LP_468x60
on-the-record-468x60-white

Ontario Liberal Leader Bonnie Crombie speaks after winning 57 per cent of the votes in a leadership review vote at the Ontario Liberal Party annual general meeting on Sunday, September 14, 2025.

To say Bonnie Crombie 

left the Liberal Party of Ontario better off

 than she found them is definitely faint praise, considering she found the party as a minivan’s worth of seven MPPs crashed into a ditch with the air bags deployed and steam pouring out of the engine. But still: In February’s election she brought home five more seats than her woeful predecessor Steven Del Duca managed — enough to regain the party official status in the legislature — and 381,000 more votes across the province. Fundraising efforts rebounded impressively: 

The party claimed $2.9 million in contributions in 2024

, Crombie’s first year on the job, up roughly 40 per cent from the year before and more than double what Del Duca managed, even adjusted for inflation, at the party’s nadir in 2019.

But she didn’t win, and even worse for her chances of staying on, she lost her riding in Mississauga, where she was formerly mayor and precisely the sort of 905/suburban riding in which she was supposed to impress. Only 57 per cent of members

voted against holding a leadership review at the party’s weekend convention

and, rightly or wrongly, that’s just not the sort of result Canadian party leaders survive. After bizarrely vowing at first to remain leader, minutes later she announced she would resign upon the election of a predecessor.

The “one-and-done” model of modern Canadian political leadership — i.e., you win your first election or you’re out — often makes little sense. It’s both a cause and a symptom of one of the great partisan malaises: The idea that The Other Guys are such obvious kitten-eating reptiles that if you can’t beat them on your first try (even if they just took power two or three or four years previous) then you’re not even worth talking to. But 57 per cent is 57 per cent.

And yet it’s still easy to imagine Crombie might well have become premier someday, and that’s all most partisans really want from their party: To be in power. At some point Ontarians will weary of the Doug Ford Show, just as they tired of the Dalton McGuinty and Kathleen Wynne shows before. (Ford

recently emptied a bottle of Crown Royal onto the street

in protest over Diageo closing a bottling plant in Ontario. It was 

very

 on-brand, but after all these years in power, it also looked a bit like jumping the shark.)

You read a lot about how popular Ford is. It confuses people. A recent Toronto Star column 

set out to explain

 “why … Ford’s popularity persists despite failures, boondoggles and imbroglios.” Other headlines: 

“What explains Premier Ford’s enduring popularity?”

 

“How has he managed to stay popular while creating and overseeing so many problems?”

The confusion is understandable. A certain chunk of the population thinks and will always think that Ford is the antichrist, while many conservatives — including many fans of federal leader Pierre Poilievre — have had more than enough of Ford’s distinctly unconservative behaviour on spending and corporate welfare, as well as his general refusal to engage with culture-war issues.

But the thing is, Ford isn’t especially popular at all. Manitoba Premier Wab Kinew enjoys 61 per cent approval, 

according to the Angus Reid Institute’s latest poll

. Ford is way down at 41 per cent — up three points from the previous poll — ahead of only Quebec’s woebegone François Legault at 22 per cent.

Ford didn’t become Premier of Ontario because he was ever hugely popular. He became premier because he 

just barely

 managed to beat Christine Elliott in the 2018 leadership race; and the Liberals were done like dinner; and the Ontario New Democrats are useless.

Had a few points gone the other way, Elliott — widely perceived at the time as much more centrist than Ford, though it’s difficult to see much difference between them nowadays — would have become premier. And when people got sick of her and her government, whoever had managed win the Liberal leadership would become premier more or less by default.

At the end of the day, in their heart of hearts, all that most Liberals care about is winning. And they just fired someone who had a pretty good chance of pulling that off, in favour of … someone else. Ford can only be smiling.

National Post

cselley@postmedia.com


Barrie, Ont., Mayor Alex Nuttall

Last week, Alex Nuttall, the mayor of Barrie, Ont.,

declared

a state of emergency in his city, due to safety concerns, namely the rise in criminal activity at homeless encampments.

“Barrie is a place you come if you need and you want help,” Nuttall, a former one-term Conservative MP, told reporters. “It is not the place you come and put a tent on the side of the road, use drugs, carry crossbows and pistols, and set up shop as a drug dealer. So, if you don’t want help and that’s not your thing, please go somewhere else.”

Moreover, the mayor

suggested

that, “These actions are necessary due to the length of time of lawlessness in our city and due to the increase in severity of lawlessness in our city.” He hopes the city’s state of emergency will help “reclaim our streets, our boulevards, our parks, our squares, our feeling of safety, and our order.”

Some observers have suggested that Nuttall’s declaration was nothing more than a publicity stunt. Lawyer Ajay Gajaria told CTV News it was “legally meaningless,” and that, “The legal issue really will be enacted or engendered at the time at which the municipality makes the determination to clear homelessness encampments, and the review by the courts will relate to that decision.”

Yes, it may have had a bit of flair for the dramatic. But so what? Nuttall’s state of emergency helps shine a light on a growing problem when it comes to keeping Canada’s streets, neighbourhoods and communities safe.

It also draws attention to the coddling of violent criminals in Canada’s justice system. Our judges need to punish the guilty with longer jail sentences and no chance of early parole so they won’t be released into the public early and re-offend quickly.

Some critics have suggested that this assessment is inaccurate. They point to sources like the

Crime Severity Index

(CSI), which shows that the “volume and severity of police-reported crime in Canada … decreased four per cent in 2024, following three consecutive years of increases.” It also found that non-violent crime “declined six per cent in 2024, following a nine per cent increase from 2021 to 2023.”

But these statistics only look good relative to the high rates of crime experienced in 2023, when the CSI was more than 20 per cent higher than 2014, which saw historically low levels of crime due the the Harper government’s criminal justice policies.

