every relevant metric the Premier David Eby’s government has been an absolute failure for B.C. This year, the province experienced it first decline in population ever as unaffordable housing has driven residents out. Fiscally, the NDP has been heaping record deficit upon record deficit with no plan to get out of the tailspin that generations of British Columbians will be paying for.

Eby’s loose drug policies have been an abject failure and seriously harmed safety downtown. Following the government’s reluctance to defend them , private property rights in B.C. are under question and the Eby NDP seems set to storm ahead with signing away huge tracks of the province to First Nations with little or no public input . Meanwhile, the BC. economy is stalled and has become a laggard in Canada . Businesses like Canfor, a large forestry company, have relocated to the United States .

Following nine years of NDP government in British Columbia, if Kerry-Lynne Findlay and her crew had even a modicum of focus or sophistication, they would cakewalk to forming the next government, but they don’t.

Despite the mile-long charge sheet against David Eby, current polls put the NDP well out ahead of Kerry-Lynne Findlay’s Conservatives. One recent poll by respected pollster Dimitri Pantazopoulos had the NDP leading 46 per cent to 40 per cent among decided voters . That’s easily an NDP majority and, depending on vote distribution, could be landslide territory.

British Columbians want a return to sensible, economically driven decision making that will get the province out of the social and economic nosedive of the past decade. That should be an easy political message to sell. However, the only thing the current B.C. Conservative actions will guarantee for British Columbians is another term under David Eby.

Adam Pankratz is a lecturer at the University of British Columbia’s Sauder School of Business.


Conservative leader Kerry-Lynne Findlay leads a press conference at The Pinnacle Hotel Harbourfront in Vancouver on Aug. 25, 2026.

Buy the lettuce. Start the clock. Kerry-Lynne Findlay is surely done as leader of British Columbia’s Conservative Party. Anyone willing to bet Findlay will remain at the party’s helm longer than the typical leafy green can prevail in your fridge clearly isn’t paying attention to current events. On Wednesday afternoon two MLAs quit Findlay’s Conservative caucus, bringing the total to a whopping five in twelve days . There isn’t a fire inside B.C.’s Conservative party; there’s an inferno, and Kerry-Lynne Findlay is the one who lit the match to start it.

Having won the B.C. Conservative leadership by a hair’s width over activist and commentator Caroline Elliott at the end of May, Findlay has set about purifying the Conservative party back to its roots and away from the broader centre-right, free market coalition which has caused tension in the party since it merged with B.C. United (formerly the B.C. Liberals) ahead of the 2024 election.

Gone are the people who actually built the party to its current broader tent status. Notable examples, apart from the MLAs fleeing the scene of the crime-in-progress, include Angelo Isidorou , the party’s former executive director who left at the end of July. Isidorou represented the wider coalition that the B.C. Conservatives could be and directed the party towards that end. Former party president Aisha Estey also resigned in the last few weeks .

As mind boggling as all the departures are, in response Findlay has said herself that more might follow. She’s probably right and, based on the current flow rate, I would advise readers to check the news upon completion of this column for wind of who else has decided to pull the ripcord.

During her time as leader Findlay made some eyebrow raising hires, as they signaled a more stridently right-wing turn. As her chief of staff, she appointed Chris Delaney, perhaps best known for his ties to former Social Credit Premier Bill Vander Zalm , notable for refusing to cover abortion costs under provincial health care.

Then she named Apollo Chung, a former member of the separatist Alberta Republican Party , as her director of operations. Embarrassingly for Findlay, Chung was fired on Wednesday, following the release of recordings in which he made comments that he didn’t “care about saving the province,” that “white people are like crazy” and that he has “the leader in his hands.” He further added dubious comments about his plans for funds raised by the Conservatives, saying he would go in and “steal everything” to use for his aims for the party.

Findlay’s critics says she and her team have created a massive culture problem within the party, rewarding blind loyalty over competence and treating those outside the leader’s circle poorly. The most recent MLA to depart, Brennan Day spoke to the general tenor of those who have left when he said on X on Wednesday “The current direction of Conservative Party of BC under Kerry-Lynne Findlay is no longer something I can support. More fundamentally, I have lost confidence in the judgement, conduct and ethical standards of her leadership and those she has chosen to surround herself with.”

