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Prime Minister Mark Carney takes part in a meeting of the North Atlantic Council during the NATO Summit in The Hague on Wednesday.

Mere weeks after

announcing

that Canada would finally meet its decade-old commitment to spend the equivalent of two per cent of GDP on defence, Prime Minister Mark Carney and his NATO colleagues pulled another arbitrary number out of a hat and agreed to increase spending to

five per cent

by 2035.

Yet lazily focusing on the top-line spending number will only serve to distract us from the real goal: crafting a coherent strategy to ensure we have an Armed Forces capable of defending Canadian soil and assisting our allies abroad.

There should no longer be any doubt that a drastic overhaul of the Canadian Armed Forces is long overdue. Our military has a shortage of manpower and most of our equipment is long past its best-before date. It’s no longer capable of participating in international missions, let alone defending the homeland against foreign threats.

Meanwhile, the world is becoming an increasingly dangerous place. Russia and China have spent years beefing up their military presence in the Arctic. The spectre of war has once again returned to Europe with Russia’s ongoing invasion of Ukraine and threats against its neighbours.

Having fully conquered Hong Kong, China has been flexing its muscles in the South China Sea and setting its sights on Taiwan. Israel has been under attack from all directions since 2023. And the American protection we have come to rely on is no longer a sure thing.

It was therefore good to hear that the Carney government plans to increase defence spending by $9.3 billion this year, which will bring total expenditures to $62.7 billion, or just over two per cent of GDP. Unfortunately, in typical Liberal fashion, the prime minister has no plan for how to pay for it.

The government’s recently tabled

Main Estimates

show that Ottawa plans on spending at least $486 billion this coming fiscal year, and that doesn’t appear to

include

the $24 billion worth of Liberal campaign promises or the $73.1 billion in new spending outlined in the fall economic statement.

The Main Estimates also notes that it will cost taxpayers $49.1 billion just to service the debt this year, while lamenting that, “Public debt charges have increased significantly over the last three years due to a substantial increase in the stock of public debt over the course of the pandemic combined with subsequent higher effective interest rates.”

In other words, the same Liberals who doubled the national debt during the pandemic and then told us that, due to low interest rates, it would be “

short-sighted

” not to continue the spending spree are now acknowledging that servicing the debt they racked is costing us a pretty penny, equal to about one-third of all the government’s operating and capital expenses.

During the election, Carney presented himself as a serious man coming in to clean up the mess left behind by the child we put in charge of the country for the past decade. Yet he has fallen into the typical Canadian trap of handing out goodies to the electorate without any means to pay for them and committing to international targets we have little hope of realizing.

There is, of course, the possibility that NATO members agreed to the five per cent target as a means of appeasing U.S. President Donald Trump, knowing full well that he will likely (this is Trump, after all) no longer be in office when they all break their promises 10 years from now.

But if, for the sake of argument, we were to reach that target, our defence budget would have to increase to a whopping $151.7 billion by 2035. Before we embark on such a costly excursion, it would be prudent to ask whether that level of spending is necessary to achieve our goals, or if we’ll simply be flushing money down the proverbial toilet.

In this, the United States should serve as a case study on why not to spend money for spending’s sake. Indeed, despite being the world’s foremost military power — paying more for defence than the next

nine highest-spending countries

combined — the U.S. defence budget currently represents just 3.38 per cent of its gross domestic product.

Even at current levels, the Department of Defence admitted in

a 2017 report

that it had “19 per cent excess capacity.” And large swaths of that money gets wasted, including by purchasing equipment that is completely unnecessary.

As a

feature

published in Reason magazine earlier this year details, the U.S. military has a history of losing track of military equipment or allowing it to fall into disrepair. It also has a long track record of treating defence procurement as a make-work project.

In the early 2000s, for example, the U.S. Navy began designing new littoral combat ships, but they were such a failure, they ended up being nicknamed the “Little Crappy Ship.” In 2017, the navy was already planning to replace them by 2020 but nevertheless made a budget request for one additional vessel, for

the sole purpose

of keeping the shipyards that produce them in business.

But even that wasn’t enough for the Trump administration: even though the navy admitted it didn’t actually want the ships, the White House altered its budget to include two vessels, at a cost of US$500 million a pop.

And the profligate spending continues: a

press release

issued by the U.S. Senate committee on appropriations last year bragged that lawmakers were allocating US$3 billion more for aviation procurement and an additional US$732 million for shipbuilding than the military had requested.

It’s very likely that the U.S. could cut its defence budget in half and still fend off any challenges from adversaries like China or Russia, which spend a fraction of the money Americans are forced to pay.

Such is the peril of focusing solely on total spending, in absolute dollars or as a percentage of GDP, rather than taking the time to figure out exactly what the military needs to meet its objectives, and coming up with a concrete strategy to procure the necessary supplies.

When Carney announced the increase in defence spending earlier this month, he said that, “Our goal is to protect Canadians, not to satisfy NATO accountants.” Let’s hope he remembers that in the future.

National Post

jkline@postmedia.com

Twitter.com/accessd


Israeli emergency services and security officers evacuate a body from the rubble of a building hit by an Iranian missile in Beersheba in southern Israel on June 24, 2025.

October 7th, 2023, was the most defining moment for Israel since the Holocaust. For a generation two or three times removed from the Shoah, the horrors of that day shattered the illusion of safety. It was not just a brutal terrorist attack — it was an existential wake-up call.

For years, many wondered if a new generation raised in a high-tech, Westernized society could withstand a genocidal assault. October 7th gave us the answer. Israelis rose with courage and fury, united by the singular purpose of survival and justice. They did not collapse — they roared back.

In the immediate aftermath, Israelis became an iron wall. They fought back against Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis — and then directly confronted Iran.

This week alone

, seven Israeli soldiers were injured in central Israel with one off-duty soldier killed in Beersheba. Twenty-eight civilians were killed by Iranian missiles that levelled entire apartment blocks. Yet, Israel did not flinch. It struck back with precision, resilience, and resolve.