The CSI also doesn’t account for crimes that are not reported to police. In a 2023 study, Statistics Canada, which developed the Crime Severity Index,

found that

, “Southeast Asian (63 per cent), Black (52 per cent) and Japanese (47 per cent) people in Canada were less likely to have confidence in the police.”

In fact, polls have consistently found that crime is a top issue for many Canadians and that a majority believe the country is becoming less safe. And they’re right.

Global News

reported

in July that, “Police forces across Toronto, Peel, Durham and Halton are reporting a spike in residential break-ins involving weapons, often carried out by young offenders,” and that, “According to Toronto police data, the number of residential robberies was up 49.7 per cent in 2024 when compared with the year prior — the highest jump in recent years.”

Ron Chhinzer, a former police officer, told Global that, “There’s really no consequence to a lot of these criminals.… They can break into a home one day, be out on bail and then be doing the exact same crime that night.”

Frustration about crime and violence isn’t limited to Barrie and the province of Ontario. It’s being felt across the country. Consider what recently happened in Alberta, where a 29-year-old woman was

charged

with the first-degree murder of an eight-year-old girl who disappeared from Edmonton and was found dead in a hockey bag in April 2023.

A plea deal was arranged to reduce the woman’s charges to second-degree manslaughter and an eight-year sentence. This caused the Edmonton Police Service to take the highly unusual step of declaring this arrangement to be a “miscarriage of justice” and asking the province to intervene.

Police, like the general public, have been known to disagree with certain court rulings and jail sentences. Yet what the Edmonton police did is virtually unheard of in this country. It deserves credit for refusing to go along with an arrangement it strongly opposes, and attempting to ensure that justice will be served for a young girl’s brutal murder.

The level of frustration with crime and the criminal justice system in Canada is clearly on the rise. There needs to be more action taken by political leaders like Prime Minister Mark Carney and Ontario Premier Doug Ford, along the lines of what Barrie Mayor Alex Nuttall did. Politicians, and the media, must stop looking away from this significant problem.

National Post


Charlie Kirk

Progressive commentators have spent the past week misrepresenting the views of conservative influencer Charlie Kirk, in an apparent attempt to demonize him and justify

his murder

. This behaviour is deplorable and provides a case study of the toxicity that leads to political violence.

Kirk was famous for his embrace of debate and cross-partisan dialogue. He regularly visited college campuses and invited progressive students to rebut his beliefs, often exposing their intellectual vacuity. Videos from these engagements, along with other content produced through Kirk’s organization,

Turning Point USA

, proved highly effective at attracting youth to conservative politics.

While his messaging could occasionally be strident, he generally came across as moderate and understanding. He was, at his worst, no more aggressive than most other political commentators; and, at his best, he was refreshingly conciliatory compared to many of them.

Similarly, his beliefs, though stalwartly conservative and Christian, were not particularly extreme and generally fell

within the bounds

of mainstream American discourse.

His more hard-line views included

opposition

to all abortions, even in cases of rape. In one debate, for example, he argued that, if he had a hypothetical 10-year-old daughter who was impregnated involuntarily, he would still want the child to be born. He was also a relentless critic of transgender activism and

Ukraine

, and maintained, on the basis of his Christianity, an opposition to gay marriage.

As contentious as these beliefs may have been, many people agreed with them. Polling data suggests that around

13 per cent

of Americans want abortion banned in all circumstances, and a third

oppose same-sex marriage

, for example.

There is nothing wrong with disagreeing with Kirk’s ideology. I certainly found myself irritated by some of the things he said, and thought they were indirectly harmful to people I care deeply about. Yet, substantive political disagreements are inherent to a democratic society.

You would have to be insane to think that millions of Americans (or Canadians) deserve to be killed, as Kirk was, because their political opinions differ greatly from your own.

Many people recognize this, which helps explain why Kirk’s assassination has fuelled

such indignation

. Yet, some progressives are uncomfortable with this and have responded by misrepresenting Kirk as being far more radical than he actually was.

Left-leaning influencers have spent a great

deal of energy

over the past few days sharing the following

quote

from Kirk: “I can’t stand the word ’empathy,’ actually. I think ’empathy’ is a made-up, new-age term that does a lot of damage.” Those words, by themselves, certainly sound callous, right?

Well, it turns out that, immediately after that sentence,

Kirk clarified

that he preferred the word “sympathy” to “empathy.” In other words: he was advocating for different semantics, not heartlessness. Yet, on countless progressive social media posts, which have collectively accrued millions of views, this section is left out, completely misrepresenting Kirk’s message.

Similarly, progressives have

widely claimed

that Kirk supports killing gays. Their evidence is that, in a 2024 episode of his podcast, he said that the Bible states that men who sleep with men should be stoned to death. An edited clip of that quote is now

widely circulating online

, and was even amplified by horror author Stephen King to his 6.8-million followers on X.

Shortly after, though, it was shown that Kirk had only mentioned the Bible’s anti-gay passages while making a broader argument on how people selectively quote scripture to support their political views. While

King quickly apologized

for his mistake, other progressives have continued to promote the false “Kirk wants to kill the gays” narrative.

In response to these smears, Kirk’s fans began sharing videos, quotes and stories illustrating his

long track record

of gay tolerance. Some of these supporters are gay men themselves who

knew him personally

. In

one clip

, taken from an event in 2019, an audience member asks Kirk whether he supports including gays in the conservative movement and makes a connection between homosexuality and pedophilia.

In response, Kirk calls the pedophilia connection a “slippery slop fallacy” and asserts that, if you are sickened by gay men, “then you are not a Trump supporter.” He emphasized that, although he believes in biblical marriage, the United States is not a theocracy and Jesus preached being loving and kind while talking to all people.

