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Canadian Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre flashes the V-sign as he arrives to speak to the media at CBC-Radio-Canada after he participated in the French Federal Leaders Debate broadcast in Montreal, Canada, on April 16, 2025.

By the narrowest of margins, anti-Trump posturing and pugnacity was more influential with voters on Monday than recollections of the shambles by almost every measurement of the government’s previous ten years. Trump is an extraordinarily effective president for the Americans, but his carnival manner and flippant bombast does not travel well, (though it is often entertaining). His trade argument against Canada, as many have pointed out, is rubbish since there would be no American trade deficit with this country if energy were excluded and much of the oil that we sell the United States is at a knock- down price and is sold on by them to third parties for a large and easy profit. As I wrote in this column when he started his nonsense about Canada becoming the 51st state, instead of every politician in the country putting on the uniform and airs of Captain Canada, and Justin Trudeau telling Trump that Canada would “collapse” but that we would make a manful effort to raise our contribution to our own national defence to  two per cent of GDP as we have pledged, but in five years, we should have countered the U.S. president with hauteur and ridicule.

We should have invited all of the governors of the northern U.S. border states to secede from that country, (though the practice was discouraged by Abraham Lincoln and General Grant and General Sherman), and join Canada for the benefit of a lower crime rate and a relatively honest justice system where prosecutors are disbarred for replicating the conduct of the Nazi jurist “Raving Roland” Freisler, a frequent phenomenon in the U.S.

If absurd tariffs continued to be threatened, the federal government should have announced that it would compensate and where possible find alternate markets for Canadian suppliers of electricity, oil, and phosphates to suspend deliveries to the United States, to remind its president that we are useful, resourceful, and little minded to behave like doormats. For good measure, I recommended massive funding of American pro bono law reform institutions such as the Innocence Project, to assist the United States in reducing its 98 per cent federal conviction rate, 95 per cent without trial, through the perversion of the plea bargain system and the gutting of the Bill of Rights, in the cases of nonviolent alleged first offenders.

Instead, the new prime minister plied his rounds uttering gratuitous snideries about the United States which, we might occasionally wish to remind ourselves, despite its many shortcomings, is incomparably the most successful country in the history of the world, with whom we have had an astonishingly cordial relationship for over 200 years. The Liberals tried to rise above Justin Trudeau’s assertions that we had no identity and were a post-national country that had attempted genocide against our native people and were on the verge of collapse. They tried to prove by raising their voices that we were not a 98-pound weakling country. Donald Trump doesn’t care who the prime minister of Canada is and unfortunately, neither does anyone else in the world outside this country. One of the fables of the Justin Trudeau era was that “The world needs more Canada.” Perhaps, but the world, unfortunately with some reason, thinks we are an absurdly woke, under-achieving country. Canada was hornswoggled by Carney’s nasty fairy tale that “Trump’s trying to break us.” Trump thinks that federal union would be a favour to Canada. We don’t agree but Trump does not spend five minutes a week thinking about Canada. Our schoolyard pouting and fist-shaking did not impress him and if Carney succeeds in imposing his climate straight-jacket, this country will be on political suicide watch.

The president’s chief interest seems to be to repatriate the parts of the American automobile business that moved to this country. If he is implacable in that determination, and some of the Japanese automakers have already indicated that they would be happy to relocate to the United States, then we should prepare arrangements to take over automobile and auto industry related businesses in this country at depreciated values, make arrangements with overseas manufacturers such as Volvo or Kia, (if the Swedes and the Koreans can do it so can we), and build an automobile industry of our own for the first time since Sam McLaughlin in Oshawa over a century ago and assure that no American-manufactured automobile ever enters this country again other than with a tourist at the wheel. So far, we have been, as the English say, “all mouth and no trousers,” and if Trump assists us in learning how to act like and be taken as a serious country, he will, no doubt inadvertently, have done us a favour. We can start by using the fiscal influence of the federal government on the provinces to require that public education in this country cease to teach that we are a nation of imperialists, racist colonialists, and reprobates. We must reacquaint ourselves with our history-warts and all, it is a distinguished history which all Canadians should know something about and regard with pride.

I do not unsay what I have written here and elsewhere about Mark Carney, but he has retained his office in a fair election and, like all the party leaders, spoke graciously on election night. He’s my prime minister too and I wish him success. If it turns out better than I have predicted, I will recant my previous comments as appropriate, with unfeigned humility and a glowing heart. The only previous leaders who won four consecutive general elections without facing a fragmented official opposition were Macdonald, Laurier, and King-St. Laurent. For the government of Justin Trudeau to be elected for a fourth consecutive time is counterintuitive, disappointing, embarrassing, but a remarkable achievement for Mark Carney, especially since he was the gray eminence of that blunderbuss regime.

It was in some respects also a good night for the Conservatives. Trudeau had taken the Liberal party so far left that the so-called New Democrats, (though after 64 years their novelty is wearing thin), have become redundant. That the Conservatives came within a couple of points of the Liberals after the NDP had collapsed into the Liberals’ lap was a remarkable achievement, and a resurrection of an authentically conservative national party in a practically two-party system, for the first time since Robert Borden in 1911. (Stephen Harper is an authentic conservative but he only gained and held office for nine years when there was a fortuitous division of the traditional Liberal clientele with the NDP and the Bloc Québecois. As soon as the Liberals reverted to a French-speaking leader, Harper was out.) Mark Carney is the first successful English-speaking federal Liberal leader since Lester Pearson and his position is just as tenuous. The last time an English-speaking Liberal federal leader won a parliamentary majority was Mackenzie King in 1940. The liberals should remember this before they become intoxicated drinking their own bath water from a fire-hose.

Nor should Pierre Poilievre be at all discountenanced at losing his own constituency, which has been invaded by Liberal civil servants over the years. King was prime minister for 22 years and lost his own district four times, twice as prime minister. It’s irrelevant. On Monday, the Conservatives defied the (biased and amateurish) polls for Ontario, gained 18 MP’s in the province, ran the Liberals a practical dead heat with a shrivelled NDP and sold intelligent conservatism to hundreds of thousands of converts, including a promising number of young voters and of working people. Poilievre missed it by a thread this time but he still looks more like the future than his rivals, in his own and other parties.