No other country in the world could have endured what Israel has faced over the past 20 months. No nation could withstand rocket barrages from multiple fronts while keeping daily life functioning. No other society could bury its young soldiers — its brightest minds — with such dignity and determination. No economy could continue to grow under constant attack. And no people could live through the trauma of watching loved ones kidnapped and brutalized — yet continue to fight with moral clarity. But Israel did. And Israel continues to do so.

Let’s be honest — it was Israel that gave America its consequential moment. Israeli intelligence and strategic planning laid the groundwork for strikes on Iran’s nuclear program. While U.S. airpower delivered the final blow, Israel brilliantly paved the way.

October 7th created a new Israeli ethos — just as the Holocaust once did. A new generation has emerged, defined not by memory, but by lived experience. They will never forget the sirens, the bomb shelters, or the atrocities. They will carry the legacy of survival and defence into every sphere of national life.

A post-Netanyahu era will bring new leadership shaped by battle — leaders who understand the cost of freedom and the price of silence. They will protect Israel with a heart of courage, grounded in hard-won experience.

Israel is not only surviving — it is growing. In the coming years, it will see a surge in Aliyah. As antisemitism rises across Europe and North America, and Islamic fundamentalism undermines Western values, more Jews will choose Israel as a safe and sovereign refuge. They will bring with them skills, passion, and purpose, strengthening the nation from within.

And Israel will remember. It will remember who stood with it — and

who did not

. In its darkest hour, countries like Canada, the U.K., France, Australia, and New Zealand chose political expediency over moral clarity. While Israel may renew ties with these allies, it will not forget their silence. Trust, once broken, is not easily repaired.

Even Canada, it seems, is now shifting its tone — perhaps realizing that Israel will not be defeated. At NATO this week, Prime Minister Carney

stated

his vision of a pro “Zionist Palestinian state that recognizes the right of Israel not just to exist, but to prosper and live without fear.” What he meant was clear: any future Palestinian state must first recognize the Jewish people’s right to live — securely and permanently — in their ancestral homeland, the land of Israel.

The war is far from over. The Ayatollah is already

claiming victory

, but he is an emperor without clothes — proven incompetent, deceitful and foolish. Hezbollah and Iran will regroup. Hamas’s ideology won’t vanish overnight. But it is not Israel that should fear what comes next — it is Israel’s enemies who should. The Israel of today is not the Israel of October 6th. It has proven it is not easily defeated. It rises under fire, unites under threat, and fights back with intelligence, courage, and precision.

And while Iran will surely continue its nuclear ambitions, it now knows that the Israel of tomorrow will return — stronger, smarter, and more powerful. Those who threaten it will live in fear.

When the war does finally end — and it must — it will mark the beginning of a stronger, more resilient Israel. One that rebuilds its cities and spirit. One that shines as a beacon of courage, a fortress of democracy, and a warning to all who still wish it harm:

Never again means

never again

.

National Post


Iranian women holding an effigy pose for photographers next to a mural of the Statue of Liberty bearing the face of a skull on the wall of former US embassy in Tehran on November 4, 2013, during a demonstration to mark the 34th anniversary of the 1979 US embassy takeover.

On Sunday afternoon, extremists met in front of the United States consulate in Toronto for a “Hands Off Iran” rally. It was

planned by several organizations, among them the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE) of Ontario,

before the U.S. army bombed the nuclear sites of

Fordo

,

Natanz and Isfahan

last weekend, dismantling the Islamic Republic’s nuclear enrichment capabilities.

While a debate over American military intervention is expected in the current Canadian climate, what made this rally notable was its union backing.

Prior to the rally, a promotional

flyer

was circulated on social media by the radical Palestinian Youth Movement (PYM); along the bottom were the logos of CUPE Ontario, PYM, SPRING Magazine and others. Immediately, the media

picked up
on it.

Facing national outrage, CUPE Ontario pledged support for the rally in a 

statement

released June 17, adding that the flyer in question was an “early unapproved draft version.”

On June 20, the national branch of CUPE released a

statement

declaring itself an “anti-war union”; it didn’t address the “Hands Off Iran” rally directly, but it did declare “solidarity with workers in Iran” while denouncing human rights abuses in the country.

“CUPE calls on Canada to unequivocally condemn the escalating attacks between Israel and Iran, oppose President Trump’s reckless threats of nuclear war, and state plainly Canada’s intent to pursue diplomatic solutions and opposition to military conflict in the region,” it concluded.

For a number of reasons, CUPE’s statements weren’t just damage control, but a masterclass in deception.

First, CUPE Ontario organized the rally in collaboration with PYM, an effective proxy for the Iranian regime in Canada that

openly celebrated

the October 7 massacre and has

called
for
intifada

on Canadian streets. When this is the union’s chosen partner to promote a protest, it is certainly not an anti-war rally — even if it’s labelled that way — but a hate rally.

Second, by declaring itself an “anti-war union,” as it did in its recent statement, the national branch of CUPE played its members for fools. The Islamic Republic of Iran, an Islamic theocracy, is the world’s leading state sponsor of terrorism; it funds a global network of proxies, some of which might be sleeper cells here. One can only hope our national security agencies are

paying

very close attention.

Third, both statements conveniently overlooked Iran’s decades-long, openly genocidal chants of “Death to Israel” and “Death to America,” and ignored last month’s

report

from the International Atomic Energy Agency that the regime has enough material for multiple nuclear warheads. A nuclear bomb within the grasp of religious fanatics who promise to use it has nothing to do with peace. When CUPE’s leadership runs cover for extremist theocrats, they make a mockery of peace while betraying their members with foreign propaganda.

Lastly, in all its supposedly pacifist rhetoric, CUPE’s national branch couldn’t even bring itself to stand in solidarity with Israeli workers — Jews and Arabs alike — who live under the constant threat of annihilation by the Islamic regime and its proxies. It did claim to support Iranian workers, however.

In the eyes of many Canadians, CUPE Ontario, led by

Fred Hahn

, has transformed from a labour union into a platform for a hate movement, funded by its members’ dues. Similar concerns have been

raised

about the national branch, where Hahn is the general vice-president.