MLA Teresa Wat, who also quit caucus on Wednesday, said in her letter explaining her reasons for bolting that Findlay had “called my allegiance to Canada into Question.”

Former president Estey too voiced her views on X Wednesday: “Can’t wait for conservatives to start electing respectful, kind, and ethical human beings again.” Then there was Dan Knight, Ms. Findlay’s digital director during her leadership campaign, who today posted on X a meme of a dumpster fire.

The vibe being given off is not that the B.C. Conservatives are for everyone, but rather that they represent the fringe they used to in the days when they garnered two percent of the vote; that is to say every day prior to the 2024 election under John Rustad’s leadership.

Consider for a moment that by nearly every relevant metric the Premier David Eby’s government has been an absolute failure for B.C. This year, the province experienced it first decline in population ever as unaffordable housing has driven residents out. Fiscally, the NDP has been heaping record deficit upon record deficit with no plan to get out of the tailspin that generations of British Columbians will be paying for.

Eby’s loose drug policies have been an abject failure and seriously harmed safety downtown. Following the government’s reluctance to defend them , private property rights in B.C. are under question and the Eby NDP seems set to storm ahead with signing away huge tracks of the province to First Nations with little or no public input . Meanwhile, the BC. economy is stalled and has become a laggard in Canada . Businesses like Canfor, a large forestry company, have relocated to the United States .

Following nine years of NDP government in British Columbia, if Kerry-Lynne Findlay and her crew had even a modicum of focus or sophistication, they would cakewalk to forming the next government, but they don’t.

Despite the mile-long charge sheet against David Eby, current polls put the NDP well out ahead of Kerry-Lynne Findlay’s Conservatives. One recent poll by respected pollster Dimitri Pantazopoulos had the NDP leading 46 per cent to 40 per cent among decided voters . That’s easily an NDP majority and, depending on vote distribution, could be landslide territory.

British Columbians want a return to sensible, economically driven decision making that will get the province out of the social and economic nosedive of the past decade. That should be an easy political message to sell. However, the only thing the current B.C. Conservative actions will guarantee for British Columbians is another term under David Eby.

Adam Pankratz is a lecturer at the University of British Columbia’s Sauder School of Business.


The U.S. and Canada flags flutter next to the Blue Water Bridge border crossing in Point Edward, Ontario, on October 24, 2025.

Responding to the Trump tariffs with dollar-for-dollar counter-tariffs is the most predictable and unimaginative course of action that Canada’s federal government could possibly pursue. Canadians deserve better — much better.

Economists have long maintained that nobody wins tariff wars and that they invariably result in higher prices. Thus, it is consumers, on both sides of the border, who will be the ultimate victims of any Canada-US tariff war — “ war ” being the term chosen by our prime minister as his government once again mobilizes fear to secure Canadian support for his government’s actions.

So, what are some positive, less predictable, and more imaginative alternatives?

How about expanding Canada’s negotiating and advisory team to include some wiser and more experienced heads offering fresh perspectives?

How about pursuing a strategy that incorporates appeals to Trump’s political base to secure amelioration of his tariff policies?

And how about calling for a ten-week truce in the tariff war to give consumer interests and commons sense a chance to bring their influence to bear?

You scoff? You’ve swallowed the elbows up mantra? So, allow me to elaborate.

A better negotiating and advisory team should include a few key executives from the resource sectors that have leverage with Trump; characters experienced with the bluff and bluster of dealmakers like Trump; and a few political advisors who understand populism — maybe people like Premiers Scott Moe and Danielle Smith — for advice on how to get to a populist leader via his followers.

These additions will not likely be bilingual nor have the dress and mannerisms of a central banker. But they will add perspectives and influence largely absent from Carney’s present circle.