And what about Kirk’s supposed racism? Progressives have long smeared Turning Point as a “white supremacist” organization — a claim that was

rejected

in 2022 by Politifact, a prominent non-partisan fact-checking organization.

Mirroring this, many have, in recent days, used cherry-picked quotes to suggest that Kirk hates Black people. Yet videos of his

debates

on racial justice, along with the

testimony

of his of

Black fans

, tells a different story.

In truth, Kirk’s racial views were fairly milquetoast and, drawing from Black conservative thinkers, such as

Thomas Sowell

, focused on encouraging the formation of Black nuclear families to overcome cycles of poverty. He further criticized affirmative action as encouraging mediocrity.

On the whole, Kirk was a man who abhorred violence and believed in navigating differences through sincere conversation. He did not deserve to die. Yet partisan extremists — in this case on the left — are more than happy to overwrite the truth with dehumanizing caricatures if doing so excuses political violence against their foes.

National Post


Halifax's Shaar Shalom synagogue was cleaned with a power washer after it was defaced with a swastika over the past weekend. Sept 15th 2025. Credit: Rob Roberts/Postmedia

HALIFAX — On Sunday afternoon, I walked over to a local synagogue to see if they needed help removing a swastika.

The shul’s sign had been defaced with paint overnight, according to a posting on X from the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs, and I wanted to see if I could help clean up. I’m not Jewish, but the synagogue, Halifax’s Shaar Shalom, has personal connections for me, and I’ve attended services there.

As it happened, on Friday night I had watched, from a distance, as anti-Israel activists gathered in Halifax’s Grand Parade square. They stood on the steps of City Hall and denounced Israel and chanted “Free Free Palestine.” They were taking a victory lap for having disrupted plans for the Davis Cup match in Halifax between Canada and Israel, which organizers ultimately decided to stage without spectators.

From what I heard, the Grand Parade protesters didn’t chant From the River to the Sea or condemn Jews. I would have different personal views on who Gaza needed to be freed from, but the protest was orderly and seemed to fall within the grounds of reasonable debate and free speech.

It wasn’t like some of the rallies we’ve seen in Montreal, Toronto and Vancouver, featuring Calls for the destruction of the Jewish state, takeovers of streets, intimidation of Jewish neighbourhoods.

I’ve spoken to Jews who are fleeing, or thinking of fleeing, a Canada they no longer recognize. I’d argue that may well be the point of the big-city protests: some people want the Jews to leave.

In Halifax, one person (or perhaps more, the closed circuit cameras will likely clarify) was able to cause extreme discomfort to the city’s modest Jewish population. We learned later that three synagogues in the city were hit by graffiti; none served as the Israeli consulate, so there seems little point in litigating motive.

By the time I got to Shaar Shalom on Sunday the graffiti had been power-washed away; the concrete steps were still wet but the synagogue’s sign was pristine again.

Initially, no one else was there — not police, not congregants, not media. Soon, though, a friend and synagogue member happened by and we talked about the rise in Jew hate, and about Prime Minister Mark Carney’s decision to recognize a Palestinian state, seemingly triggered by events that started with the wholesale slaughter of Jewish civilians by frenzied terrorists.

I was, and am, furious and heartbroken about the swastika graffiti and its impact. He was furious, and resigned. He knows Jewish history.

In the early days after October 7, we at National Post decided to shine a light on acts of antisemitism in Canada. We wrote stories daily, but couldn’t keep up. There was just too much of it.

The Jew hate started even before the Gaza war began, with graffiti and ugly chants. The haters moved on to firing bullets and setting fires at Jewish institutions in the dark of night; more recently the antisemitism has taken an even darker turn, with the Montreal father who was beaten in front of his daughter, his kippah thrown into a puddle, and an elderly woman stabbed at Ottawa’s “Kosher Loblaws.”

I saw a social media post (which I haven’t confirmed myself) from someone who said she saw the elderly Ottawa woman at shul that same week proudly wearing the same Magen David that singled her out to her attacker. She recited a blessing thanking God for keeping her safe, there was a response of “Am Yisrael Chai,” and the whole congregation erupted with song and applause.

I have another story to share, from my own experience. I was walking with an observant Jewish man; he had removed his kippa while on the street, out in public. You could not find a prouder Jew, but this is a time for prudence.

CIJA’s posting about the Halifax synagogue called it “an assault on our core Canadian values,” and said it required “an unequivocal and urgent response from police and political leaders.”

Mayor Andy Fillmore, who I had heard being called “Genocide Andy” at Friday’s protest at City Hall, responded with this: “There is no path to peace anywhere that includes bringing fear and division to Halifax. We are better than this.”

This is exactly the choice Canada needs to make, isn’t it?

Rob Roberts is editor-in-chief of National Post.


Reviews and recommendations are unbiased and products are independently selected. Postmedia may earn an affiliate commission from purchases made through links on this page.

The Liberals claim they’ve stopped the flood of temporary workers, foreign students and other immigrants that blew up our housing crisis and devastated the youth job market. Yet Michelle Rempel Garner, the Conservatives’ immigration critic, tells Brian Lilley that the reality is nothing close to what they say. Five-million people remain here on temporary visas. Hundreds of thousands of more people are still being allowed in. And the asylum system is being exploited as a backdoor by thousands more making dubious refugee claims. Rempel Garner explains why we need drastic solutions to close temporary residency programs, weed out unfounded asylum claimants and start sending non-permanent workers home. (Recorded Sept. 12, 2025.)





People take part in a

The Government of Ontario has rightly taken over the Toronto District School Board (TDSB). But if this intervention remains limited to finances, it will have failed the students of Ontario.

