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Ryan Enos, a government professor at Harvard University, speaks at a protest against Donald Trump's recent sanctions against Harvard in front of Science Center Plaza on Tuesday, May 27, 2025, in Cambridge, Mass.

The plight of American universities right now — Harvard in particular — is a striking example of everything that can go wrong with the politicization of education.

The Trump administration seems determined to undermine the very capacity of elite universities to exist. They are cutting funding, slashing the money to research granting agencies, cancelling international student visas, and justifying the whole thing because of allegations of

antisemitism

and

political bias

. Harvard is the sacrificial victim, but everyone is supposed to get the lesson: get into line politically or suffer the same fate.

Despite the very real threat of antisemitism in these places — the attacks on Jewish Americans have been many, and the problem is real — Trump is acting the role of a political thug. He’s like a mafioso boss shaking down one restaurant owner, so that all the other businesses in town get the message.

What’s also true, though, is that the institutions of higher learning in the United States (as in Canada) are politicized. They make for good targets for Trump’s populist anti-elite ethos not only because they are elite universities, but also because they have advertised themselves as such — and have acted as — places of left-wing social justice activism.

Who knows how this is going to end? Harvard is rich, with billions in endowments, but how long can it last? Without long-term funding, it’s going to be strategically smart for its leading researchers to look elsewhere, perhaps even here in Canada, for safer employment.

For Canada, the question is slightly different: what can we do to avoid the American dumpster fire?

The good news is that some universities seem to be getting the message. Over the last couple of years, several Canadian universities have announced policies of

institutional neutrality

. While individual faculty can speak politically, some universities have announced that they will be politically neutral.

This is fine, as far as it goes. But it’s far from enough. The leftist tilt at universities goes much deeper than public pronouncements. It can be seen in everything from who is hired, and who isn’t; which subjects get funding, and which do not; and which types of diversity issues get treated as problems, and which are ignored. On this, there is no sign that any university is seriously looking at the now long-term trend of

decreasing

male enrollments in higher education.

The reality is that most Canadian universities continue to act as institutions of leftist activism in ways that will require more than just institutional neutrality statements to unravel.

Large segments of the university world — though by no means all — emphasize their role as activists. They celebrate it.

The Congress of Humanities and Social Sciences that met in Toronto last week, brought together researchers from all over the country. As part of their program, they hosted a “

Big Thinking

” series to highlight what the Congress thought of as the most important research. Every single one of the “Big Thinking” events — the sessions that the Congress wants the public to know about — were focused on topics including

wildfires and climate change

, “

benefits and challenges” of implementing EDI in post-secondary research

, and

far-right (but not far-left) extremism.

There was no ideological diversity in these sessions — no sense that there could be anything other than a leftist-version of what counted as “justice.” The more than 41 per cent of the Canadian population who voted Conservative in the last election would not have seen their ideas of justice represented anywhere in these discussions.

Some universities have whole departments focused on social justice — and again, here, the notion of what is justice is politically-slanted. Job advertisements continue to call on candidates to demonstrate their commitment to DEI and social justice. These are political litmus tests — though universities act as if they are politically-neutral. This is what happens in politically-lopsided institutions. People come to see their own beliefs as simply normal and neutral.

A recent open-letter from over 200 Canadian professors

called out

this sort of taken-for-granted activism by the Canadian Association of University Teachers (CAUT). The letter noted CAUT’s activist tilt on issues from Israel to DEI, and also the bizarre choice of the organization to announce a travel advisory for researchers going to the United States. CAUT has announced no travel warning for any other country — not to war-torn Ukraine or the Sudan, nor has it warned of authoritarian surveillance, even in countries like China or Russia.

These actions — and more — show the weird political activism that is taken for granted in Canadian universities. When everyone around you refuses to wear deodorant, maybe you don’t notice that you all smell. But when an outsider enters the room, freshly showered and clean, you’ll have to excuse them for thinking that something stinks.

It’s incredibly unlikely that, if Poilievre’s Conservatives had won the recent election, they would have engaged in the kind of all-out war that Trump is now embroiled in. Despite accusations to the contrary, Poilievre is no Canadian Trump.

But it would have been logical for a Conservative government to look at universities and see them as major sources of anti-conservative activism in ways that are baked-in — and to want to depoliticize these institutions.