A better strategy would be one that focuses on appealing to U.S. consumers — whose cost of living is not declining as Trump promised — rallying them to demand a modification of Trump’s tariff policies. This could include Canadian spokespersons and persuaders going to Main Street, USA and the talk shows and podcasters who speak directly to Trump’s followers — appealing to them to demand a relaxation of Trump’s tariff policy toward Canada.

This strategy would more vigorously seek to amplify the advice and support of Canadian allies in Congress — like Senator Susan Collins from Maine (a U.S. state bordering New Brunswick and Quebec) who has repeatedly called the tariffs on Canada a “mistake.”

It would especially involve encouraging U.S. consumers and voters to urge Trump to “do a McKinley” — the 25th U.S. president whom Trump professes to admire. While a strong advocate of tariffs, McKinley also quietly negotiated “reciprocity agreements” with U.S. trading partners that took much of the economic sting out of them.

And why try for a ten-week truce? Trump’s behaviour, as illustrated by his on-again-off-again offensive against Iran, often includes “ pauses ” which would be helpful to both sides in this dispute. Why ten weeks? Because that would take us to the November 3rd midterm elections in the U.S. when consumers and voters, unhappy with their increased cost of living, will have a chance to express their unhappiness with the tariff wars and to put pressure on the president to change course on tariffs before a less friendly Congress forces him to do so.

Finally, Canadians should find relief from the frenetic reports emanating from the tariff-war front by taking a longer and more encouraging view of Canada-U.S. relations. Five to 10 years from now, both Trump and Carney will be gone. Their attempts to force artificial conceptions of Canadian identity — from Canada as a 51st state to Canada as a quasi-European post-national state — will be mere footnotes in some political science journal.

The massive and relentless forces of geography and history which have shaped the North American continent and relations between Canada and the U.S. from the very beginning will reassert themselves. And the coming generation of Canadians and Americans will take up the task of building an economically and physically secure North America through co-operation and mutual respect of each other’s interests, rather than endangering that security through tariff threats and declarations of “war.”

National Post

Preston Manning is a former leader of the Opposition.


Prime Minister Mark Carney and U.S. President Donald Trump at the 2025 G7 summit in Kananaskis, Alberta.

Release the deal, Prime Minister Carney. Canadians deserve to know the precise details that led to a full on, unprecedented trade war with President Donald Trump’s America in the last week.

While Canada’s abrupt departure from trade talks very well may have been inevitable and defensible, Carney affronts all of us with his failure to demonstrate — beyond a shadow of doubt — that this was the case.

A Department of Finance news release from Aug. 25 states that: “Canada has negotiated intensively and in good faith with the United States… In recent days, however, the U.S. proposed new terms that were not in Canada’s best interest, basically, asking too much of Canada, and offering too little in return. Canada therefore suspended negotiations rather than accepting a bad deal that would undermine Canadian workers, businesses, strategic sectors, and our national interest. Canada did not choose this trade conflict, but we need to respond to provide a level playing field to our businesses.”

The release goes on to detail Canadian counter-tariffs and $7.5 billion in government funding to Canadian businesses and workers, mainly through loans and income support. (Which brings up a rather unsettling flashback to former prime minister Justin Trudeau’s money-printing habit during the COVID-19 pandemic. Here we go again, eh?)

Nowhere in the government announcement are the exact details about why Carney instructed his negotiation team to pack it in and come home, without a deal. “Asking too much and offering too little in return” is hardly more than a platitude. It’s not a good enough explanation for any of us, and certainly not for the thousands of Canadians facing financial downfall as a result of the trade war.

The highest-resolution details we Canadians can find, thus far, about the breakdown in negotiations are contained within a New York Times story from Tuesday. Its authors spoke to anonymous government sources from both countries. One Canadian negotiator claimed that the Americans were attempting to rehash “settled” topics in the eleventh hour, while American sources claim that the Canadians were the ones doing this. The Trump administration was allegedly attempting to “dictate Canada’s steel tariffs on other countries,” which, if true, is obviously unacceptable. Canada apparently backed out of discussions over re-starting the Keystone XL pipeline, a project that, had it been revived, would likely have been poison for Carney’s approval rating.