The TDSB’s incompetence is not only about budgets — it’s about the complete collapse of its core mission: to educate. For years, the TDSB has abandoned its duty to teach the fundamentals — literacy, numeracy, science, and critical thinking. Instead, it has turned classrooms into arenas of political indoctrination.

Trustees and administrators have chosen activism over academics, propaganda over truth. The result: declining student performance, wasted resources and growing division.

Parents are not partners in this system; they are obstacles to be locked out. A June meeting on the board’s plan to adopt the concept of “anti-Palestinian racism” as part of a new anti-discrimination strategy that was closed off to concerned parents was not an exception — it was the rule.

The message is clear: input is welcome only if it agrees with the board’s agenda. This is an institution that refuses accountability and thrives on arrogance.

Meanwhile, antisemitism in Ontario is exploding. Jewish students are harassed in classrooms. Synagogues and community institutions are vandalized. Slogans that call for the eradication of Israel and the Jewish people are shouted openly in the streets.

These are not minor incidents — they are dangerous signs of hatred taking root in our schools and communities. And what has the TDSB chosen to prioritize? A strategy to address the supposed problem of “anti-Palestinian racism” — a concept so vague, politicized and one-sided that it reads like a manifesto rather than an educational framework.

Instead of protecting Jewish students — those actually under threat — the board is building programs that distort history, excuse terrorism and vilify Israel. This is not education. It’s malpractice.

The province cannot look the other way. It now controls the TDSB. That means that Queen’s Park is responsible. If the government does not act decisively, this takeover will go down as little more than a bookkeeping exercise while Ontario’s children are robbed of both safety and learning.

Ontario must lead. It must set the national benchmark for how a province responds when a school board collapses. It should immediately refocus on the fundamentals — classrooms should be about literacy, numeracy, science and history rooted in fact, not ideology.

A direct and unapologetic fight against antisemitism — the most dangerous and resurgent form of hate in our schools — must be waged. The entrenched leadership — trustees and administrators who failed in their duties — must be dismissed. They are the problem.

The board should also be held strictly accountable based on measurable results. No more empty policies. Every initiative should be tracked, enforced and proven effective — or scrapped.

The TDSB has failed its students, failed its parents and failed its city. The province cannot allow Ontario’s largest school board to continue to be used as a laboratory for activists while academic standards collapse and antisemitism spreads.

The time for half-measures is over. Remove the trustees. Shut down the ideological experiments. Protect Jewish students. Restore real education. Anything less will be a betrayal — not just of Toronto’s students, but of Ontario’s future.

Ontario now has the authority. The question is whether it has the will.

National Post


The post on X made by Ruth Marshall, an associate professor of religious studies and political science at University of Toronto, after the shooting death of U.S. conservative activist Charlie Kirk.

First Reading is a Canadian politics newsletter curated by the National Post’s own Tristin Hopper. To get an early version sent directly to your inbox, sign up here.

TOP STORY

When a wave of Canadian figures took to social media this week to publicly celebrate the assassination of U.S. political commentator Charlie Kirk, it shouldn’t have been all that surprising that a disproportionate number of them worked in academia.

Kirk was murdered at a university while engaging in a very university-like activity: Peacefully debating students who disagreed with him. Ironically, Kirk was shot while responding to a Utah student’s assertion that claims of U.S. political violence were overblown.

Nevertheless, calls for the act to be repeated were loudest among those whose workplace was a university.

A screenshot

was circulated

by B.C. conservative politician Dallas Brodie that allegedly shows University of Victoria’s Melia Bose saying “GOOD RIDDANCE. The ‘woke radical left’ finally sent someone with good aim,” in an Instagram post. Bose’s Instagram page has since been cleared of posts.

Against a headline reporting Kirk’s murder, University of Calgary associate professor Tawab Hlimi wrote “

bullseye

,” and then “Charlie Kirk no longer exists” with an emoji of a laughing face.

A University of Toronto political science professor, Ruth Marshall, uploaded a post on Sept. 10 reading “shooting is honestly too good for so many of you fascist c–ts.” Marshall’s prior posts have often adopted a loose definition of “fascist,” with the professor at one point referring to a Jewish children’s summer camp as “

fascist indoctrination

.” She later denied that she was posting in response to Kirk’s death, but the university said she is on leave while they investigate.

https://x.com/AllFactsNoHate/status/1966279957782421822

This has all been happening for a while. Only two years ago, Canadian academia similarly

yielded a score

of faculty and campus organizations justifying or cheering the Hamas-led October 7 terrorist attacks against Israel.

Hlimi allegedly did enough of it to

pack an entire dossier

assembled by the Jewish group B’Nai Brith. As recently as Aug. 31, he

posted to his X account,

“Hamas has the right to exist. Hamas has the right to resist.”

While the attacks were still ongoing, a McMaster University faculty union posted a jubilant message to social media reading “Palestine is rising, long live the resistance!” A University of Toronto Indigenous studies professor, Uahikea Maile, issued an Oct. 7 statement calling for more acts of “anticolonial resistance.”

Within hours of the October 7 attacks, York University law professor Heidi Matthews posted to social media, “A lot of obfuscation going on about what the right of resistance looks like in brutally asymmetrical contexts.” When a colleague warned against representing Hamas as freedom fighters, Matthews replied “I think I’ll leave it to the Palestinians to let us know what resistance means to them.”

The comments yielded virtually no professional sanctions. In many cases, it was just the opposite.

Matthews not only retains her position, but she’s subsequently been quoted as a “legal scholar” by CBC and the next year was

invited to be a featured speaker

at Memorial University with her talk “From Genocide to Unlawful Occupation.”

Harsha Walia, a former director of the B.C. Civil Liberties Association, appeared at a Vancouver rally celebrating the October 7 attack, and was recorded delivering a speech specifically praising Hamas’s use of paragliders to slaughter revellers at the Nova music festival.