National Post


U.S. President Donald Trump, left, and Prime Minister Mark Carney

Like virtually all politicians, Prime Minister Mark Carney’s

victory speech

was filled with promises and pledges to reach across the aisle and govern for all. The public would be right to be skeptical, because few political leaders manage to deliver on such lofty goals. But this time must be different, because as Carney acknowledged, this is a “critical time” in our history, when we are facing not only the upending of our relationship with the United States, but an increasingly hostile and dangerous world.

First on the agenda will be the upcoming trade negotiations with the U.S. Carney successfully convinced a plurality of Canadians that he was better suited to take on U.S. President Donald Trump than his rival, despite little evidence to back up the claim. Carney’s

upcoming meeting

with the president in Washington on Tuesday will provide the first real test of how he plans on dealing with Trump. And news that

King Charles

will deliver the throne speech on May 27 will help strengthen our image as a strong and sovereign country. Yet the question remains: what can we get out of such a deal with the Americans?

There are very real questions about whether Carney will be able to forge an amicable relationship with his U.S. counterpart. His election night speech was an odd mix of hopefulness that we can achieve big things and dark premonitions about a dystopian future. He spoke of “American betrayal,” and pointedly claimed that Trump “is trying to break us, so that America can own us.” In an uncharacteristically diplomatic fashion, Trump later

brushed off

Carney’s heated rhetoric by acknowledging that the remarks were made in the heat of an election campaign, and called the prime minister a “very nice gentleman.”

Despite Trump’s measured tone, it is telling that he wanted Carney to come to him. Trump revels in the idea of foreign leaders coming to the White House and grovelling for a deal. When former prime minister Justin Trudeau flew to

Mar-a-Lago in November

, Trump clearly saw him as weak, as that was when he started talking publicly about turning Canada into the 51st state and referring to the PM as “Governor Trudeau.” Carney must now walk a fine line of appearing confident and strong, while not giving the president an excuse to hold a grudge against him.

And this is merely the starting point in what is sure to be a tough set of negotiations. We can expect Trump to play hardball, because we know he thinks the current deal is too generous, and that his goal is to encourage manufacturers to move to the U.S. We must also acknowledge that Trump is not a trustworthy negotiating partner, as some of the tariffs he’s imposed are in clear violation of the free-trade deal negotiated during his first term.

Canada must be clear-eyed about the fact that whatever deal we get will likely be worse than the one we have now. Nevertheless, if Carney can come to an agreement that provides stability over the next four years — and includes a similar stipulation that it will be renegotiated after six years, when we will hopefully have a more friendly face in the White House — he will be able to consider it a win.

But this is only half the battle. Regardless of the outcome of the trade negotiations, Canada needs to start looking out for its own bottom line by tearing down internal trade barriers, building trading relationships with other countries, making it easier for Canadian companies to compete in global markets and developing our abundant natural resources. We were thus pleased that Carney talked about building Canada “into an energy superpower” on election night.

This is a phrase that was never uttered by Trudeau, who spent his nearly 10 years in office erecting barriers to energy development and transportation. But Carney has also pledged to keep the

Impact Assessment Act

— whose requirements are so onerous, it has caused most companies with plans to build pipelines and other infrastructure to simply give up — maintain the oil and gas

emissions cap

and the

industrial carbon tax

, and introduce a system of

carbon tariffs

.

While the government has a desire to balance economic growth with environmental protection, these policies continue to put too much weight on the environment and will only further Canada’s affordability problem. As we saw when Trudeau was in office, a sole focus on keeping Canada’s carbon emissions low, without acknowledging that cleaner-burning Canadian energy, like natural gas, can be used by other countries to help reduce their carbon footprints, will only serve to inhibit the Canadian economy, without reducing global CO2 emissions.

A big theme of Carney’s victory speech was “humility,” and we hope he is humble enough to realize that Canadians put a lot of trust in a party that, mere months ago, was so deeply unpopular, it looked like it would go down in a historic defeat. To live up to that trust, Liberals will have to follow through on the best of their myriad

campaign promises

, including building millions of new homes, growing the economy, developing the Arctic and strengthening the Canadian Armed Forces.

We remain skeptical that they will be able to achieve these goals, especially without burdening future generations with massive amounts of debt. But for the sake of our country, we sincerely hope this proves to be a pivotal and positive moment in Canadian history.


Ontario Premier Doug Ford

On Wednesday, Ontario Premier Doug Ford claimed that Canada’s politically appointed judiciary is

overstepping its authority

and that judges should be elected so that they are more responsive to the will of the people. His criticisms are absolutely warranted: judicial activism has run amok, causing demonstrable harms.

Ford’s comments were prompted by a recent legal battle over a law,

Bill 212

, that his government passed last November, to forcibly remove bike lanes on three major Toronto streets.

Biking activists

sued the province

in December, arguing that the law violates cyclists’

Section 7

Charter rights (“the right to life, liberty and security of the person”), and sought a preliminary injunction blocking enforcement until their case could be fully adjudicated in court.

There is a clear test for granting such injunctions: (1) the request must concern a serious issue; (2) the applicant must experience “irreparable harm” if the injunction is not granted; and (3) the benefits of the injunction must not outweigh any harm it causes to the public interest (this is known as the “balance of convenience”).

When the Supreme Court

established this test

, though, it emphasized that there is a strong public interest in respecting the authority of the legislative and executive branches of government.

Nullifying duly enacted laws erodes the separation of powers, so, ideally, this should only be done after a full hearing, especially if constitutional matters are involved. Overruling Parliament via preliminary injunctions is supposed to be reserved for “clear cases.”

Likewise, when determining a balance of convenience, judges are supposed to assume that duly enacted laws serve the public interest as intended. If this is not actually the case, that is only to be recognized in the final ruling.

With Bill 212, an Ontario Superior Court judge, Stephen E. Firestone,

initially ruled

that the activists had not met the “heavy burden” of demonstrating that sufficient harms or “a compelling overall public interest rationale” justified nullifying the provincial legislature’s authority.

He argued that, while removing bike lanes may irreparably harm some cyclists, “this is not a case where the applicants have no viable alternative means of transportation,” and that biking is a voluntary choice for the vast majority of people.