Unsurprisingly — and easy to believe — neither side agreed on steel, aluminum, or auto tariffs. And then there’s the French language debate: no, not the 1990s one, but a new on e— whether the U.S. could force Canada to repeal online content legislation that favours Canadian (and French) content on American-owned platforms.

Trump has outright accused Carney of lying about the French issue. While Carney has publicly claimed that the tentative trade deal contained “threats to French language and culture,” Trump has said that notion is both untrue and “stupid.”

The U.S. president posted on social media, with his signature lack of decorum, to say that : “This lie was made up by a weak and ineffective Prime Minister in an attempt to gain political support, which he has totally lost, from the people of Quebec.”

One wonders why Carney has yet to prove Trump wrong by revealing whatever draft deal was on the table before he halted negotiations. Who wouldn’t want to prove that they were not, in fact, lying, given such an easy out? After being name-called, no less.

Shuv Majumdar, Conservative shadow minister for Canada-U.S. relations, demanded in a letter addressed to the government this week that Carney release the deal. “The Prime Minister said he would have a deal by July 21, 2025, and still does not have one. He said he would ‘negotiate a win,’ ‘handle President Trump,’ and get an even better deal than we had before. There have been no wins. U.S. tariffs on Canada are far higher than when the Prime Minister took office,” he wrote.

Intentionally or not, Majumdar raises what is perhaps the most pressing question: what is motivating Carney?

Even though diplomatic decorum usually precludes the release of non-final agreements, do not dismiss as paranoia the idea that Carney walked away from trade negotiations, at least in part, to launch “Elbows Up 2.0.” It’s no secret that the Liberal party won last year’s election for two reasons: because Carney was parachuted in to replace a beleaguered Trudeau, and because large numbers of Canadians have been awash in a communal, anti-Trump ecstasy that forms the lifeblood of Carney’s allure. (“Nothing brings people together more than mutual hatred,” as Henry Rollins once said .)

Carney couldn’t get a deal with Trump, and perhaps a Conservative government would have fared no better — but it certainly plays to Carney’s base to puff up his chest, flip the poker table over and storm off.

Canadians deserve to know the truth. Show us the deal.

National Post


Ontario Premier Doug Ford, left, and U.S. President Donald Trump

Last year, both Mark Carney and Doug Ford campaigned on being the best candidate to take on U.S. President Donald Trump, but until the prime minister abruptly walked away from trade talks on Friday, only Ontario’s premier had the spine to stand up to the bully next door. His suggestions for how to deal with the current crisis should not be dismissed.

Scrolling through Trump’s Truth Social feed this week is like drunkenly stumbling through an alternate universe. One will find talk of his “very good relationship with Kim Jong Un, of North Korea,” alongside ad hominem attacks against Ford (“the less charismatic, intelligent, and overall unimpressive brother of the late, great, Rob Ford”); photos of him and Kim putting on their best dictator faces with maps showing Lake Ontario renamed “Lake America.”

Clearly, Ontario’s sometimes boisterous leader has gotten under the president’s skin. But while the war of words between Queen’s Park and the White House won’t move the needle on trade, Ford’s proposed retaliatory measures almost certainly will.

Ford said on Monday that following the imposition of 50 per cent tariffs on $29 billion worth of Canadian goods, “nothing should be off the table,” including taxing or limiting the export of oil, electricity and critical minerals. This is a strategy that’s been employed before and has succeeded in getting the Trump administration’s attention.

In early 2025, in response to the first round of tariffs, Ford instituted a 25 per cent surcharge on electricity exports to the U.S. The premier eventually backed down after Trump threatened additional tariffs and the administration invited him to a meeting in Washington, D.C., which Ford saw as an “olive branch.”

That was a miscalculation on Ford’s part, as a similar trade war that Trump precipitated with China around the same time was blunted due to Chinese President Xi Jinping’s refusal to cave to American pressure. Not only did China respond to Trump’s initial 10 per cent tariff by escalating its own levies on U.S. goods to a high of 125 per cent , it placed export restrictions on a bunch of rare earth elements , which American industry relies on.