Only a month later,

she was feted

with a dedicated Toronto event hosted by the American Anthropological Association. Eight academics from seven universities convened for a roundtable “to celebrate the work of Harsha Walia.”

It’s perhaps not surprising that Canadian universities quickly became a hub of the anti-Israel extremism that has defined much of the last two years.

The summer of 2024, for instance, saw illegal “Intifada” encampments established everywhere from UBC to McGill University to the University of Ottawa. The McGill version even

used photographs of armed Palestinian militants

to advertise itself as the site of a “Youth Summer Program.”

When a Montreal anti-Israel demonstrator was photographed last November delivering a Nazi salute and screaming “the Final Solution is coming,” she was right outside Concordia University, where mobs of demonstrators had spent the entire day

actively blocking access

to classrooms and campus spaces.

And this is all occurring on campuses where rising numbers of Canadian students are reporting discomfort with the extremism around them, and are actively censoring their own views to avoid sanction at the hands of faculty or administrators.

A recent report by the Aristotle Foundation for Public Policy found that

nearly 40 per cent of Canadian university students

considered themselves moderate or conservative, but diligently concealed these beliefs for fear they would be punished by instructors or investigated by campus authorities.

“Liberals basically feel free to say anything they want on any subject, regardless of consequences — that’s not an overstatement — while moderates and conservatives and libertarians feel like they have to radically self-censor, if they want to avoid consequences for their beliefs,” the foundation’s research director David Hunt

told the National Post

.

As Canadian universities once again produce a stream of public statements cheering political violence, the only difference this time seems to be a modicum of recognition from management that things might have gone too far.

Shortly after Marshall issued her “fascist c—ts” post, the University of Toronto announced that she had been placed on leave and was “not on campus.”

Nevertheless, as of press time, no similar sanction has accorded to McGill University associate professor William Roberts, who recently called for Canada to send military aid to the terrorist groups Hamas and Hezbollah.

“We … need to begin supplying, supporting and even arming the Palestinian and Lebanese forces that can resist Israel,” Roberts, a vice-chair of McGill’s Committee on Student Discipline, explained in an interview with Postmedia.

As Roberts’ employer told local media, “McGill is aware of the comments made last week by a faculty member. When faculty members express themselves, they don’t speak on behalf of the institution.”

 

IN OTHER NEWS

 It wasn’t just coming from university campuses. This is a since-deleted post by Manitoba Families Minister Nahanni Fontaine reacting to Kirk’s murder. Manitoba Premier Wab Kinew, whose own response to Kirk’s assassination was quite eloquent, has said Fontaine will not lose her job over the post.

It’s been nearly a year that the Government of Canada officially announced that a terrorist group, Samidoun, was

operating openly

on the country’s West Coast. And yet, in the months since, Canadian authorities have done remarkably little to break up, interdict or arrest the members of said terror group. As critics have pointed out for months, the federal government didn’t even get around to pulling Samidoun’s non-profit status. This week, Industry Minister Mélanie Joly said

she’s going to have someone look into that

. “It is completely unacceptable that any organization listed as a terrorist entity by the Government of Canada continues to exist as a federally registered not-for-profit organization,” she wrote in a social media post.

Get all of these insights and more into your inbox by signing up for the First Reading newsletter.



Technology has not only permeated our lives, but our government, as well. Foreign tech companies control the systems that allow government employees to communicate and store the personal data of Canadians. Now, an increasing number of decisions are being placed in the hands of opaque AI models. In a new series, international trade lawyer Barry Appleton explores how Ottawa’s lack of control over its IT infrastructure is eroding Canada’s digital sovereignty.

On a typical Monday morning, Canadian government epidemiologists log into their workstations. They are analyzing Canadian health data, shaping public policy for 40-million citizens. But the algorithms that process their findings were designed in California. The cloud servers crunching the numbers are subject to American law. Even when the data never leaves Canadian soil, it can still be accessed under Washington’s CLOUD Act.

The doctors likely do not know this. Their supervisor likely does not know this. The deputy minister who signed the cloud contract for the federal government probably does not know this, either.

To the public, the system looks Canadian: Canadian websites, government seals, the familiar language of service delivery. But the reality is stark — every click crosses a border into someone else’s jurisdiction, optimized for someone else’s interests.

These scientists think they are serving Canadian democracy. In reality, they are operating inside someone else’s jurisdiction.

This is sovereignty in the algorithmic age: not about soldiers at borders, but about who governs the cloud contracts, the inference engines and the artificial intelligence logic that quietly structures national decision-making.

Canada is losing jurisdiction and control — one system update and one procurement order at a time.

Your phone does not display a foreign flag. Your social media feed does not play another nation’s anthem. Your government portal is branded in familiar fonts and speaks the language of efficiency and service. But every time you scroll, tap, search or transact online, you cross a border into someone else’s jurisdiction, governed by someone else’s rules and optimized for someone else’s interests.

This is not an empire in the old sense of armies and territory. It is an algorithmic empire: a system of extraterritorial jurisdiction enforced not through military occupation, but through computational architecture, technical standards and embedded governance logic. It does not conquer land, it captures the infrastructure of decision-making. Canada is no longer sovereign within it.

Empires once built railroads. Now they build AI systems. And Canada has already surrendered its tracks.

The algorithmic empire

The algorithmic empire is a new kind of geopolitical power. It does not conquer territory. It governs through code. The empire is built on control of the digital infrastructure that societies depend on: cloud services that store and process government data; artificial intelligence systems that make decisions on visas, taxes and health care; recommender engines that shape what citizens see, hear and believe; and digital finance rails that move money across borders.