Regarding the public interest, he wrote that, “Toronto is a densely populated city with competing demands for road space,” and cycling represents only three to four per cent of all trips made within the city.

“The courts’ role on this interlocutory motion is not to second-guess the wisdom of the policy or to question whether it really serves the public interest. It is assumed to do so,” emphasized Firestone, correctly.

The case was then forwarded to another Superior Court judge, Paul Schabas, who, upon reviewing more evidence,

granted the injunction

his predecessor had refused.

Deviating from

judicial precedent

, Schabas explicitly denied that Bill 212 served the public interest and spent much of his ruling defending bike lanes and minimizing their trade-offs.

He utterly ignored Firestone’s concerns about whether the cyclists’ irreparable harms were inflated and defended the injunction due to what he claimed was a “competing public interest of encouraging cycling as a means of transportation.”

Putting things into perspective: a democratically elected provincial government was overruled by an unelected judge who seems poised to enshrine bike lanes as a Charter right.

Although voters expressed their preferences by giving a strong mandate to an anti-bike government, this judge paternalistically ignored them and decided that the more important public interest lies in encouraging more cycling.

I’m a cyclist who cherishes bike lanes and thinks that Bill 212 is asinine, but I sympathize with Ford. This issue should be resolved in democratic arenas, not through judicial activism and hastily fabricated Charter rights. Overreach is bad, even when it benefits you personally.

And this case is just the latest example of a judiciary run amok. Early last year, the B.C. Supreme Court used flimsy evidence and

specious arguments

to grant an injunction against a provincial law that would have outlawed public drug consumption. Apparently, smoking meth on sidewalks had, out of nowhere, become a Charter right.

Similarly, last December, Ontario Superior Court judge Michael Valente

questionably determined

that homeless people have a Charter right to sleep in encampments unless there is sufficient shelter space where open drug use is permitted.

The ruling seemed designed to coerce municipalities into adopting contentious homelessness and addiction policies without democratic buy-in, and was later indirectly criticized by Valente’s colleague, Judge James Ramsay, who noted, upon

ruling

on a similar case, that “micro-management by judges will not be productive.”

Amid rising judicial activism, Ford is right to call attention to the fact that all judges within Canada’s superior courts are appointed by the federal government. Although candidate lists are put together

by third parties

, the feds nonetheless have the final say on who sits on the country’s most influential benches.

The impact here isn’t hard to discern:

Schabas

and

Valente

, who discovered Charter rights for bike lanes and drug dens, were Liberal appointees, while

Firestone

and

Ramsay

, who exercised judicial restraint, were Conservative picks.

Electing judges invites a different, equally serious,

set of problems

and likely isn’t the answer, but something needs to be fixed.

National Post


Conservative Party Leader Pierre Poilievre speaks to his supporters after losing the Canadian Federal Election on April 29, 2025 in Ottawa, Canada. (Photo by Minas Panagiotakis/Getty Images)

Pierre Poilievre has earned the right to remain leader of the Conservative party.

There were no calls coming from inside the federal tent for him to depart after failing to displace the Liberal government in Monday’s election. In his concession speech, Poilievre himself made it clear he had

no intention of leaving

, nor should he.

Though he lost his seat, Prime Minister Mark Carney said Friday that he would call a byelection “as soon as possible,” once there is a vacant seat Poilievre can run for. And, as it happens, MP Damien Kurek is stepping aside for his leader, the party announced, also on Friday. The Conservatives won the rural Alberta riding of Battle River—Crowfoot by 82 per cent on Monday, indicating Poilievre should be back in the House in short order as leader, where he belongs.

The most prominent voices that were calling for him to leave are partisan Liberals. All conservatives in Canada, party members or not, should never, ever take advice from active Liberals and progressive activists. It is the equivalent of sticking a hand in an alligator’s mouth.

No matter how much they try to frame their advice as well-intentioned or constructive, the Canadian left views most conservatives as zoo animals, and their only goal is to win.

If Conservatives can learn anything from Liberals, it is by observing how they operate during elections. On the other hand, the flood of false counsel spewing from

jubilant left-wingers

on National Newswatch,

TikTok

, and elsewhere calling for Poilievre to resign can be ignored.

It is only fitting that the Conservative party and those who voted for them should take some time to wallow, but that should be kept brief, and their eyes must still look towards the future. Contrary to the prevalent narratives, Poilievre has fundamentally transformed the party in a way that will pay great dividends down the line.

It won the

student vote

and established itself in general as the first choice of young voters, winning

student-heavy ridings

in cities like London, while driving huge inroads through blue-collar communities to

sweep

industrial regions like Windsor. The Conservative breakthrough in Ontario, especially in the

Greater Toronto Area

, bodes well for the future.

This was all accomplished under Poilievre’s leadership, and it enabled them to hold the Liberals to a minority and attain the largest share of the popular vote in party history. A fourth consecutive defeat to the Liberals is still a deeply demoralizing blow, but turfing Poilievre and tearing down the house would be a terrible reaction.

Much of the criticism directed at Poilievre, again mostly from people who despise him, says that the loss of his own Carleton seat to Liberal challenger Bruce Fanjoy is sufficient reason for him to leave. This is nonsense.

The Ottawa-area riding of Carleton was not safe for Conservatives in the same way that Harper’s former seat of Calgary Heritage is. It is located in a region with thousands of Liberal-leaning public servants and progressive voters.

Prior to becoming leader, Poilievre had to put in serious legwork to

retain it

in the past, such as in 2015 where he won it by just three per cent.

This time around, the time Poilievre usually would have spent door knocking and shaking hands in Carleton was spent on a whirlwind rally tour that galvanized the Conservative campaign and halted the Liberal majority.

Again, the Conservatives expected to win this campaign, and shortening Carney’s seat count is not a victory, but this is still Poilievre’s party, and a survey by Abacus Data found that far more Canadians

identify as

partisan Conservatives than they do Liberals.

One of the silly narratives being spun is that Poilievre “blew” a 27-point lead.

At the peak of its popularity around Christmas, the Conservative party polled at 46 per cent. On Monday, their vote share was 41 percent. The decisive factor was the

implosion

of the NDP vote, not the Conservative one.