Trump responded by de-escalating the trade war, and has been walking on eggshells around President Xi ever since. Even his latest round of sanctions against Iran, which the administration dubbed “Economic D-Day,” noticeably excluded major measures directed at China, despite its Communist government single-handedly keeping Iran’s terrorist regime afloat by buying most of its oil.

Trump claims that “we don’t need Canada,” but this — like his made up stat that Canada does “95 per cent of their business with the U.S., with us, the exact opposite” — is BS. The U.S. relies on Canada for half its aluminum , which is essential for producing cars, appliances and other goods.

America also imports around four-million barrels of Canadian oil a day. In 2024, Canada accounted for 62 per cent of U.S. crude imports, according to the American Petroleum Institute. Not only does this help fuel the American economy, it is purchased at a steep discount compared to European Brent and American West Texas Intermediate (WTI) crude.

At the very least, raising the cost of Western Canadian Select oil so it cannot be purchased by Americans for less than the WTI spot price would serve to put inflationary pressure on U.S. consumers, while providing little incentive for customers to seek alternate suppliers in the short term.

More than 20 U.S. states also rely on Canadian electricity, importing $3.3 billion worth last year alone. While some, like New York and Washington, are blue states that are already opposed to Trump’s policies, some, such as Michigan, are swing states with a number of tight races in the upcoming midterm elections. Others, including North Dakota, voted for Trump in 2024 and have Republican governors.

The reality is that there are two primary means of forcing the administration to back down from its trade war: legal measures, such as court cases or legislative changes, and political pressure.

Earlier this year, the U.S. Supreme Court invalidated some of Trump’s tariffs, but the administration keeps finding novel legal means of achieving its ends. While Canada should support any challenges to the current tariffs in any way it can, they will take time to wind through the courts and there is no guarantee of success.

Likewise, while Congress could take back its sole constitutional authority to “ lay and collect ” tariffs, Democrats are unlikely to make enough gains in the midterms for such efforts to succeed, especially given their preoccupation with hating capitalists and Jews.

But public pressure can go a long way, and many American voters are furious that Trump has been unable to make good on his promise to curb Biden-era inflation, largely due to his tariffs and war with Iran. Increasing the price of energy, electricity and other commodities will further fuel inflation, putting pressure not only on the president, but also on his fellow Republicans and business leaders to do something about it.

This, I might add, is also why the Ford government’s Ronald Reagan ad was so effective at raising the ire of the administration: it served to remind Republicans that they used to be the party of free trade, which is a net benefit to the entire country.

Such measures will, of course, come at a cost to Canadians. Our failure to build pipelines to the coast and LNG export terminals means there’s largely nowhere for Canadian energy to go other than south, and we may quickly run out of storage space if we decide to hang onto our reserves. Likewise, imposing export taxes on raw materials and import taxes on finished goods that aren’t produced at home will raise the cost of living for Canadians.

But it also opens new opportunities for Canadian provinces to buy domestic energy supplies and businesses to find new suppliers and export opportunities elsewhere. Either way, the hope should be that any retaliatory measures are short-lived, lasting only as long as the Americans continue to violate our free-trade agreement.

None of this is optimal. If I had my way, Canada would remove all trade barriers on its allies and invite the Americans to join in on a new era of global free trade. But one cannot win a fight without throwing a punch. Trump started this trade war and it’s up to us to show him that any perceived benefits are not worth the costs.

National Post
jkline@postmedia.com
Twitter.com/accessd


Signs displayed at the 2017 Al-Quds Day anti-Israel protest.

In a recent Globe & Mail op-ed , members of the Jewish Faculty Network (JFN) assert that anti-Zionism is not antisemitism, that Jewishness is an exclusively religious identity that has nothing to do with statehood and that the debate between Zionist and anti-Zionist Jews has been going strong for 100 years. Their assertions are made without the benefit of reference to recent anonymous peer-reviewed survey research or anything more than a distorted understanding of modern Jewish history.