If you sell yourself as a political institution — committed to highly politicized versions of social justice — and then populate yourself with only those from one political persuasion, you’d have to be crazy for thinking that those who come from the other side of the political spectrum won’t consider that you are exactly what you claim to be: and then act accordingly.

A dystopian vision of what this could lead to is currently on display in Trump’s America. Maybe we could act now before it comes to this in Canada too?

National Post


Soldiers from the 4th Canadian Division wait in front of a military vehicle as Prime Minister Mark Carney attends a tour of the Fort York Armoury in Toronto on June 9, 2025.

Justin Trudeau went to Washington

for last year’s NATO summit

and unveiled what he called a “credible, verifiable path” to spending two per cent of Canada’s GDP on defence … by 2032.

The lack of urgency and ambition was reflected in the then prime minister’s belief that two per cent is a “nominal target” that makes for easy headlines but doesn’t make Canadians more safe.

His disdain for military spending was apparent in a

Washington Post story from 2023

, when he reportedly told the Americans that Canada would never hit two per cent.

If credibility is a leader’s currency, Trudeau left the U.S. capital bankrupt in the eyes of many of Canada’s allies. Mike Johnson, the House speaker, said Canada was riding on America’s coattails and called it “shameful.”

Mark Carney, who is heading for this year’s NATO summit in The Hague later this month, clearly did not want a repeat of the Washington debacle, especially as NATO secretary-general Mark Rutte is proposing a new target of 3.5 per cent of economic output on military spending and another 1.5 per cent on “defence-related expenditure.”

On Monday,

Carney announced that Canada will hit the two per cent target this fiscal year

, five years ahead of the schedule he set during the general election.

Canada will spend an additional $9.3 billion this year in a defence package that is primarily focused on improving operational readiness.

“Canadian leadership will be defined not just by the strength of our values but also by the value of our strength,” Carney said, using another JFK-style antimetabole (“Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country.”).

Last year, Trudeau expressed frustration that his government got no credit for doubling defence spending over his decade in power. “We have stepped up massively,” he said.

Carney acknowledged the increase in spending over the past 10 years, but also pointed out Canada’s defence deficiencies: aging infrastructure and equipment; just one submarine being seaworthy at any given time; and,

only half the marine fleet and land vehicles being operational

, leaving the military more reliant on the U.S. than ever.

Carney said reaching two per cent is only the first step. “We will further accelerate our investments,” he said, citing the need for new subs, aircraft, ships, drones and long-range precision missiles.

The prime minister denied any creative accounting is taking place, even though a technical briefing by defence officials suggested a resourcefulness one hopes is reflected at an operational level.

The total defence spending that will be submitted to NATO will increase from $53.4 billion to $62.7 billion for 2025/26. The Main Estimates that came out less than two weeks ago pegged the Department of National Defence spending for the year at $35.7 billion. Additional planned spending over the year was expected to take that to $39 billion. The other $14 billion to reach $53.4 billion comes from 13 other departments, including 60 per cent of the Canadian Coast Guard’s budget for items such as new polar icebreakers. Officials said that an average of $10 billion of the total defence spending package comes from other departments in any given year. But when NATO’s accountants pore over the additional $14 billion, they are likely to find that some curious, and distinctly non-lethal, line items have been conscripted in defence of the realm.

While there may be justifiable skepticism about the underlying fiscal assumptions, the new money looks real.

The Department of National Defence has a poor track record of spending on capital projects: between 2017 and 2024, it spent $12 billion less than was planned, according to the Parliamentary Budget Office.

But this plan is designed to get money out of the door in short order.

Military officials said the expectation is that the cash injection will elevate the Canadian Armed Forces to the level of readiness required. “We could not afford to have the entire force at a similar level of availability,” one said.

For example, to help with the 13,000 shortfall in personnel, $2.6 billion is being earmarked to accelerate recruitment and improve retention by improving pay levels. The aim is to get the size of the CAF to a regular force of 71,500 and a reserve force of 30,000.

Carney recognized the potential for such announcements to be “empty rhetoric.” But there is a distinct feeling that Canada has joined the global arms race in earnest, a trend that has seen military spending worldwide rise for 10 consecutive years, according to

the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute

. Russia, Canada’s most likely adversary, is now spending seven per cent of its economic output on defence.