Since the modern party was formed in 2003, the only Conservative leaders to get the party close to a majority, or outright win one, have been Stephen Harper and Pierre Poilievre, both of whom were vilified by the progressive media and pundits who pretended they had the party’s best interest at heart.

Poilievre has remade the Conservative coalition into what it is, a party of strivers, young people, and battlers, to borrow a term from Australian political lingo.

A study should be conducted into how many of the ridings in exurban areas or smaller cities that went Conservative are full of newly arrived families from the bigger cities, who fled there in search of affordability.

The cost of living crisis will outlast the shock of the second Trump presidency, the opening months of which scared many Canadians out of voting for change in favour of Carney and the stability he projected. Carney’s base is ideologically disparate, being drawn from across the political spectrum into a circumstantial alliance.

There are NDP supporters, Liberal loyalists, pro-business types, and boomers, few of whom would normally share a room.

Those who have read the Life of Pi should compare it to the passage where a lion, a zebra, a hyena, and an orangutan find themselves together in a lifeboat after a storm sinks the ship they were being transported upon. After briefly co-existing in a crisis, they promptly break ranks and eat each other.

After the pain of losing this election, the Conservatives have work to do by mending fences or building fresh relationships, not to mention finding another seat for Poilievre, but a leadership race is out of the question. The Conservative party is his party until he says otherwise.

National Post


TEL AVIV, ISRAEL - MAY 01: A woman wearing an Israeli flag headband poses on the boardwalk on Yom Ha'atzmaut (Israel's independence day)  on May 01, 2025 in Tel Aviv, Israel. Despite all official celebrations and commemoration services being cancelled due to the ongoing wildfires in the Jerusalem hills, people still celebrated with customary BBQs and family get togethers. Yom Ha'atzmaut is Israel's independence day, commemorating the Israeli Declaration of Independence on 14 May 1948. Independence day begins on the evening after israel's national memorial day for fallen soldiers and victims of terror. (Photo by Alexi J. Rosenfeld/Getty Images)

This week, Israel celebrated its 77th Independence Day — a moment of national pride, reflection, and defiance. But Israel’s story didn’t begin in 1948. Its true birth stretches back more than 3,500 years, rooted deeply in a land where the Jewish people first built their Temple in Jerusalem around the year 957 BCE. From the Western Wall, the only remaining vestige of that holy sanctuary, to the ancient synagogues of Tzfat, the fortress of Masada, and the ruins of King David’s palace, Israel is not merely a modern state — it is the very soil of Jewish history and civilization.

Yet, you wouldn’t know any of this if you lived in Canada or much of Europe today, where mobs chant in the streets not for peace, but for the erasure of Israel. Rampaging against the Jewish state, antisemitic demonstrators call for its destruction with impunity — even as Israel mourns and remembers its fallen on Yom HaZikaron and celebrates its miraculous survival on Yom Ha’atzmaut.

It’s been a devastating 18 months. Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, and their puppet master Iran launched a war not of Israel’s choosing. It was barbarism against civilization. Yet Israel — as always — has fought back, not just with might, but with a heart of courage. This is a war for survival, and it is one Israel will finish on its own terms.

The statistics tell a staggering story. There are 57 Muslim-majority countries across the globe, representing 24 per cent of the world’s population and covering nearly 25 million square kilometers of territory. In contrast, there is only one Jewish country — Israel — encompassing just 21,937 square kilometres, a fraction of the world’s map and population. And yet, in that sliver of land, a miracle was born.

Since its founding in 1948, Israel has lost over 25,000 soldiers in defence of its people — brave men and women who stood between their homes and annihilation. In recent months, we’ve mourned the innocent victims of Hamas’s October 7 massacre, as well as the young soldiers who continue to risk their lives in Gaza and along the northern border. Yom HaZikaron was especially poignant this year — the pain raw, the wounds still bleeding. But even amid tears, Israelis paused to remember and then resumed the sacred act of living.

Despite it all, Israel’s population has reached more than 10 million — a teardrop in a world of 8.2 billion but a great achievement for a people who have had to rebuild after the murder of the six million in the Holocaust.

But walk the streets of Tel Aviv, or Jerusalem, or Eilat, and you’ll find cafes bustling, babies in strollers, students laughing on campuses, and startups humming with energy. Israel is not just surviving — it is thriving. It is the beating heart of hope.

Need inspiration? Look at Israel. Despite war and trauma, Israelis were recently ranked the 8th happiest people on earth. Why? Because Israelis live with purpose. While their neighbours build terror tunnels and preach hatred, Israelis innovate. They heal. They dream. Just last month, Google acquired an Israeli tech firm for $32 billion — its largest acquisition ever. Out of 196 countries, Israel now ranks 28th in global GDP, a mere six places behind Canada.

To the detriment of its enemies, the atrocities of October 7 have only solidified Israel’s national spirit. A new generation is rising — battle-tested, proud, determined. These young men and women, forged in the fires of war, will become the leaders of tomorrow, writing the next chapters of Israel’s story. Like Hannah Senesh, who parachuted into Nazi-occupied Europe to save lives, and Menachem Begin, who built a state from the ashes of exile, they will carry the flame forward.

Israel is undergoing a rebirth. The political squabbles will subside. What remains will be resilience, strength, and unity. Israel’s enemies should take heed: they have not only failed — they have accelerated Israel’s renewal.

So, yes — remember the past. But today, celebrate the future. Israel is still the most magical place on earth.

Am Yisrael Chai.

Avi Benlolo is founder and CEO of the Abraham Global Peace Initiative, a Canadian think-tank.


The administration building of the University of Saskatchewan is photographed in Saskatoon on Thursday, June 1, 2023.

First Reading is a Canadian politics newsletter curated by the National Post’s own Tristin Hopper. To get an early version sent directly to your inbox, sign up here.

TOP STORY

A University of Saskatchewan law professor provided a unique window into the equity mandates now ubiquitous at Canadian universities by blogging the details of a compulsory anti-racist “learning journey.”

The course was officially known as an Anti-Racism/Anti-Oppression and Unconscious Bias Faculty Development Session, and is a mandatory requirement of University of Saskatchewan faculty looking to participate in hiring committees.