A 2026 survey of a representative sample 626 Canadian Jewish adults found that 92 per cent of Canadian Jews support the existence of a Jewish state in Israel. They therefore fit the standard definition of “Zionist.” Eighty-six per cent of Canadian Jews think that supporting Israel is an important or essential part of their Jewish identity. Jewish statehood is thus a core element of Jewish identity for the overwhelming majority of Jews in Canada — and also, of course, for Jews in Israel (where about one-half of the world’s Jewish population resides) and elsewhere.

In contrast, just 60 per cent of Canadian Jews consider attending synagogue an important or essential part of Jewish identity; 59 per cent say the same about observing Jewish religious law.

All these findings are in line with results from a 2024 survey of 414 Canadian Jews and a 2018 survey of 2,335 Canadian who identify as Jewish by religion or ethnicity.

Members of the JFN are therefore wrong to claim that being Jewish is only a matter of religion and not a matter of statehood. Moreover, just as it is antisemitic to discriminate against Jews based on their religion, I believe it is antisemitic to erase support for the existence of a Jewish state as a core part of Jewish identify.

Some Jews are anti-Zionists. They deny the need for the existence of a Jewish state. In Canada, a 2025 survey of 332 Jewish Canadians found that 1 per cent of Canadian Jews at the time regarded themselves as anti-Zionists, while the most recent 2026 survey of 625 Canadian Jews cited earlier puts the number at 5 per cent. The proportion of Jews who deny the need for Jewish statehood is thus tiny.

The representatives of the JFN correctly note that Reform Judaism in mid-19th century Germany held that Jewishness is exclusively a religious category. However, a century later, in the early 1940s, Reform Judaism officially endorsed the need for a Jewish state as the extent of the Holocaust became apparent.

Similarly, the members of the JFN cite the Jewish Labour Bund of Poland and Lithuania as a large and vigorous opponent of Zionism since its founding in 1897. This is an exaggeration . Most Bundists were killed in the Holocaust and many of those who survived became Zionists in the face of the Holocaust. In fact, Tel Aviv became one of the centers of Bundism after the Second World War.

It should not surprise us that the JFN has written an op-ed arguing that anti-Zionism isn’t antisemitism. In the principles section of their website, they state that they oppose the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) working definition of antisemitism which was accepted by Canada in 2019. It includes non-legally binding illustrative examples of what might constitute antisemitism, including, “D enying the Jewish people their right to self-determination.”

Notably, the JFN’s “principles” page on their website lacks any mention of the horrific attacks on October 7, and their press release page includes only two entries, one opposing the IHRA definition and one about “anti-Palestinian racism.”

Many Jewish Zionists, including me, are highly critical of Israel’s treatment of the Palestinians and its conduct in the Israel-Hamas war. However, for reasons I’ve indicated, I regard the small coterie of Jewish anti-Zionists as misguided.

Robert Brym is an emeritus professor of sociology and Jewish studies at University of Toronto.

National Post


People at the Sturgeon County Centre in Morinville, Alta., protest Meta’s plans to build a $13-billion data centre north of Edmonton on Aug. 2.

One of the most pressing questions facing the Canadian public right now is one that most people will have never been asked before, which is: are we techno-optimists?

The answer to that question will influence a number of ballot-box issues in upcoming elections related to artificial intelligence and the data centres that support its expansion. It will also determine whether Canada embraces the coming tidal wave of change brought about by AI enough to have some control over its direction and share in its spoils, or if we are simply battered about by the forces of AI.

While it’s been around for a while, the phrase “techno-optimist” was popularized by Silicon Valley investor Marc Andreessen a few years ago to describe those who believe that the future is friendly and that technological progress will be a force for good.

It doesn’t mean you ignore legitimate concerns. AI pioneers and executives themselves warn about the potential for catastrophe if things go off the rails. But the techno-optimist believes that these are obstacles to overcome, not reasons to reject the future.

Currently, the Canadian public is on the fence about this progress. And we’re at risk of turning against it.

A wave of anti-AI populism has flared up across the United States, with hundreds of municipalities banning data centres and over a dozen proposed state-wide bans. The trend has moved up here in recent months, with protests and calls for bans in some Canadian cities.