Through this infrastructure, foreign powers extend their legal and economic norms directly into Canadian life. It enforces laws, norms and economic preferences across borders without physical occupation. Lawyers call it “jurisdiction without borders.” Citizens experience it as a convenience. In reality, it’s outsourced governance.

Unlike the industrial empires of the past, which relied on controlling physical choke-points such as canals and ports, the algorithmic empire holds cloud contracts, app stores and inference engines.

In the last century, power flowed through railways, shipping routes and telegraph lines. The state that controlled the bottlenecks controlled the future. Today, the new bottlenecks are digital. Cloud platforms, machine-learning engines and algorithmic systems process the flows of information that governments need to govern.

Unlike ports or pipelines, this infrastructure is invisible until it fails — or until it’s weaponized. Canadians think their government controls it. In fact, Ottawa has quietly outsourced much of its sovereignty to foreign corporations.

When a Canadian official logs into Microsoft 365, they are not simply sending an email. They are entering a system governed by American corporate law, subject to foreign intelligence orders and designed to reflect business priorities that may have little to do with Canadian values. This is not efficiency, it’s dependency disguised as modernization.

Three pillars of dependency

Modern governance rests on three digital pillars:

  1. Cloud computing — the foundation layer. Ottawa’s “cloud first policy” shifted critical systems to American providers. Shared Services Canada now runs much of government on Amazon, Microsoft and Google servers. These contracts embed foreign law into Canadian government operations.
  2. Artificial intelligence has become Canada’s shadow government. AI algorithms now help decide who gets visas, which taxpayers the Canada Revenue Agency audits for fraud and how your provincial health system distributes life-saving resources. Yet many of these digital decision-makers were trained on foreign datasets that know little about Canadian values or laws. Worse still, many run on American cloud servers governed by the CLOUD Act — meaning Washington could access your most sensitive government data. The kicker? Canada has zero AI reporting requirements. Ottawa literally cannot inspect many of the algorithms making decisions about your life. We’ve outsourced governance to black boxes built mostly by foreign corporations, with no oversight, no accountability and no way to peek under the hood. Canada isn’t just losing its digital sovereignty — it’s already gone.
  3. Digital finance — the transaction layer. From PayPal to Stripe to crypto platforms, Canadian money increasingly travels on foreign rails. Parliament can regulate interest rates, but it cannot audit the algorithms setting credit scores or processing stablecoin transactions.

Together, these pillars form the “digital hinge.” The state that controls them governs the future. Canada is not that state.

Europe acts, Canada sleeps

While Canada drifts, Europe is legislating. The European Union’s Digital Services Act forces transparency from platforms. The Artificial Intelligence Act requires risk-based oversight. The General Data Protection Regulation ensures European privacy rules follow European citizens wherever their data flows.

Europe understands the stakes: digital systems are constitutional infrastructure. If governments cannot govern their own algorithms, they cannot govern at all.

Canada, by contrast, tried and failed. The artificial intelligence and data act collapsed in committee. Even if it had passed, its scope was too narrow. It would not have touched the recommendation engines that dominate our information environment. The legislation was not suited for its important purpose.

Parliament has not yet grasped that sovereignty in the 21st century is not only about energy pipelines or borders. It’s about who owns the cloud contracts and the AI logic that shape daily life.

The lock-in trap

Every new dependency makes escape harder. Economists call this “vendor lock-in.” Digital dependence is not temporary — it hardens. Governments that migrate to Microsoft 365 cannot easily switch to Canadian alternatives without chaos. Health systems utilizing American AI cannot suddenly move to domestic engines.

Most contracts are governed by U.S. law. Disputes are often governed by American law, not Canadian courts. Once contracts are signed, sovereignty leaks away in ways that are invisible to voters. Every renewal entrenches foreign jurisdiction deeper into Canadian institutions.

China’s alternative

Where Canada has surrendered and Europe has regulated, China has imposed control. Beijing mandates algorithm registration, data localization and state oversight of all digital infrastructure.

The model works — at the price of freedom. China proves sovereignty is achievable. But it also shows the danger of confusing sovereignty with surveillance.

Canada should not copy Beijing. But we must recognize that drifting toward dependency is equally dangerous.

Canada’s policy vacuum

Canada has no equivalent to Europe’s comprehensive digital sovereignty framework. The Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission regulates television and telecommunications. But there is no Canadian regulator with authority over cloud platforms, AI inference engines or algorithmic governance.

The result is that our health data is governed by U.S. law, financial transactions are processed in the United States and cultural discourse is shaped by Chinese algorithms.

The genius of the algorithmic empire is that it feels like convenience. Canadians choose U.S. platforms because they work well, not because they are coerced.

Canadians supply the raw materials: data, engagement and problems to solve. Foreign platforms own the rails, set the terms and harvest the value.

This is digital sharecropping. We work the digital fields; someone else collects the harvest.

The results are visible everywhere: foreign firms dominate Canada’s ad-tech stack, payment platforms and even the cultural narratives Canadians consume. The wealth and power flow outward. What remains is dependency — dignified with the language of modernization.

Canada now faces three stark paths. We can continue outsourcing core infrastructure, adapting piecemeal to U.S., EU and Chinese rules. This guarantees permanent dependency. Alternatively, we can import China’s sovereignty-through-surveillance model. This would allow us to secure control, but would sacrifice our traditional Canadian freedoms.

Thus, the only viable path is to assert a Canadian model of digital sovereignty, rooted in democratic oversight, transparent algorithms and domestic infrastructure.

The government should introduce a “digital infrastructure act” that treats AI, cloud and payment systems as constitutional infrastructure. Algorithmic transparency should be enshrined as a legal right: citizens must know how automated systems affect them. Canadian disputes must be resolved under Canadian law. And government procurement should favour Canadian providers, incentivizing homegrown alternatives to foreign tech solutions.