But this isn’t just about CUPE or the “Hands Off Iran” rally. This shameful episode is a perfect example of a sickness spreading through Canada’s labour movement. It is a symptom of a larger problem: a radical, activist minority is hijacking our unions. While the vast majority of unionized employees are focused on their jobs, their families and the challenges of life, small groups are using member dues to play their own politics.

They pass resolutions, fund front groups, and march in protests that have

nothing to do with the workplace

but everything to do with a toxic international political agenda. All of it is done quietly, while hard-working Canadians are too busy to notice.

This must end. The purpose of a union is to fight for better wages, secure pensions and safer working conditions, and to prepare for the challenges technology brings. Its power comes from its ability to deliver a better life for its members, not from its alignment with extremist movements or from supporting a genocidal theocratic regime.

The solution rests with the silent majority. It is time to stop being passive. Unionized employees across Canada should start by finding out who their unions are partnering with and what causes they’re funding with dues. Next, members should show up to union meetings and ask questions. Third, they should demand that the focus return to what matters: members’ jobs and futures.

Unions that stay laser-focused on labour issues are stronger and more effective. This makes a real difference for working people. But if union leaders keep eroding our trust, Canadians may have no choice but to weaken the very unions they once fought so hard to build.

Supporting hard-working Canadians must always be the heart of the labour movement — not radical foreign activism. Rebuilding our unions before the damage is too deep is essential not just for us, but for the future of work in Canada.

National Post

Ori Freiman is a Post-Doctoral Fellow at McMaster University.


Democratic mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani speaks at his primary election party, Wednesday, June 25, 2025, in New York. (AP Photo/Heather Khalifa)

Zohran Mamdani will be the Democratic nominee in New York City’s November mayoral election.

Given the party’s dominance in New York, he is the runaway favourite to win control of the city’s government. An open socialist and champion of every far-left cause in existence, Mamdani became an overnight icon for radicals around the world.

New York is the most important financial and cultural centre on the planet. Whoever sits in the mayor’s chair can easily become one of the most visible and prominent politicians in the United States.

Andrew Cuomo, the disgraced former governor of the state, believed that he had the Democratic nomination bag, only to be thrashed by an upstart state assemblyman.

Mamdani’s cult of personality is already forming outside the U.S. in anticipation of the November election. Following his victory in the primary, Ontario NDP leader Marit Stiles

fawned over

the 33-year-old on X:

“What you’ve built goes far beyond New York City. You’ve captured the imagination of progressives everywhere with a blueprint for how we can win: with hope, with values, and with the belief that politics can be a force for good. We’re watching—and we’re inspired.”

Whether it’s calling for

arbitrary new gun laws

, trying to turn Ontario into a “

sanctuary province

,” or

publicly supporting

Bernie Sanders, the Canadian left is incapable of producing anything that is original. Expect Stiles and the rest of the NDP to obsessively follow Mamdani’s career and plagiarize him to the fullest.

Mamdani’s campaign

pledged to pilfer

the wealthy to pay for free transit, public daycare, and a host of other government-provided services to those who live in New York. He also announced that he would

freeze the hiring

of new NYPD officers, and has called for

prison abolition

.

Years of anti-police rhetoric that led to vast rises in crime across the U.S. culminated in strange phenomenons like

“progressive prosecutors,”

 and alternative methods of dealing with public disorder that were about as effective as alternative medicine.

New York seems poised to double down.

It is undeniable that Mamdani ran a savvy campaign that made full use of social media, viral moments, and other tactics that overcame Cuomo’s traditional outreach to unions and the old machine politics of the city.

Mamdani campaigned in multiple non-English languages and took a special interest in foreign conflicts. It would be more accurate to say that he took a special interest in one specific conflict.

A hardline critic of Israel, he refused to condemn the phrase “Globalize the Intifada,” and pledged to arrest Benjamin Netanyahu if he sets foot in the city. Curiously, the war in Ukraine has attracted little to no attention from Mamdani, and that is a choice.

The left-wing dislike of Western institutions and alliances is eternal, and the war between Israel and Gaza is just the latest opportunity to project it. Gaza is their current

cause célèbre

, and Mamdani’s admirers, both in the U.S. and elsewhere will be emboldened to toughen their anti-Israel rhetoric.

Some have even

accused

Mamdani of being an Islamist due to his

support

for the Palestinians and his Muslim faith. Were that the case, Mamdani would be the strangest one to have ever lifted.

He supports using public funds to

subsidize

transgender health care, and is a stalwart supporter of rights for sexual minorities across the board, none of which would be the beliefs held by an extreme religious insurgent. However, it is typical of modern left-wing populists who desire to loot the well-off so they can fund a government that seizes power over the economy.

It is a political style that utterly rejects the principles of the American Founding Fathers, and appropriate for a city hall that removed a 187-year old statue of Thomas Jefferson in 2021 due to his ownership of slaves.

The man authored the Declaration of Independence, but this does not matter to those who want to remake New York with thoroughly un-American ideas like socialism.

However, it was neither Mamdani’s personal ideology nor his support for Gaza that drove his success in the Democratic primary. The main culprit of his victory was

affordability

, or New York’s lack thereof, which should surprise nobody.

Mamdani’s campaign promised rent caps, subsidized public housing, and expanded free city government services. This resonated with young New Yorkers who pay exorbitant rates for tiny apartments that they usually have to share with one too many roommates.

The cost of living is the best way to rally youth across the West right now, and no political faction has no monopoly upon that strategy. In Canada, Pierre Poilievre’s Conservatives won the youth vote in large part due to their frustrations over sky-high rental costs and the impossibility of home ownership.

Although this failed to get the Conservatives into government in Canada, it is likely to work for Mamdani.

There is nothing wrong with wanting to address affordability, but the issue will be a Trojan Horse for a host of terrible ideas to accompany it, like hostility to law enforcement, driving out capital, and throwing a country’s founding principles into the trash bin.

Mamdani is the most famous leftist in the West right now, and the future of the Democratic Party and their ideological branch plants. It’s no wonder the NDP wasted no time in kowtowing to him, the man poised to lord over the most important city in the world.