An email announcing the program was given the subject line: “Mandatory unconscious bias and anti-racism training.”

“The training is intended to further your personal journey of learning and action, regardless of how knowledgeable or experienced you are, so attendance is mandatory irrespective of previous training or academic field of specialization,” faculty were told.

The course materials tell participants that they’ll be taught about the “systemic racism” of the university environment and how they have benefited from unearned racial privileges.

By session’s end, participants are told that they’ll be able understand their own “unconscious bias” and “reflect on and understand how power, privilege and meritocracy lead to inequities.”

One of the activities is to fill out a “power and privilege” wheel. These wheels, prepared and distributed by the Government of Canada, ask users to grade their “privileges” on everything from mental health to sexuality to skin colour. The most privileged identity, as identified by the wheel, is a white, able-bodied, heterosexual “colonizer/settler.”

Michael Plaxton, an expert in criminal law and statutory interpretation, alternately called the course a “mandatory DEI bootcamp” and a “forced march of self discovery.” He noted that it began with a declaration of “we’re not here to debate.”

The course included three readings. The first,

White settler colonialism and the myth of meritocracy

, was written by Idle No More activist Sheelah McLean, and details how white Saskatchewanians owe their prosperity to “150 years of racist, sexist and homophobic colonial practices.”

“The myth that Canadian society is created on individual work ethic ignores how racially dominant groups gain access to social and political power,” it reads.

The second was a chapter from the 2022 U.S. book Confronting Institutionalized Racism in Higher Education. The chapter interviews five “racialized” American university faculty and concludes that the entire system is rigged to benefit white people. “Racialized faculty are expected to have accomplished more, yet their tenure and promotion files are always scrutinized through certain deficit driven lenses of presumed incompetence,” it reads.

The third reading was also from the United States. A paper from the American Association of University Professors entitled Achieving Racial Equity in Promotion and Tenure. The document argues that if the racial makeup of university faculty doesn’t mirror the racial makeup of social generally, standards should be altered to “increase the number of tenured faculty members of color on campus.”

Plaxton was asked to leave the meeting after about 30 minutes, although not because he was posting its details on social media. As he

detailed in a follow-up post

, when a coordinator asked him why he was there, he replied, “I was there because my union made it a condition of participating in future tenure and search meetings.”

This precipitated a brief exchange which ended with Plaxton being told that if he was “unwilling to participate,” he was free to go.

Plaxton told National Post that he wasn’t any kind of “crusader on the whole DEI thing,” and that he didn’t think any of the course leaders “were anything other than earnest, well-meaning people.”

“No one was rude to me,” he wrote in an email, adding that he mostly felt “awkward” about the whole affair.

But Plaxton’s experience is now the norm. Academia has been at the sharp end of a wholesale Canadian institutional embrace of the doctrine of “anti-racism,” and everything from grant funding to hiring to promotion now hinges on a candidate’s willingness to accept the tenets of “equity, diversity and inclusion.”

In February, an analysis by the Aristotle Foundation found that nearly all Canadian academic job postings

now contain a “diversity” requirement

. This could be a mandatory “diversity survey” in which the applicant is required to detail their various racial and sexual identities. Or, in some cases, it could be a job that is explicitly limited to select demographics, such as a Black, Indigenous or female applicants.

It is also standard practice for research funding to be incumbent upon the racial or sexual diversity of the applicants. As far back as 2021, McGill University’s Patanjali Kambhampati

went public with criticism

of new guidelines from Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada that required applicants to list the identity characteristics of research assistants they would be prioritizing.

Anti-racism is different than traditional Canadian guidelines on racial tolerance, which mostly advocated for race to be treated as an irrelevance.

Rather, anti-racism is based on the premise that any inequality of outcome is itself evidence of a racist system, and must be remedied via special treatment for groups deemed to be marginalized or “

equity-deserving

.”

The University of Saskatchewan’s EDI Framework for Action, like most institutionalized anti-racism plans, is quite specific about this. The goal is “equity,” as distinct from equality, and is defined as “taking the range of human attributes and qualities into account and providing each individual with what they need to be successful.”

 

IN OTHER NEWS

Within hours of Monday’s election result, one of the most immediate consequences was a credit rating agency warning that Canada’s AAA credit rating was now in peril. “Canada has experienced rapid and steep fiscal deterioration, driven by a sharply weaker economic outlook and increased government spending during this electoral cycle,” read an analysis by FitchRatings published Tuesday. The agency said that Canada’s economy was still resilient to take a punch in the form of “a fiscal or economic shock,” but the sheer scale of spending promised by the new Liberal government “would pressure its credit profile.”

 Prime Minister Mark Carney’s first published interview following his Monday election win was with a foreign outlet. Carney, who has not yet held a post-election press conference with Canadian media, granted an exclusive to the BBC where he said he would negotiate with Donald Trump “on our terms.” And this is pretty on brand for Carney; his campaign for Liberal leader also kicked off with a flurry of non-Canadian media appearances, including a spot on The Daily Show.

Another consequence of Monday’s election that hasn’t been getting a lot of notice: A bunch of MPs won’t be getting their pension now. Last year,

it was a scandal

that the Trudeau government changed the date of the October election to one that just so happened to put dozens of MPs over the finish line towards qualifying for the gold-plated parliamentary pensions. You need six years of parliamentary service to qualify for the pension, and by moving the election from Oct. 20 to Oct. 27, 80 MPs first elected in 2019 would be pushed over the threshold, regardless of whether they won re-election. With the election having been called six months earlier, some of those 80 are now pensionless, including the NDP’s Laurel Collins, Taylor Bachrach and Matthew Green, and the Liberals’ Jenica Atwin.

 In a Wednesday cabinet meeting, U.S. President Donald Trump once again expressed his apparent pleasure with the Canadian election outcome, saying that it was won by the candidate who hated him “the least.” “The conservative hated me much more than the so-called liberal,” he said.

By winning just seven seats on Monday night, the NDP not only chalked up the worst result in their history, but they lost official party status in the House of Commons. You need at least 12 MPs to be an “official” party, and without it the NDP will lose millions of dollars in parliamentary allocations, and will lose many of its privileges in regards to question period. And so, one of the only surviving New Democrats, Don Davies,

is now proposing that they just be given official party status anyway.