Mississauga, Ont., has just enacted a one year moratorium on data centres as incumbent politicians who were previously in favour of them now trip over themselves to say who is more opposed to the facilities as they seek re-election in the October municipal election.

It’s beyond the scope of this column to break down all the concerns about them — and the rebuttals by data centre advocates — but the claims include that the facilities use too much energy, too much water, will be intrusive and noisy and cost the taxpayer in the form of subsidies, handouts and increased energy rates.

Some of these complaints are fearmongering, some are legitimate and can be addressed. And address them we should, because there are costs to missing out on welcoming such mega-projects.

Canada is at risk of repeating the mistakes we made in letting our oil and gas sector be vilified, setting us back by more than a decade in developing key projects and enjoying their economic benefits.

What we have now is primarily a communications problem. The public is exposed to plenty of arguments against data centres. But they’re not encountering many arguments in support of them.

There is an entire subculture of Silicon Valley podcasts that present compelling and optimistic visions of the future of AI and its infrastructure. But they remain a subculture and aren’t filtering down into public consciousness to sway broader opinion.

Because politics is downstream from culture, what the average voter thinks about an issue heavily influences policy. A politician who supported something one day can pivot the next to chase the mood of the electorate, as the Mississauga example shows.

One of the most detailed and spirited defences of data centre expansion in Canada hasn’t come from an AI company or tech podcast, but from the province of Alberta.

Premier Danielle Smith’s government recently launched an online explainer that breaks down what data centres are, how they will and won’t be constructed, along with facts and data to tackle residents’ concerns.

“AI could add US$15.7 trillion to the global economy by 2030, and every dollar of it will flow through a data centre somewhere,” the explainer notes. “Refusing to build them would not make AI go away. It would just mean the jobs, taxes and investment land somewhere else, while Albertans keep using digital services powered by someone else’s economy.”

The highly readable document presents the province’s policy journey as heavy-lifting that can now be copied by others: “Some (jurisdictions) let data centres connect faster than new power could be built, and household bills rose. Some handed out billions in tax breaks,” the explainer adds. “Alberta spent two years studying those mistakes and wrote rules to prevent them.”

Ontario Premier Doug Ford also sees it this way, recently calling opponents to data centres “misinformed.” Ford’s government has just launched its own data centre policy framework that follows Alberta’s path.

The federal Liberal government’s national AI strategy also aims to seize the moment in data centre creation. However, it’s written more for stakeholders and industry than the regular reader.

Canada is at an important crossroads: The feds and large provinces are supportive of data centres. But polling shows the public is divided. And opposition is strongest at the municipal level, where local politicians are pressured to say no to future projects. Which way will we go?

Let’s go the techno-optimist route and embrace the future. To be successful at that, AI advocates need to get louder and recognize they are within a window of opportunity that can be hijacked by noisy opposition if they don’t move fast.

National Post
anthony@furey.ca

Anthony Furey is a former journalist and past Toronto mayoral candidate who now works in corporate consulting.


U.S. President Donald Trump speaks during an event in the Rose Garden of the White House on August 24, 2026 in Washington, DC.

I find it hard to come to a different conclusion than I did on Saturday that Prime Minister Mark Carney made the right choice by walking away from trade negotiations with the United States. The demand that Canada align its trade policy with the U.S., while still facing harsh tariffs, is an obvious non-starter. Even so, the Liberals have been twisting themselves into knots to prove that they are every bit as self-obsessed and petty as they have always been.

Consider the fact that among the major reasons Canada walked away from the deal was over American demands that we scrap policies that force U.S.-owned streaming services to prioritize Canadian, including French-language, content and to contribute to the production of said content. (If there was another issue related to the French language at play, it hasn’t yet come out.)

Displaying the hyperbole that can only be mustered by a Liberal prime minister who’s dependent on Quebec for his majority, Carney exaggerated that demand as “threats to French language and culture” on Saturday. Then, on Monday, speaking in French, the prime minister added, “Here in Quebec, here in Canada, these are rights. So there is an enormous gap between our perspective and the U.S. perspective.”