National Post


A rendering showing the lay of the revamped Ontario Place.

Ontario Premier Doug Ford is probably the best political friend the city of Toronto has ever had. But no matter how many billions of provincial tax dollars Ford spends to help his hometown, some Torontonians remain ungrateful.

Rather than settle for looking a gift horse in the mouth, they rush to the other end of the horse and pronounce themselves very unhappy with what they see. The latest example is the final design for a dramatically revamped Ontario Place,

announced by Ford this week

.

Drawings show a spectacular-looking future for the decrepit, provincially owned waterfront park. As the government puts it, “The reimagined Ontario Place will offer more than 50 acres of free public trails, expanded green space, playgrounds, interactive fountains, new beaches, event spaces and an updated marina, all designed to create a world-class waterfront destination that will attract up to six million visitors every year.”

Nevertheless, some Torontonians are upset because the

site will include a parking garage

for the convenience of wrongheaded people who insist on using cars.


T

his follows the scandal of a waterpark and spa that will be owned by a private company, even though the land it sits on is public. Then there is the plan to build a new Ontario Science Centre at Ontario Place. How many more of these horrible blows will Torontonians have to endure?

 Rendering of a planned above-ground parking garage for the new Ontario Place.

Despite the new Ontario Place’s obvious attractions, the

parking garage

was the main item in media coverage. It’s glass-sided and not bad looking, for a parking garage. The government says the 3,500-space garage will cost $400 million to build and generate $60 million in gross revenue annually. If so, it’s not a bad investment for taxpayers.

And yet, Toronto NDP MPP Chris Glover said the government shouldn’t try “to make money off the backs of the people of Ontario to access their own parkland.” Toronto city councillor Ausma Malik complained because the garage blocks the view of the waterfront. Local news site BlogTO

called the garage “obnoxiously huge.”

Ontario Green Party Leader Mike Schreiner said the reimagined Ontario Place “is not revitalization. It is a reckless misuse of public land and a waste of money.”

Toronto Mayor Olivia Chow was more measured. She wanted an underground parking garage, which would have been much more expensive to construct, but said, “They did not take my advice, but it’s Ontario land, it’s their parking lot. What can I say?”

Yes, it is Ontario land and Ontario is paying the cost for the Ontario Place project. In a report last year, the Ontario

auditor general estimated those costs

at $2.2 billion. That includes the publicly owned parking garage, plus an estimated $500 million for public spaces, the costs of site preparation, and an estimated $700 million for the new science centre.

The City of Toronto will contribute nothing to the project, although its primary users will no doubt be Toronto residents.

One can quibble over the details of any plan, but surely the main point is that a site that has been mostly shut down since 2012 is going to make a spectacular comeback. It should be just the kind of waterfront fun place that Toronto needs.

Ford has a track record of generosity towards Toronto, but it hasn’t bought him much co-operation from city councillors.

 The design layout of the revamped Ontario Place.

In 2023, Ford got out the provincial taxpayers’ chequebook and

gave Toronto $1.2 billion

in operating money over three years, and the province took control of the Gardiner Expressway and Don Valley Parkway, relieving Toronto of substantial operating and capital costs. As part of that deal, Chow agreed to butt out of the province’s business at Ontario Place.

Toronto has also profited handsomely from the provincial government’s Building Faster Fund, which rewards cities that exceed provincial housing targets. Even though housing in Toronto remains unaffordable and city government can do little to help, Toronto was awarded $67.2 million from the fund this year and $114 million last year. Other municipalities also collected money from the fund.

Despite Ford’s generosity, Toronto city council just can’t let him have a win. The premier wanted to remove bike lanes on three major city streets. Toronto council made a big fuss. Recent provincial legislation says Toronto can’t impose building standards that exceed those of the Ontario Building Code. The goal is to make housing cheaper and quicker to build. Toronto is

contemplating a court fight

to preserve its green building standards.

Toronto is happy to take money from taxpayers across the province, but when it comes to calling the shots, city councillors seem to think they have veto power over the government that’s cutting them cheques.

Instead of complaining, Torontonians should try being grateful for the special treatment they get.

National Post

randalldenley1@gmail.com


U.S. President Donald Trump speaks during a news conference following the 2025 NATO Summit in The Hague, Netherlands, on June 25, 2025.

For a guy who likened the 2003 invasion of Iraq to “

throwing a big fat brick into a hornet’s nest

,” U.S. President Donald Trump was surprisingly quick to bomb Iran, targeting the country’s nuclear weapons program for destruction. Then again, he’s just the latest in a long line of presidents who criticize the bellicosity of predecessors before embracing it themselves — usually without seeking congressional permission. It’s too early to know whether the atomic dreams of Iran’s leaders have been laid to rest, but the tentative ceasefire between Iran and Israel, and Trump’s positive reception at the NATO summit, suggest he pulled off a win — for now — and polished his international image.

Strictly speaking, U.S. presidents aren’t supposed to wage war based on nothing but their own imperial whims.

Article I

, Section 8, Clause 11 of the U.S. Constitution reserves to Congress the power “to declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water.”

 Article 2

 designates the president as “Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, when called into the actual Service of the United States,” but that’s a power to be exercised only after Congress declares war, or in defence of the country.

Don’t tell that to anybody in the White House, though. Presidents have long engaged in military action without a formal state of war — sometimes with nudge-and-wink approval from Congress and sometimes without. In a

2000 article

for the Naval War College Review, Gregory E. Fehlings noted, “the American Indian wars were undeclared, even though the United States often fought them as general wars, without restriction.” Fehlings’ main topic, though, was the 1798-1800

Quasi-War

with France. That conflict was waged by President John Adams, who coaxed his predecessor, George Washington, out of retirement to serve as commander-in-chief. They fought France based on a tepid authorization for the use of force from a Congress that didn’t care to declare a formal war over the seizure of American shipping.

That set a precedent for most conflicts to follow. American troops have done a lot of fighting, killing, and dying at the command of presidents. But Congress has

declared war only 11 times

— six just for World War II and none since 1942. Some of the remaining looks-a-lot-like wars have been loosely authorized by Congress, but others were waged on the power of presidential prerogative, which has a lot of force in an age of missiles, drones, and bombers.