In the 19th century, sovereignty meant controlling railways and ports. In the 20th century, it meant pipelines and broadcasting. In the 21st, it means cloud contracts, algorithmic systems and digital finance. We must govern code with the same authority we once applied to borders.

If governments cannot govern their algorithms, they cannot govern at all. If Canada fails to legislate sovereignty into its digital architecture, we will find ourselves living inside someone else’s empire — quietly governed, invisibly ruled, without ever being conquered.

We stand at the hinge of history. The choice is simple: renew sovereignty through law, or drift quietly into the algorithmic empire — a province of someone else’s digital domain, ruled without conquest and governed without consent.

Canada must decide what it means to be sovereign — before that decision is made for us.

National Post

Barry Appleton is an international trade lawyer, distinguished senior fellow and co-director at the Center for International Law at New York Law School and a fellow at the Balsillie School of International Affairs.


Say you’re a step-parent of a young child for a few years. Say you break up with that child’s biological parent. Should you be put on that child’s birth certificate in addition to the biological parents, and be awarded partial custody? In New Brunswick, the answer is yes.

This clarification comes to us from the New Brunswick Court of King’s Bench, which

decided

last week to grant partial custody of a five-year-old boy to his mother’s ex-girlfriend-turned-boyfriend.

That’s the short version. The long version is, in 2020, a New Brunswick woman named J.K., and her ex-husband, D.K., had a son, L, the child at the centre of the is court battle. But they didn’t exactly know it at the time. The two already had one child together in 2017 and separated in 2018. They continued to have sexual encounters after their separation, but since J.K. was also seeing other people, the parentage was unclear until court-ordered paternity testing took place.

In 2019, J.K. began dating a woman who worked at her first kid’s daycare, K.M. This ended later in the year due to toxicity (“there was violence on both sides,” was the court summary of K.M.’s testimony), and J.K. ultimately moved back in with her husband — not as a couple, but not in an asexual way either, because it was during this time that their now five-year-old son was conceived. In early 2020, J.K. began seeing an old college friend named C.C, and found out she was pregnant. She believed him to be the father, but he was struggling with drugs at the time, and didn’t see him as ready to take the role.

When the pandemic hit, J.K. resumed her relationship with the woman from daycare, K.M. They were together during the pregnancy — K.M. was even listed on the birth certificate as a parent — and for the two years that followed, splitting up in 2022. K.M. identified as a woman when the child was born, but transitioned afterward and took on the role of a father figure. Post-breakup, J.K. returned to C.C., and they’ve been together since; in 2024, they even had two kids. They’re the primary caregivers of L.

There’s also a layer of geography to all this: the mother and her trans ex lived in Saint John initially, but in 2024 the mother moved two hours away. Still, both households shared custody of the child, him going back and forth between the two as they continued to fight for full custody in court.

K.M. petitioned the court for parental rights and for full custody (or partial custody, if the mother moved back home). The biological parents and C.C. petitioned for K.M. to be cut out of the child’s life completely.

K.M. won a compromise: custody every third weekend.

New Brunswick law defines a “parent” as someone who “who has demonstrated a settled intention to treat a child as a child of the person’s family” — and the presence of K.M. in L’s life from day 1 as a parental figure

fulfilled

that definition for the judge. As for apportioning custody, most parenting time was awarded to the biological mother — but some weekends will go to the unrelated step-parent because the judge believed it to be in the kid’s best interests.

“Although L has had three father figures in his life so far, only one father has been present since birth (and even before) until now. That father is the applicant, K.M.,”

wrote

the judge.

The judge found it important that the child had formed sibling-like relationships with the children of K.M.’s new wife (though, it’s possible that they lost custody of those two kids; the

evidence was unclear

on that point). The judge also gave some weight to K.M.’s intention to enroll the kid in French immersion (something the mom wasn’t about to do). He expressed some skepticism at the biological family’s religious views, particularly relating to transgender matters.

“Given the mother’s evidence about her parents’ (negative) views on LGBTQ relationships, this could raise concerns about what will be said to the child about the reality of transgender people. For the time being, however, this has not been raised,” he noted. Elsewhere, he referred to K.M.’s female name as a “deadname,” adopting the terms of gender ideology. It seemed that the judge viewed gender ideology as the neutral state of nature, possibly a reason to favour K.M.

So, what does it all mean? In New Brunswick, at least, you can get custody of someone else’s kid, even if both of their biological parents are in the picture.

Reading between the lines, you can find some additional reasons why the judge leaned this way. The kid in question’s mother has a handful of mental illnesses and a history of drug addition. She wasn’t all that credible in court, her story laden with “significant contradictions.” She claims to have been sober in 2019, but

relapsed

again in 2023 for a brief period. When she moved two hours away, the new home initially

did not have a toilet

. Her partner, C.C., also has a history of drug abuse and relapsed in 2023; he is a sex offender, convicted of having non-consensual sex with a previous girlfriend as she slept.

You get the impression that the judge may have seen a better parent in K.M. — who isn’t perfect, either, having recently pleaded guilty to cannabis distribution charges, but who was more forthright and didn’t appear to be living with a sex offender. As for who the kid wants to live with, it’s hard to say; each claims the kid says concerning things about the other.

Decisions like these confuse what a family actually is. And while it does make sense for step-parents to take an active role in their stepkids’ lives, they still aren’t the real parents. Canadian law is increasingly moving towards a family model detached from true kinship: a Quebec judge

ruled

that multiple parents can go on a birth certificate earlier this year, following a B.C. court

in 2021

. And in that year, an Alberta court

ruled

that a stepfather had to provide support for children that weren’t his — even after they turned 18.

