Two months into the new Canada, we’ve learned something we might not have appreciated — that Canada is a conservative country filled with a lot of conservative-minded people who are willing to adopt conservative policies, so long as they’re introduced by a Liberal.
Maybe that’s why Prime Minister Mark Carney and Ontario Premier Doug Ford get along so well. The prime minister is a Liberal who is busily implementing a set of policies long advocated by Conservatives. Ford is a Conservative who likes spending money like a Liberal. Ford says he and the prime minister talk every day.
“Hey Doug, Mark here, nice
project you sent me!”
“No problem PM, come by in a few months and I’ll treat you at my new
!”
“You know me, buddy …. build baby build.
Long as I don’t have to pay for it!”
“Pay for it?… Hey, isn’t that why they invented bond markets?”
Possibly that’s not an actual conversation, but who knows? Carney the banker is keen on presenting himself as an average Joe; Ford is from Toronto’s Rexdale neighbourhood, which could be world headquarters for average Joes.
We’re told that one of the first calls Carney made following the recent G7 get-together in Kananaskis, Alta., was to the Ontario premier. Ford was busy around that time issuing some thoughtless remarks about Canada’s Indigenous population, suggesting that, much as he wants to please them, “there
’
s going to be a point where you can
’
t just keep coming hat-in-hand all the time to the government.…
“
When you literally have gold mines, nickel mines, every type of critical mineral that the world wants, and you
’
re saying,
‘
No, no, I don
’
t want to touch that, by the way, give me money
’ —
not going to happen.”
In classic Ford fashion, the outburst was quickly followed by an abject
.
“I get pretty passionate,” the premier confessed 24 hours later after a meeting with Ontario chiefs, at which his passion presumably came in for some criticism. “And I just want to say, I sincerely apologize for my words, not only if it hurt all the chiefs in that room, but all First Nations.”
Upsetting the province’s Indigenous people is not a good idea for a leader who is determined to finally make some headway on developing the Ring of Fire, the mineral-rich area he’d alluded to. Talk of its potential wealth has been plentiful, but progress has been glacial, a result of the usual quagmire of regulatory, legal and activist impediments that have so successfully clogged up Canada’s ability to see through big ideas.
Carney made his determination to flush away the clog the centrepiece of his new and improved Liberal government. His very first bit of major legislation was called the “building Canada act” to make that resolve clear. The
to the act states that, “It is in the interests of Canada
’
s economy, sovereignty and security, including its energy security, to urgently advance projects throughout Canada, including in the North, that are in the national interest.”
Hard to argue with that, but argument, of course, there has been. The act
“
is a case study in how not to engage with Indigenous nations,”
Chief Lance Haymond of the Kebaowek First Nation. It’s “a naked power grab that tramples our democracy,”
to the Toronto Star.
“
Not even Harper tried to rev up a bulldozer like this,” asserted Elizabeth May, Parliament’s sole Green member, who’s always keen to get in a shot at her much-more successful political rival.
The bill was
with the support of the Opposition Conservatives, which was enough in itself to upset “progressives.” Added to Carney’s wholesale adoption of other Conservative aims — a cancelled carbon tax, tax cuts, tougher borders, immigration reform — it threatened an outbreak of partisan dysphoria among the part of the populace that’s accustomed to ensuring nothing constructive ever gets done. May, for one,
the collaboration might continue, as if constructive co-operation between two parties that are supported by 85 per cent of voters would be bad for the country.
Unlike Ford, though, Carney appears not to be the apologizing type. He’s more the “let’s get serious with our accusations” type. Responding to the outpouring of complaints, he noted that, “Consultation, co-operation, engagement, participation is at the heart of C-5 and that is how you build a nation.” The bill not only aims to support Indigenous partnerships, “but also to finance equity ownership in these nation-building projects for Indigenous peoples, Indigenous groups, Indigenous rights holders.”
Right off the top, the bill states that, “The government of Canada is committed to respecting the rights of Indigenous peoples recognized and affirmed by Section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982 and the rights set out in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.”
Clearly that isn’t enough to convince “progressives” who voted in the Liberals but don’t trust them to keep their word even when it’s written into legislation. You can’t really blame them given how often the previous Liberal government broke its word, ignored the rules and bound itself to promises it showed no intention of keeping. Many of those same promise-breakers are now senior members of Carney’s cabinet.
Learning to deal with the country’s large and firmly embedded barriers to progress is something Carney will have to master. Canada didn’t get to this position of lethargy and blockage accidentally; it took the determined efforts of armies of professional adversaries and disputants over an extended period. A single bill, no matter how optimistically titled, isn’t going to turn the tide against decades of obstructionism.
The doubts of Native-Canadians arise from centuries of bad experiences with untrustworthy governments. Carney could have saved himself some trouble if he’d paused his sprint to a self-imposed legislative deadline to better address their concerns. As it was, he spent much of the news conference following the act’s passage responding to pointed questions about those concerns and pledging to spend a good chunk of the summer meeting with Indigenous leaders to make up for the misstep.
May’s concerns about the dangers of co-operation aside, surveys suggest Carney and Ford remain in favour. Ford was recently
as the country’s most popular Conservative, ahead of seatless federal leader Pierre Poilievre. Popularity in politics is fleeting, however, and needs to be used wisely while it lasts. It appears they share an understanding of their situation, which would explain the sense of hurry in Ottawa and Toronto to get something done while they still have the chance.
National Post