The growing speed with which presidents can commit the country to hostilities spurred Congress to adopt the War Powers Act in 1973. That requires the president to notify Congress of the use of military force within 48 hours and limits deployments to 60 days. But a lot can happen in two days, let alone 60. Besides, successive presidents from both parties have rejected the constitutionality of the

War Powers Act

and ignored its restrictions. And, frankly, most members of Congress don’t want the responsibility.

After the B-2 bomber strikes on Iran’s nuclear facilities, Speaker of the House Mike Johnson dismissed arguments that President Trump needed congressional authorization. He

insisted

“the War Powers Act is itself unconstitutional” and is “a violation of the Article 2 powers of the Commander-in-Chief.”

Not everybody agrees. After the strikes,

63 per cent of respondents

to a CBS News/YouGov poll said the president “does need congressional approval for action against Iran.” Representatives Thomas Massie (R-KY) and Ro Khanna (D-CA) introduced a

resolution to prohibit

“United States Armed Forces from unauthorized hostilities in the Islamic Republic of Iran.” A counterpart was introduced in the Senate.

But that’s after the fact. Bombers move faster than debates, and Trump was discussing the

terms of a ceasefire

between Israel and Iran as pollsters made phone calls and dissident lawmakers tried to rally support. The discussion now has moved on to the extent to which Iran’s nuclear weapons program has been damaged: Trump claims it was “

obliterated

,” Rafael Grossi, Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), says

it was “significantly” set back

, and a preliminary intelligence report says it might only have been

knocked off schedule by a few months

.

Perhaps the only people who really know for sure are the Iranian officials digging through the rubble, gathering up whatever survived, and tallying what might still be hidden.

Which means that, so long as the ceasefire holds — a big “if” given that we’re talking about the Middle East — Trump is looking pretty good at the moment.

On X, UN Secretary General António Guterres

commented

, “I very much welcome President Trump’s announcement of a cease-fire between Israel and Iran. I urge the two countries to respect it fully.”

In a text message to Trump, NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte

gushed

, “Congratulations and thank you for your decisive action in Iran, that was truly extraordinary, and something no one else dared to do. It makes us all safer.” Trump

promptly posted the message to social media

, of course.

Naysayers will object to the way the international community is humouring Trump. But NATO gave the U.S. president another big win on his arrival at the alliance’s summit. Almost all attendees —

even Canada

! —

agreed to Trump’s goal of spending five per cent of GDP on defence by 2035

. Even if they don’t really mean it, that will almost certainly pull the members above the previous two per cent goal that most ignored for years on end. That’s of special importance to members on NATO’s eastern border with Russia.

The various grandees currently heaping praise on the U.S. president may not like or respect Trump. But there’s no doubt that he carries more clout than before, and that he has like-minded allies who see him as the key to a more bare-fisted approach in an increasingly tense time.

“This is the success of President Donald Trump,” Poland’s President Andrzej Duda, head of state of a country that has

shored up its military

to offset the threat from Russia,

commented

. “He was the one who demanded that NATO nations raise their defence spending.”

This is quite a coup for a maverick and mercurial politician who sometimes seems torn between picking a fight with the entire world beyond the U.S. border and ignoring it.

Trump’s image will take a hit if the Israel-Iran ceasefire falls apart amidst renewed fighting, of course. More dangerous for America is that the president’s increased stature comes from the White House, once again, ignoring Congress and acting unilaterally. That’s like a drug for a man, and an office, that look increasingly to be shedding constitutional restraints in favour of something like an

elective monarchy

.

National Post


Some guns for sale at P&D Enterprises gun shop in Edmonton on Tuesday February 16, 2021.

First Reading is a Canadian politics newsletter curated by the National Post’s own Tristin Hopper. To get an early version sent directly to your inbox, sign up here.

TOP STORY

The Liberal government’s plan to “buy back” thousands of once-legal Canadian firearms is not only severely behind schedule and over-budget, but a newly released internal report shows that Ottawa is doubtful of the plan ever actually working as announced.

In May 2020, former prime minister Justin Trudeau’s government

issued an order-in-council

banning more than 1,500 different types of Canadian firearms given the new designation of “assault-style.”

In an instant, an

estimated 150,000

guns that used to be legal for hunting or target shooting were now classified as prohibited, meaning the owners faced criminal charges if they so much as removed them from storage.

At the time, the government estimated that it would cost

$200 million

to purchase all the newly prohibited firearms as part of a “buy-back” scheme that would come to be called the Assault-Style Firearms Compensation Program.

Five years later, the Liberals have sunk more than double that amount into the program, with a

mere 12,195 firearms

having been turned over to the government to date.

The program is so behind schedule that private owners of prohibited firearms can’t even turn over their banned guns if they wanted to, as the buy-back currently only applies to businesses. “The program is not yet available for individuals,” reads a warning on the official webpage of the Assault-Style Firearms Compensation Program.

And even when gun owners do become eligible for the buyback, the government’s own internal reports are warning that they may not bother.

A recently published internal report for the Privy Council Office warned that the Government of Canada “is unlikely to be the most trusted messenger” when it comes to Canadian gun-owners.

It added, “the program faces a risk of non-compliance.”

The report,

entitled Understanding Firearms Owners

, is a $100,000 survey commissioned from the polling firm EKOS Research Associates in order to “support the development of Government communications” encouraging gun-owners to participate in the buy-back program. Delivered to the government in January, it was just made available online.

The buy-back program is voluntary, as anybody in possession of one of the banned firearms could simply opt to keep it in storage indefinitely. As such, the report notes that the whole program hinges on convincing gun owners to have “positive perceptions about the program and why it makes sense from the perspective of public safety.”

As far back as 2021, the Parliamentary Budget Officer calculated that $200 million was a wild underestimate for the scale of the buy-back program being suggested. A report estimated that it would end up costing

$756 million just for compensation fees

, in addition to the bureaucratic expenses of administering the program.