In 2022, meanwhile, the Supreme Court of Canada said that kinship carries “minimal weight” in determining where a child goes: “changing social conditions … have diminished the significance of biological ties,”

remarked

the unanimous court. It’s not an absolute rejection of the biological nuclear family, which has carried our civilization for centuries, but it is a departure.

We’re moving towards something like the common-law marriage for parent-child relationships, where the state imposes a legal relationship on people without their consent, and that’s something to be concerned about. It means that real parents who allow unrelated adults to become a fixture in their kid’s life can ultimately lose some of their parental rights in the process.

National Post


People pay their respects during a candlelight vigil for youth activist and influencer Charlie Kirk at a makeshift memorial at Orem City Center Park in Orem, Utah, a day after he was shot during a public event at Utah Valley University on September 11, 2025. (Photo by MELISSA MAJCHRZAK/AFP via Getty Images)

In an astounding coincidence, as the news arrived that Charlie Kirk, founder and head of the enlightened traditionalist movement Turning Point USA, had been assassinated, I was sitting in the Oval Office of the White House across the Resolute Desk from the President of the United States. Although I have known him for more than 25 years and have generally been in touch with him throughout that period, I had not seen him in person for some years. I have written approximately two million words about him, almost all of it reasonably or unambiguously favourable, though not uncritically so, mainly on U.S. Internet sites, as well as a book that was appreciative of him though no hagiography, (A President Like no Other).

I had developed a few ideas about a couple of his programs, in emails and by telephone, and he suggested I visit him. Wednesday, Sept. 10, 2025 was the day. As I was arriving at the White House visitors’ entrance I saw on my mobile phone that Charlie Kirk had been wounded in an assassination attempt. I did not really know him and was only generally conversant with his Turning Point movement and from the initial wording of the bulletin I hopefully assumed that he would recover. There was no sign of alarm as I sat in the outer anteroom with a number of distinguished fellow visitors including a prominent senator and the well-known economist Arthur Laffer, whom I had not seen in thirty years. A few friends in the administration came and went and we exchanged greetings and the time passed pleasantly.

The outer anteroom for the Oval Office is rectangular and has doors on three walls and in the middle of what I assume was a typical weekday afternoon, an astonishing number of people were constantly coming and going through all three doors, one the entrance and the other two into parallel inner anterooms to the Oval Office. The ambience is one of constant and purposeful activity in a shared and good-spirited cause. Occasionally, it happened that successive doors were simultaneously ajar, and the familiar voice of the chief occupant would be heard, good-humoured but authoritative. A pleasing aesthetic aspect, as usual in Trump matters, is the presence of very capable and attractive youngish ladies on the presidential staff.

Although I had been a number of times to the White House before, it was in groups and in reception rooms. Here it was possible to see how the private office functioned and it was clear the president’s staff is devoted to him personally and that he, unlike some holders of great offices that I have known, is unfailingly polite to staff. In this he reminded me of Margaret Thatcher, who frequently beat up her cabinet ministers because she thought they could and should defend themselves if they were any good, (and if they weren’t she sacked them), but never forgetting her own modest socioeconomic beginnings, she was unfailingly courteous to people in lesser positions.

After about an hour I was invited to leapfrog the crowded intermediate waiting room and was cordially greeted by my eminent host. He was looking trim, fit, and completely undaunted by the requirements of his position. In my observations, going back to the Eisenhower years, U.S. presidents either enjoy their position and get on top of it or are worn down by it and the presidency imposes itself upon them. Donald Trump is distinctly in the first category. We were briefly joined by Art Laffer who wanted a photograph taken of himself with the president in front of the painting of President Reagan to the right of the president’s desk. After a few pleasantries and reflections Laffer departed and the president said that Charlie Kirk had died.

I condoled with him and when he indicated that it would be appropriate, I started into my reasons for being there. He listened intently and made a few comments and we were shortly joined by the vice president, J.D. Vance, known even by me to be a close friend Charlie Kirk. He was reporting on the initial results of the investigation. My offer to excuse myself was declined and there followed a surrealistic and unforgettable scene: the president and vice president lamented their deceased friend and I was likely almost as improbable a third party as could be found to participate in such an exchange. In the circumstances, I only commented when my opinion was asked.

Especially in the light of ungenerous imputations of motives to both men in their public remarks in ensuing days. I would be remiss not to emphasize that neither the president nor the vice president expressed any sentiment except sorrow at the death of their friend and sympathy for his wife and family and close associates, and calm, deep concern at the extent of violence in the country. There was not a vengeful or partisan word or even an ill-tempered one. Both men were absolutely exemplary and in fact somewhat inspiring in their sole preoccupation with the horribly premature and violent death of a talented friend and supporter, and their shared concern at the frequency of recourse to political violence in America and much of the western world.

The only reference to the immediate political implications of this tragic event was by me when I said that this was such a ghastly episode it might have a salutary effect in sobering public discourse and discouraging violence. This elicited a noncommittal response. All Americans, whatever their political leanings, should be reassured that the two holders of the national offices of the United States, in a poignant hour of great sacrifice and sadness, had no thoughts except charity for the bereaved and concern for the country. It was my sad privilege to be a witness to this and the completely spontaneous tastefullness and generosity of the thoughts of the president and vice president did not reduce but somewhat ameliorated the deep sadness of the occasion.

The vice president departed, the president invited me to finish what I’d come to say which I did with uncharacteristic economy of words and got up to leave. He said he had then to telephone Mrs. Kirk. I was staying near the White House and walked back, reflecting on the fortuitously fine qualities of America’s leaders, whatever controversies they may arouse on other grounds. And for the 31-year-old Charlie Kirk, whom I knew to be a committed and patriotic Christian, I could only wish him eternal rest with the Prince of Peace as he reposes in the honoured memory of the great nation for which he made the highest and noblest sacrifice.

New York Sun