Davies

told CTV News

that one of his first legislative priorities will be a proposal to change the terms of official party status.

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Canada's Prime Minister Mark Carney speaks to the media upon arriving at his office on Parliament Hill April 29, 2025 in Ottawa, Canada.

Economists, commentators and casual observers alike predicted that the election of Prime Minister Mark Carney would do the economy more harm than good — and it seems that they’re already being proven right.

On Tuesday, Fitch Ratings, one of the great deciders of how much interest Canada pays on its debt,

flapped a warning flag

in our faces for electing Prime Minister Mark Carney the night before.

“Canada’s credit strengths offer significant headroom to weather a fiscal or economic shock,” wrote the ratings agency, “but increased structural deficits would pressure its credit profile.”

Fitch had already priced in federal government deficits for 2025 and 2026, amounting to 2.6 per cent and 2.4 per cent of Canada’s GDP, respectively. Factoring in the Carney platform, though, resulted in even worse figures: the 2025 deficit is now slated to be 3.1 per cent of GDP, growing to 3.2 per cent in 2026.

For context, the federal deficit between 2000 and 2019 ran at 0.4 per cent of Canada’s GDP. The Carney plan takes us to eight times that. Plus, he has the hurdle of a new Parliament, with new political dynamics. “As a minority government,” Fitch cautions, “the Liberals will have to compromise with other parties to pass legislation, increasing the likelihood that enacted policies will differ from the platform.”

Yeah, if you thought the projected deficit was bad now, just wait until the survivors of the great NDP cull start demanding socialized doggy daycare. It’s only going to get worse from here. Remember that Canada is already

paying

$54 billion in interest annually on its giant pile of debt, or 1.8 per cent of GDP. Downgrades from the ratings agencies will mean we have to pay even more.

Go elsewhere and you find additional warnings. Morningstar, the American financial services firm,

figured

that the housing situation in Canada won’t be sorting itself out with all the red tape and trade uncertainty; Carney’s plan to remove GST from homes bought by first-time buyers “may drive improved demand but exacerbate the same housing problem they are trying to solve,” making matters worse.

This bodes very poorly for Canada, which is already in a bad place. GDP, the measure of our country’s objective output, has been limping upward. Divide that by population, which has been growing relentlessly under the Liberal government, and it looks much worse. GDP per capita

fell

for six consecutive quarters, only to slightly improve in the subsequent, and most recent, quarter.

A recession is reached when a country has seen at least two consecutive quarters of negative growth — but since that usually refers to a decline in total GDP, Canada has narrowly avoided the label. In February, CIBC Deputy Chief Economist Benjamin Tal didn’t bother sugarcoating it with labels: “Let me break it to you: we are in a recession — a per-capita recession,” he

told

a real estate forum in Toronto.

How bad we’re doing on a per-capita basis depends on your reference time period. Going back to 1981 and following up to 2024, the economy grew per capita at an average rate of 1.1 per cent,

says

Statistics Canada. Only now, this growth has since flattened, leaving our post-pandemic GDP per capita seven per cent below what it otherwise would have been: in the last quarter of 2023, GDP per capita was $58,111; had we remained on the 40-or-so-year trend, it would have been $62,356. We’re at a point where catch-up games will need to be played for years to return the economy to what it once was.

Carney won’t be able to fix the economy in a day, and reasonable people will hold off on feelings of betrayal until he’s actually had some time behind the wheel. But no one should ignore the warning from Fitch, which says, “We’ve read what Carney had in store and it was bad; worse, even than the trajectory under former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau.” Canada’s AA+ rating from Fitch — and high praise for its stability — haven’t been downgraded by the agency just yet, but it’s certainly looking like it’s headed that way. Instead of ignoring it, it should be taken as a last warning.

Unheeded warnings are par for the course in Canada, though, so it’s doubtful we’ll ever see that blimp turned around. The same, we can probably say for, on the trade front: Carney, despite baselessly maligning Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre by

telling

followers that he “worships at the altar of Donald Trump,” and

declaring

the “relationship we had with the U.S.” to be over, is already warming up to President Donald Trump.

Trump

praised

Carney on Wednesday, reportedly saying on a call with the Canadian prime minister that “we’re going to have a great relationship.” Despite the Liberal campaign’s constant invocations of Trump, the president was happy with the election result because, between the two candidates for prime minister, “They both hated Trump, and it was the one that hated Trump, I think, the least that won. I actually think the Conservative hated me much more than the so-called Liberal.”

An improvement from the “governor” talk no doubt, but still cause for concern.

So, Canada, this is what we have in the first week of the (elected) Carney government. A recession that, let’s be real, is already underway, a credit downgrade on the horizon and a tariff warmonger who’s suddenly very happy to be working with the country’s new private-equity prime minister.

National Post


EDINBURGH — Imagine the scene that would have greeted any poor Scot who wandered off the street in Edinburgh to find himself in the middle of the annual British Association of Canadian Studies conference. Yes, there really is such a thing as the British Association of Canadian Studies (BACS) and 2025 is its 50th anniversary.

BACS is the well-worn but admirable remnants of the kind of soft power Canadian governments used to try to exercise — by getting people in other countries talking about Canada and encouraging academic links across the ocean.

The conference brings together Canadian expats living in the United Kingdom, Canadian academics who want to travel abroad and the small group of British and European academics who, for some reason or another, have decided that Canada is worth a little bit of their attention.

There’s a lot to be said for Canada’s British intellectual linkages and there were some excellent speakers here — historians, political scientists and others with some innovative thoughts on our country and, sometimes, its links to the wider world. But despite BACS’s once lofty goals, the vision of Canada it now displays is more than a little odd.

There’s nothing wrong with academic oddity. Indeed, there’s something to be said for the eccentric intellectual loftily wondering about some remnant of Canada’s literature or history. But the oddity of BACS — and pretty much all academic conferences in the humanities and social sciences these days  — is its ideological skew. This is academia after all, which is dominated by the left.

If you didn’t know any better, you’d think Indigenous peoples represented half of Canada’s population and not five per cent. The intellectuals at BACS were obsessed with things like indigeneity, decolonization and reconciliation. Virtually every session had an Indigenous panel. Even sessions on literature and social policy were heavily focused on Indigenous issues.