A fiscal analysis released earlier this month by the publication Calibre Magazine found that federal funds earmarked for the buy-back program would blow past the $500 million mark this year. Given the small quantity of prohibited firearms that have actually been captured by the program, Calibre Magazine calculated that the cost thus far works out to about $24,000 per gun.

According to a departmental plan

released last week by Public Safety Canada

, the government is planning to spend $459.8 million on the Assault-Style Firearms Compensation Program over the next fiscal year.

For the current fiscal year, this makes the gun buyback program one of the Liberal government’s largest single expenditures on public safety.

For comparison, a

package of new spending

to combat fentanyl trafficking announced earlier this year came to $200 million. In December, when the Trudeau government caved to U.S. demands to strengthen border security, the result was $355.4 million in new spending for the Canada Border Services Agency.

The ballooning expense of the buyback program is occurring in tandem with growing evidence that a recent rise in Canadian gun crime is due almost entirely to illegal guns smuggled in from the United States.

The Toronto Police Service now estimates that

90 per cent

of the crime guns it is encountering are U.S. firearms that never had any connection to the Canadian legal firearm market.

Illegal U.S. guns were also the primary weapons used in the mass-shooting that directly preceded the May 2020 “assault style” ban. Although the ban was issued as a direct response to an April 2020 Nova Scotia mass shooting that saw 22 people murdered, a probe would determine that the firearms employed were all illegal at the time of the massacre, and three had been smuggled in from the United States.

 

IN OTHER NEWS

The federal government appears to be staffing up an unofficial “stop Alberta from separating” department.

That comes via a Freedom of Information and Privacy Act filed by True North, which returned 

heavily blacked-out correspondence

 seeming to show that the Department of Justice is rounding up a team of constitutional experts to counter any future Alberta sovereignty claims.

 This was Prime Minister Mark Carney speaking at a Muslim Association of Canada event earlier month, where he declared that “Muslim values are Canadian values.” The Muslim Association of Canada features strongly in a just-released report by the Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy. The MAC was cited in the report as a major vehicle by which the Muslim Brotherhood’s ideology is slowly building legitimacy in Canadian civil society. MAC disputed the characterization, calling it “recycled Islamophobic tropes dressed up as ‘research.’”

In other Alberta separatism news, Alberta Premier Danielle Smith

said this week

that

it’s up to Prime Minister Mark Carney to tamp down the record-high separatist sentiments in the province.

This wasn’t an appeal for Carney to bring the hammer down on “Free Alberta” types. Rather, Smith was claiming that the sentiment will go away if Ottawa can just slacken the leash on its latticework of oil and gas restrictions. “I’m telling him what the pathway is to have (separatism sentiments) subside, and I guess it’ll be up to him to choose whether or not he takes that pathway,” she said.

 Prime Minister Mark Carney keeps saying that Canadians are “European.” The most recent iteration coming during a visit to Paris, when told a French audience that Canada was “the most European of non-European countries.” It’s a quirk very specific to him. While Canadian politicians used to frequently express their pride in being “British,” it hasn’t really been a feature of political discourse since the 1950s.

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Pride has become a platform for causes that stretch far beyond its original mission, writes Leslie Roberts.

Every June, rainbow flags fill our streets, storefronts and social media feeds as the world marks Pride Month. As a gay man who remembers a very different time, I feel a genuine sense of pride and gratitude for how far we’ve come. But I also find myself increasingly uneasy, not about being gay, but about what the LGBTQ movement has become.

You won’t find me dancing shirtless on a float or wrapped in a feather boa. I’m more likely to be found in the suburbs, where many of us now live, raising children, caring for aging parents and commuting to work. That, too, is what being gay looks like today. And it’s a vision of normalcy we fought hard to achieve. Equality, after all, meant being treated like everyone else.

But somewhere along the way, the movement changed. What was once a focused, hard-won campaign for equal rights and recognition has been absorbed into a broader cultural project — one that many of us no longer recognize, and increasingly struggle to defend.

This is especially true when it comes to the current direction of trans activism, which has not only dominated LGBTQ discourse in recent years, but has also sparked sharp political and cultural backlash. Let’s be honest: many in the gay, lesbian and bisexual communities are quietly asking how and why the T became the centrepiece of our shared movement.

The transgender cause, particularly as it relates to children and adolescents, raises medical, ethical and social questions that are far more complex than the fight for same-sex marriage or workplace protections ever was. Puberty blockers, irreversible surgeries, pronoun mandates and policies around sports and shared spaces — these are issues that affect not just trans individuals but families, schools and society at large.

And yet, to even raise a question about any of this is to risk being branded a bigot. That’s not progress. That’s ideological coercion.

For years, the LGBTQ community stood united because we had to. We faced the same threats: violence, discrimination, marginalization. But that solidarity was based on common ground: sexual orientation. Now, gender identity, a fundamentally different concept, is redefining the movement’s priorities, its language and its public image.

Let’s not forget: many moderates in the gay community stepped back from activism once the major battles were won. When same-sex couples could marry and adopt, when we could live and work without fear of legal consequences, many of us moved on. We integrated into the mainstream. We cut our lawns, raised kids, joined school committees. And in doing so, we believed, perhaps naively, that the struggle was over.

But it wasn’t. And now, it’s being led in a direction that many of us never signed up for.

There’s a growing sense that trans-rights activism, particularly when tied to controversial social and medical policies, has become the battleground where the credibility of all LGBTQ people is being wagered. And the stakes are high. We’re already seeing the backlash: laws rolling back rights, school board showdowns and a public that’s increasingly skeptical of what “inclusion” now demands.

The uncomfortable truth is that many ordinary Canadians, gay and straight, understand why there’s a push-back. It’s not rooted in hate, but in discomfort with how rapidly norms are shifting, and how little space there is for discussion or dissent. It’s fair to ask: does every aspect of trans activism belong under the Pride umbrella? Or has the movement lost its original purpose?

It doesn’t help that Pride itself has become a platform for causes that stretch far beyond its original mission. In recent years, we’ve seen Pride parades adopt messaging on everything from defunding police to “Free Palestine.” Important or not, these causes aren’t LGBTQ issues. They dilute the purpose of Pride and turn it into a generalized political rally that alienates many, including those inside the community.