Of course the Americans want Canada to get rid of those policies. Canadian content, or CanCon, has become shorthand for bland, inoffensive productions that are of little interest to anyone, let alone Canadians themselves. If it was worth producing, the government wouldn’t need to force Netflix or Amazon to fund it, or to alter their algorithms to promote it.

The Liberal party’s commitment to controlling the internet is just as obnoxious as its commitment to any number of ill-advised ideas, such as the party’s almost religious devotion to the supply management system of tariffs and quotas for eggs, poultry and dairy, which is another irritant for the Americans.

Whatever one thinks of U.S. President Donald Trump’s actions, particularly on trade, the critics of the Carney government who point to how it has handled the bilateral relationship with the U.S. are, it must be said, absolutely right. The Liberals always seem to prioritize the interests of the party over the country, unless it is something that affects Quebec, while leaving other regions (read: Alberta) neglected.

As the New York Times reported on Tuesday, Carney and Trump had discussed resurrecting the “Keystone XL” north-south pipeline, now known as the “Prairie Connector.” But, according to the Times, the Liberals did not view the pipeline, which would be a boon to Alberta, and which Trump wants, as a trade win for Canada, but rather as a concession to the Americans.

Carney said, the Times summarized, that “for the right deal on tariffs, Canada would consider bringing its side of the pipeline back to life.” Ultimately, “A Canadian official said that the trade deal on offer was not good enough to make the pipeline make sense.”

If the report is accurate, it’s strange that a government viewed increasing tariff-free exports of a key Canadian resource as a concession, rather than a goal. Except the Liberals have spent the past decade trying to strangle the Alberta-based energy industry.

The Liberals have clearly benefited politically from conflict with Trump, creating legitimate skepticism about why Canada walked away from trade negotiations. Take Carney’s behaviour over the past year, with him wildly over-promising on his ability to achieve a deal with the U.S, and variously presenting himself as the Trump whisperer, or leader of the anti-Trump resistance.

He fashioned himself as the only candidate capable of reaching a deal with the U.S., while also being the right person to lead the world’s middle powers, if you believe the tripe in his Davos speech. He at once promises to work with Trump, while seeking to usurp him, all out in the open, and all at once.

This approach has been particularly popular among Canadians over 65 and those who work in the public service, while doing very little to improve Canada’s economic position. This country is still saddled with onerous taxation and regulatory regimes, and as blessed as we are with natural resources, getting the infrastructure in place to extract and ship them to market is nearly impossible.

The government rides anti-Trump vibes to high poll numbers, while much of the country stagnates.

However, regardless of how poorly conceived our cultural and regulatory policies are, and how unserious the prime minster’s actions have been, the government has every right to behave this way, and to implement every transparently terrible policy it wishes.

That doesn’t mean, of course, that the Liberals should be free of consequences. In fact, if this was merely a regular trade deal being negotiated with the Americans, and the Canadians were behaving this way, it should have been the U.S. side that walked way, but these aren’t normal negotiations, with normal concessions being offered and received.

Even if Trump has good reason to want to have a say over who Canada can sign a trade deal with, or over our cultural and regulatory policies, his administration offered virtually nothing in return. Not only would it maintain high tariffs on Canadian imports, it reserved the right, according to media reports, to unilaterally change its trade policy towards Canada at any time.

And all of this was happening while CUSMA is still in effect and supposedly up for renegotiation. The outcome of these talks would merely be a prelude to those negotiations, and would mean entering them after already making massive concessions.

So no, despite the government’s obnoxiousness, Canada is not more to blame for this mess than the United States. Trump has been busy launching tariffs against the entire world, turning friendly countries all over the place into rivals. If the president wanted to get Canada, Europe and its East Asian allies to align against China, for instance, economic aggression was the wrong approach.

Unfortunately, Trump’s attitude towards his supposed allies has permitted the Liberal Party of Canada, at virtually no cost to itself, to embrace all its worst instincts.

National Post