There was also a heck of a lot about multiculturalism. But don’t assume a focus on multiculturalism somehow put Canada in a good light. The most popular theory at work in the academy today argues that multiculturalism is just a facade that hides the white supremacy at the heart of Canada. It’s just a new way to whitewash the capitalist settler colonial project that is Canada. The title of one paper was pretty succinct: “Multiculturalism as Violence.” Yes, really.

There were other topics on the agenda, and talks given by a reasonable number of distinguished academics with more moderate views. The Scots are very interested in their own independence and so have always had a soft spot for Quebec. There were sessions on Canada-U.K. relations and even one on the federal election. There were, and are, many able intellectuals talking about Canada, at home and abroad.

But the world they are living in — and the light in which they are portraying Canada — gives off a leftish-tinged fun-house mirror image of our country. In a keynote talk titled “Who Owns the Prairies,” University of Alberta historian Sarah Carter started off by saying it was all about land and people’s relationship to the land.

She celebrated Indigenous people’s spiritual connection to the land before sneering as she talked about how the settlers came and commodified it. There were the expected jokes about Elon Musk, U.S. President Donald Trump and the patriarchy.

But there didn’t seem to be any awareness of the large body of academic literature that has linked the rise of democracies in the modern era with property rights and the claim they have given citizens to demand attention from the state. It could all be summed up as “Indigenous peoples good, capitalism bad.”

One academic seriously claimed that there was on ongoing racist state project in Canada to forcibly sterilize Indigenous women. This would, of course, be horrific. She didn’t note, however, that the Indigenous fertility rate is higher than the Canadian average. So if there really is such a program, it’s not only horrifically racist, it’s also pretty inept.

In private conversations in the hallways, more moderate academics would sheepishly shake their heads at some of the more egregious claims. When one keynote speaker talked about the future of Canadian studies being activism and more activism, some did whisper that perhaps this wasn’t exactly the search for truth about their country that intellectuals ought  to be engaged in. But no one openly voiced this criticism in the session itself.

In a final session on the Canadian election, the room was filled with people with an ideological diversity that ranged from socialists on the one side all the way to left-leaning Liberals on the other. Someone fretted (and expected everyone to empathize with the concern) that despite what the polls were saying, the Conservatives might win the election. God forbid!

The Trump era is exactly the time for the Canadian government to think about reinvigorating its links to the Commonwealth and other parts of the world. Canada needs to spread its wings and BACS, with all its eccentricity, could be part of that.

But before this could happen, Canadian universities need to deal with their zany radical leftist problem, and create a culture that calls out the truly bizarre and outrageous claims being made by activists posing as scholars. They would never let radical right-leaning scholars get away with making the same kinds of claims.

We need to put on a better show for the world — even to the random Scot in Edinburgh who shows up to learn about this bizarre things called “Canadian studies.”

National Post


Then-Bank of England governor Mark Carney, left, shakes hands with Chinese President Xi Jinping at the G20 Summit in Hangzhou, China, in 2016.

By his supreme idiocy, U.S. President Donald Trump has stirred up

anti-American sentiment

, but largely to the benefit of America’s archrival, China. Although Prime Minister Mark Carney is European in his manners and predilections, he is a charter member of the cadre of useful idiots who seem intent on imposing Chinese vassalage on Canada.

The

Euro-centric economist

has proposed that Canada strengthen ties with the European Union, but Europe is, for now, a spent force. Canada is more delectable for China. It has many of the raw materials that Beijing craves, with

rising oil imports

at the fore. Canada also has a large Chinese diaspora community, roughly

1.7-million people

of Chinese descent, that Beijing seeks, with some success,

to manipulate

to its ends.

One would expect some Canadians to resist these trends but

Carney epitomizes

an establishment, including American corporations and Wall Street, that remain remarkably untroubled with Beijing’s

stated aim

of becoming a

global economic superpower

by 2049. So, while assaulting Trump for his trade policy, Canadian political leaders seem to be missing that the West’s greatest long-term challenge is the relentless

Sinic mercantilism

.

British Prime Minister

Keir Starmer’s attempt

to

appease China

in order to “

Trump-proof

” and revive the country’s moribund economy seems more like the road to ever great irrelevancy, as is the case for much of Europe. China is trying to build

a mega-embassy

in London that will help it surveil and harass those who fled Communist rule for the assumed safety of Great Britain.

Trump may be a posturing maniac, but the China challenge is of a more considerable magnitude. China already dominates the industrial world; it

now boasts

roughly as many factory exports as the U.S., Japan and Germany combined. It is the world’s the world’s

largest automobile market

and the biggest steel producer. It is also investing heavily to take over the

aerospace industry

from leading companies like Bombardier, Boeing and Airbus.

Carney and other members of the elite cannot address these threats as long as they adhere to notions like “net zero,” an obsession of Carney and his fellow poobahs. For all his talk about building energy infrastructure, Carney’s green obsessions could instead lead Canada into a dependent relationship with solar and electric vehicle manufacturers based in China, a country that emits

more greenhouse gasses

than the U.S. and the EU combined.

In embracing this double standard, Carney and much of the Canadian elite qualify as classic “useful idiots,” as defined

by Vladimir Lenin

. Essentially the same people who seek to block oil drilling and place burdens on Canadian mining, agriculture and industry for environmental reasons seem to have little trouble sourcing from a country that’s on a

coal-plant building spree

. A greener Canada will have to kowtow to China to procure the requisite

rare earth minerals

and

the technology

for processing them. This represents what Muhammad Ali called the “rope a dope,” essentially using the

West’s green obsessions

to supplant its own industries with those of the world’s biggest GHG emitter.

This occurs in part because the

global corporate elite

and their allies in the green movement, itself partially

funded by China

, seem fine with disarming western industry and lowering the middle class’s quality of life. If you think Trump threatens Ontario’s auto industry, the threat from China is even greater. Slapping tariffs on China is one of the few things winning Trump support from even

leftist trade unions

.

But that’s not the worst of it. Under such circumstances, China can build support both from its former citizens who are anxious to cash in on Beijing’s largess, along with left-wing activists to business interests that are lining up to make their fortunes selling resources to China.