There’s also a generational shift. The generation before mine had to be loud and radical to get noticed. My generation reaped the benefits — we married, settled down and blended in. Today’s younger generation, eager to take up their own cause, often wraps LGBTQ identity in social media outrage and ideological rigidity. But outrage is not a strategy.

If the LGBTQ movement wants to survive in a meaningful, unifying way, it must look to the past. Equal rights under the law. Protection from discrimination. The freedom to live one’s life without coercion or shame. That was the foundation. That’s what earned us respect — and made genuine integration possible.

This Pride Month, I’m still proud to be gay. But I’m no longer certain what I’m supposed to be proud of about today’s movement. And I know I’m not alone. I also know this: I have friends with transgender children who are struggling to find their place in the world. They are outliers, just as we, as gay men and women, were a generation ago.

Asking questions, raising concerns and drawing lines isn’t about shutting anyone out. It’s about helping them find where they belong in a society that’s still learning how to adapt. That’s not intolerance. That’s how real inclusion works.

National Post


Barrie Sketchley, the longtime principal of Rosedale Heights Secondary School who was recently transferred by the TDSB, over the objections of students, parents and trustees.

By Tasha Kheiriddin and Katrina Matheson

Ontario’s education system is in crisis. Violence in the classroom. Program cuts. Declining standards. Misplaced priorities. The rampant dysfunction in the province’s schools is taking an untenable toll on children and families. And they feel powerless to make change.

But that dam is starting to break. Earlier this month, the Toronto District School Board ordered the transfer of principal Barrie Sketchley from Rosedale Heights School of the Arts. At age 82, Sketchley is one of Ontario’s longest-serving school administrators and is beloved by his students and the the thousands of graduates of the school he founded 33 years ago.

In response, students

staged numerous protests

, parents flooded Toronto District School Board (TDSB) trustees and staff with hundreds of emails and more than 2,800 supporters signed a petition demanding that Sketchley remain at Rosedale until his retirement, which he plans to take at the end of the next school year.

In a shocking development, parents learned that a majority of trustees voted against the report that recommended Sketchley’s transfer, only to be told by staff that their vote did not count, as the transfer was an “operational decision.”

Similarly, a recent trustee vote against increasing class sizes for special education was dismissed by TDSB staff, who chose to bump class sizes from eight to 10 students — a significant increase when dealing with kids with complex needs and challenges.

Parents and students also protested the TDSB’s decision to close Grade 9 enrolment at Heydon Park Secondary School, its only high school for developmentally disabled girls. Staff claimed that not enough students applied to justify the class, but

some parents claim

that the board’s failure to promote it factored into this year’s low numbers.

Meanwhile, a

parent was sanctioned

by the TDSB for a social media post criticizing his daughter’s school, which he claims failed to provide his child’s class with proper math instruction for more than five weeks. The local superintendent sent the parent a letter demanding that he remove the post or face consequences under the TDSB’s Code of Conduct, which could mean banning him from school property.

The TDSB’s handling of all these issues reveals a deeply dysfunctional system. Parent voices are silenced or ignored, trustees rubber stamp bad staff decisions and boards pit themselves against the provincial government. None of this is helping Ontario’s children learn, grow or acquire the necessary skills for their future careers.

Enter the Ministry of Education. The new minister, Paul Calandra, has vowed to fix what ails Ontario schools. He recently appointed a supervisor to take over the Thames Valley District School Board due to financial mismanagement and commissioned an investigation into the finances of three other boards.

He also introduced Bill 33, the supporting children and students act, which would allow the government to take over boards for any reason that serves the public interest — a catch-all that could include governance issues like those at the TDSB.

If the province does step in, it must do more than make cosmetic changes. One goal should be to empower parents to participate directly in school-board decision-making. The current “parent concern protocol” requires parents who have an issue with their school to go through four layers in sequence: the teacher, the principal, the superintendent and the trustee. This process means that problems often take far too long to resolve — or get blocked and never addressed.

Legislated channels for parent engagement already exist under the Education Act, by way of parent involvement committees. The minister must ensure that those channels can no longer be stymied by staff. They should be strengthened to ensure that parents have a real seat at the table, whether it is set by boards or by the government directly.

This government, and this minister, have shown they are willing to act. The time has come to confront not just mismanagement, but the structural failings of our educational governance model. As the fight for Barrie Sketchley makes plain, people should come before process. It’s time to give parents a voice in Ontario schools.

National Post

Tasha Kheiriddin is vice-chair of the Rosedale Heights School of the Arts School Advisory Council and Postmedia’s national political columnist. Katrina Matheson is chair of the Rosedale Heights School of the Arts School Advisory Council and a PhD candidate at York University.


Supreme Court of Canada Justice Russell Brown responds to a question as judges Suzanne Côté and Malcolm Rowe listen in during a question and answer session at Canadian Museum of Human Rights in Winnipeg Wednesday, September 25, 2019.

Two years ago, Canada lost one of the best minds on its top court. Russell Brown, Supreme Court justice of eight years,

resigned

in 2023 after becoming the living embodiment of “the punishment is the procedure.” Subjected to a frivolous conduct complaint, then a frivolous

possibly-forced leave of absence

and frivolous investigation by the Canadian Judicial Council, he took matters into his own hands and retired from the bench — to the grief of the profession.

Finally, Brown has been given the heartfelt send-off he’s always deserved. Last weekend, a symposium was held in his honour at the University of Alberta in Edmonton, where he was a professor prior to his judicial career.

It was a bittersweet two-day gathering: laughs were traded with old colleagues, papers on Brown’s legal contributions were presented by appreciative academics, but bubbling up every so often was a wistful sense of what could have been. Now an arbitrator and consultant, Brown no longer wields the power to set critical precedents that affect the entire country.

Our biggest loss, made clear by those presenting papers at this symposium, was one of reasoning and restraint. Mark Mancini, an assistant professor at Thompson Rivers University often quoted by the Supreme Court, described Brown’s style as one that limits “judicial freestyle.” Brown knew to handle the Charter — and really, the text of any law — with care, which, Mancini pointed out, was important in preserving the legitimacy of the court.