Canada is an ideal place for Chinese political interference. In January, the sitting Liberal member of Parliament for Markham—Unionville, Paul Chiang,

told

Chinese-language media that electing his Conservative rival, Joe Tay, a former Hong Kong civil rights activist, would cause “great controversy.” Hong Kong police have placed a approximately

$180,000 bounty

on six foreign activists, including Tay, for violating Hong Kong’s

national security law

. Even after Chiang seemed to encourage voters to turn a Canadian citizen in to the Chinese government to collect the bounty, Carney did not abandon his candidate.

China takes advantage of our liberal institutions — and our comparatively open economies — to undermine them. The Chinese government has become skilled at

siphoning off

the technological edge of the West while trying to silence any objections to Beijing’s awful

human rights record

.

Before jumping into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s lap, Carney and his cronies might want to consider the long-term economic and political costs. Today, particularly with the imbecilic Trump at the helm, America may seem like the biggest ogre. But MAGA will not rule forever, nor will Trump escape mortality. His unnatural coalition of wealthy oligarchs and rabid populists is intrinsically weak and is already showing signs of splintering.

More critically, the U.S. shares not just a border but many of the same values as Canada — certainly far more so than the Chinese Communist Party. But to deal as equals with the U.S., or other countries, Canada’s identity needs to be more than just

not being American

. Canada’s own internal divisions are not insignificant, as evidenced by the recent comments by Bloc Québécois Leader

Yves-François Blanchet

that Canada is “an artificial country with little meaning.” And it’s also likely that Carney’s recent

nationalistic appeal

will not be able to forestall a

growing estrangement

between Ottawa and many provinces, notably Alberta.

In the short run, Carney will likely use the American bogeyman to paper over the serious divisions within the Canadian polity. This message will appeal to his potential partners in the NDP. Yet despite what the blathering media and political classes say, America and Canada have more in common than either does with the true quasi-fascist state emerging in China. It will take wiser heads than those who now rule in Washington and Ottawa to rebuild an alliance that’s advantageous to both countries.

National Post


A voter heads into a polling station at Calgary's Stanley Jones School, on federal election day, April 28, 2025.

Former prime minister Jean Chrétien once said, “Without compromise, there is no Canada. Without compromise, there is no progress.”

It wasn’t a line meant to inspire applause. It was a warning and a lesson learned in the long, imperfect work of holding this country together. It echoed something many of us feel in our bones but don’t often say aloud: that Canada is not the product of uniformity or force, but of deliberate choices to meet in the middle, again and again, when it would have been easier to walk away.

We often forget this at our peril.

We’ve just been through an election. The campaigns are over. The winners have been declared. And now harder work begins — not of fighting, but of building.

That word — build — is everywhere lately. But building means more than capital plans or press conferences. It means articulating a vision big enough for a country as diverse, as demanding, and as fragile as ours. It means doing what Chrétien did — what every serious leader has done — and choosing pragmatism over purity, compromise over combat, planning over posturing.

Because the truth is this: Canada is at risk of falling further behind.

Our ports are ranked among the least efficient in the developed world. Our electricity grid is fragmented and strained. Our Arctic is unguarded while others threaten our sovereignty. And our productivity — the foundation of our standard of living — is declining.

Cynicism, sloganeering and grievance-mongering, however earnest or keenly felt, cannot solve those problems.

Unfortunately, we’ve seen where those things lead. South of the border, Donald Trump built an entire political movement out of resentment — one that turned institutions into enemies and disagreement into betrayal. It can be more tempting to tear things down than to do the harder, less glamorous work of building something better.

Canada is not immune to this temptation.

Pierre Poilievre gave voice to a country that feels stuck. His words — “everything feels broken” — resonated because, in many ways, they’re not wrong. But diagnosis is not direction. It’s one thing to name the problem. It’s another thing to fix it.

Mark Carney offers something that feels increasingly rare in our politics: seriousness. Not sanctimony. Not saviourism. Not a famous name. But seriousness. It’s a seriousness of the kind that recognizes borrowing to invest in productive infrastructure is not reckless — it’s required. Our present troubles demand energy corridors, national grids, modern ports and a real Arctic presence. These aren’t vanity projects. They’re sovereignty itself. Such projects are the only way to elevate productivity beyond a mere slogan or buzzword, and ensure that our children inherit something better, not worse.

I’ve seen what real building takes. In Premier Doug Ford’s office, I watched as we approved the largest capital investment in Ontario’s history — $159 billion. Not because it was safe. Not because it was easy. But because our hospitals were at capacity, our roads were clogged, and our energy systems were no longer fit for the future.

Now, Canada’s federal government needs that same courage and resolve to build again — before it’s too late.

And we must be honest with ourselves: vision is not a threat to fiscal responsibility. It is its partner. Every modern country we admire — Germany, South Korea, the United States — understood this. They didn’t shrink from investment. They structured it, deployed it, and built the systems that now power their prosperity.

The stakes for us are no smaller.

For the first time in our history, young Canadians are facing the prospect of being poorer than their parents. Not just in income — but in opportunity, mobility, and trust in their institutions. If we fail to build now, we will not simply disappoint them. We will lose them.

There will be those who say now is not the time. That the moment is too fractured, the country too divided.

But Canada has always been divided. That’s the point. The miracle is not that we’re different — it’s that we continue to find common cause despite it.

Chrétien knew that. So did Diefenbaker. So does every leader who’s ever walked the knife-edge between ambition and belonging in this country.

In a world drawn to extremes, it is easy to mistake anger for strength, or simplicity for truth. But Canada was never built on easy answers. It was built on the hard, deliberate work of compromise — the kind that holds nations together when slogans fall away.

The future will not be built by those who shout the loudest. It will be built by those who show up, roll up their sleeves, and choose the harder thing: to compromise, to plan, and to build anyway.

The election is over. The work begins again.

Let’s make it worthy of the country we still have time to become.

Special to National Post

Cody Mallette is Managing Director of Atlas Strategic Advisors and a former Senior Policy Advisor to the Premier of Ontario. He writes on public leadership, infrastructure, and the future of Canada’s economy.