The thought was echoed by University of Saskatchewan law professor Dwight Newman, who pointed to Brown’s decision in

Mikisew Cree First Nation v. Canada

. Here, concurring with the majority, Brown ruled against radically expanding the duty to consult Indigenous peoples. (Had this case gone the other way, the duty would have applied to Parliament and the process of lawmaking, guaranteeing unimaginable levels of gridlock and fuelling even more race-based politicking in Ottawa.)

Also of note was Brown’s decision in the case of

Toronto (City) v. Ontario

; writing for the majority with Chief Justice Richard Wagner, he ruled that the alteration of city council ward boundaries and elimination of some wards completely during a municipal election did not amount to a breach of democratic Charter rights — an example of “judicial humility,” said Newman.

And though Brown didn’t prevail in the infamous 2021

Greenhouse Gas Pollution Pricing Act references

, in which he concluded that the law was wholly unconstitutional and amounted to a fatal overstep of federal-provincial boundaries, his reasons showcased the flaws of the majority. Perhaps, Newman pondered, they even influenced the court’s subsequent decision to strike down parts of the Impact Assessment Act for failing to respect federal-provincial boundaries.

Defence lawyer and law professor Peter Sankoff, meanwhile, recalled Brown’s respect for the rights of accused persons — applauding in particular his dissent in

R. v. J.J.

In this case, a majority of the court piled another mound of evidentiary complication onto the already hulking beast of sexual assault law in Canada, setting out new procedures that gave complainants the chance to prevent evidence that might discredit them from entering trial.

Brown

found

a number of problems with the majority’s decision: one, it simply wasn’t fair to those facing accusations of sexual assault, and two, it added immense strain to an already overloaded justice system. These concerns proved to be prophetic, Sankoff said, adding: “Sexual assaults are a quagmire right now. What used to be a one-day trial is a minimum (of) three. They’re often stretched into weeks.”

Elsewhere, Brown has been

remembered

for

defending religious freedom

, for

clarifying the limits

on a government’s ability to take personal property, for putting up

resistance

to Charter-rights creep, and for

limiting

the role of “policy considerations” in private law (a vehicle that has sometimes allowed judges to abuse their role and legislate from the bench). And, a personal favourite of mine, he

argued

for equality over equity (“substantive equality” in legal terms) in interpreting the Charter.

“Substantive equality is almost infinitely malleable, allowing judges to invoke it as rhetorical cover for their own policy preferences in deciding a given case,” he

wrote

in a 2020 joint dissent with Justice Malcolm Rowe. “Such vast and little‑bounded discretion does not accord with, but rather departs from, the rule of law.”

But, aside from losing a man of principle from our top court’s bench, it became clear that we lost a good person from a critical institution. Former Supreme Court justice Rosalie Abella, once the top court’s foremost progressive voices, had Brown doubling over with laughter in a speech that recounted their frequent disagreements and good-spirited collegiality; differences aside, she praised his “masterful dissents” and “triumphant majorities,” ultimately describing him as “a true mensch.” From afar, current Supreme Court Justice Mahmud Jamal gave a tribute recalling their national park hikes. (Justice Suzanne Côté, another friend of Brown on the court, had been scheduled to attend but had to cancel last-minute).

And, from Brown’s academic days, University of Alberta professor David Percy, former dean of law, spoke of his colleague’s humour, his dedication as a father, his patience with struggling students and his ability to “galvanize interesting debate” both on campus and off: passionate for property rights, Brown was a loud critic of Alberta’s Land Stewardship Act, and contributed, Percy figured, to one MLA losing his seat in 2012. It was a “very serious loss when he left the faculty.”

Brown remembered his academic days with great warmth, too. The same went for his 13-month stint on the Alberta Court of Queen’s Bench and his subsequent year-and-a-half at the Court of Appeal, which he discussed in a fireside chat with Justice Rowe. But his recollection of the Supreme Court was mixed. One recurring issue? Bitter divisions.

“There were some (members of the court) you could go hammer and tong with in a judgement that reflects differences in methodology, and then go have scotch…. But then there were some who just took it very personally…. You don’t know what it is you’re supposed to do about that…. You try to be kind outside of the context of judgments, you have lunch with a colleague, you inquire (about how they are).”

Where those differences in perspective were, we can only guess. Brown, ever principled about the limits of judicial power, remarked at one point during the symposium that the court is not a democratic institution; rather, it supports democracy and gets its legitimacy from its reasoning. Speaking to Rowe, he noted the importance of tuning out criticism and focusing on the work of the court.

It’s a stark departure from the perspective of Chief Justice Wagner, who 

sees

judge-directed criticism as a somehow dictatorial threat to democracy, and who spends a

concerning

 amount of energy marketing the court to outsiders as its productivity falls.

It was somewhere in this setting that Brown was railroaded off the court. In January 2023, the justice was

assaulted

at an Arizona resort by a former U.S. marine who claimed to be defending his female companions from harassment. Brown denied harassing anyone, and his legal team accused the marine of weaponizing the discipline process: the ex-marine, whose allegations were “fraught with glaring contradictions,” had failed to have police charge the judge with anything (a call that was reinforced by the opinion of a former Arizona chief justice, who found no basis for a charge in an opinion provided to Brown).

The case against Brown was so thin that he

figured,

at the time, it would be quickly dismissed. Instead, he was sidelined in February 2023; the chief justice claimed this was a mutual agreement, but Brown’s lawyer didn’t agree with that characterization. Many were disappointed when he resigned in June 2023 after months of exile,

myself included

, but perhaps this humiliation march through a bureaucratic obstacle course was the last straw.

What is certain is that Brown is happy where he is. Working in arbitration and mediation, he’s been able to take a new interest in the law and continue to innovate on different fronts. “I’m really enjoying being surrounded by good lawyers,” he told the symposium. “Smart, earnest, motivated lawyers.” Whatever clouds hung over him in Ottawa, it’s good to see he’s under clear skies now.

National Post