President Donald Trump’s animus towards NATO is well-known, to the point where he had to be persuaded not to pull out of the organization during his first administration. As such, Carney’s plan to build a more self-reliant defence industry at home, and to strengthen transatlantic links with European suppliers, is long overdue. Part of that plan will require a new defence policy, he said, which speaks volumes about his opinion of Trudeau’s

“Our North, Strong and Free”

review, which is only 14 months old.

That document talked about “exploring options” for an integrated air and missile defence system and for a new fleet of submarines, but made no financial commitments.

There was no hurry to right the ship. But now there is.

Carney admitted that such aspirations do not come cheaply and said it may require unspecified sacrifices.

But the public follows the news, even if it is in bite-sized chunks.

Canadians know we are living in a darker world and expect their government to fulfil its most fundamental duty of protecting them. For years, there was no political payback in increased defence spending, so governments didn’t bother.

But

opinion polls suggest two-thirds of Canadians

now believe the government should be spending much more on the military.

The old line was that Canada was guarded by Generals Atlantic and Pacific. That illusion faded during the last world war. Now, we can’t even rely on General Arctic.

The idea that Canadian sovereignty relies on a Canadian Ranger with a skidoo and a 60-year-old Lee Enfield rifle is no longer acceptable — and that’s progress.

jivison@criffel.ca

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Canadian Armed Forces members take part in a NATO exercise in Latvia on Sept. 25, 2023.

Prime Minister Mark Carney is to be applauded for laying out a bold and ambitious vision for Canada’s military.

For too long, Canada has neglected the men and women who serve our country and have allowed the equipment they rely on to protect us and others to badly deteriorate.

One certainly can’t fault Carney for audaciously declaring that Canada would finally meet the long-delayed NATO target of spending two per cent of our GDP on defence spending this year.

His commitment to do so is not just remarkable, but staggering.

The Liberals have been laggards on this file for all the time they have been in power.

In 2014, NATO countries, including Canada, committed to the two per cent target, but 11 years later we have still not achieved it.

For 2024-2025, defence spending was expected to

reach

1.37 per cent of GDP. In 2020, it

peaked

at 1.42 per cent.

It was only two years ago that The Washington Post

reported

that then prime minister Justin Trudeau privately told NATO chiefs that Canada would never reach the target.

Last year, after pressure from NATO allies, Trudeau

said

we would reach the target by 2032. Our new prime minister

said

in February that he would reach that figure two years earlier.

And then magically on Monday — bam! We’ll meet our commitment this year, said Carney, as he

announced

$9.3 billion in new defence spending.

In one fell swoop a decade of Liberal delay, apathy and tardiness was swept away. It appears meeting that NATO target wasn’t difficult once the Liberals got serious about defence and security.

One of the main reasons for the investment, said Carney, was a “full recognition by Canada’s new government of the fundamental importance of improving the basics, the foundations; proper pay, proper benefits, proper housing, munitions equipment.”

Earlier Monday, during a speech at the Munk School of Global Affairs and Public Policy in Toronto, he also said, “Government must start by fulfilling its most fundamental role, which is to defend Canadians.”

The prime minister also spoke of the need to invest and arm our military because it is an increasingly dangerous world.

But it has been an increasingly dangerous world for quite some time.

When governments made their 2014 commitment to NATO it was in

response

to Russia’s annexation of Crimea and unrest in the Middle East. Times haven’t changed.

“If we want a better world we have to make difficult choices and work harder than we have in decades,” said Carney. “We have agency.”

Exactly. Canada has always had agency in this matter, what was missing was Liberal resolution.

In his speech, Carney enunciated what a decade of Liberal indifference has done to our military — only one of our four submarines is seaworthy and less than half of our maritime fleet and land vehicles are operational.

We have allowed our military to deteriorate despite repeatedly being asked to step up and play our part in the NATO alliance. In 2022, then NATO chief Jens Stoltenberg visited Canada in a bid to shame us into increasing defence funding and

reminded

Trudeau: “The shortest path to North America for Russian missiles and bombers would be over the North Pole.”

“We have been jolted awake by new threats,” said Carney. The threats are not new, but it is gratifying that the Liberals are now awake to them.

The government’s new strategy to “rebuild, reinvest and rearm” Canada’s military has four pillars: investing in manpower and equipment; expanding and enhancing military capabilities; strengthening the defence industry; and diversifying defence partnerships.

“We will invest in new submarines, aircraft, ships, armed vehicles and artillery, as well as new radar, drones and sensors to monitor the sea floor and the Arctic,” said Carney.

Other welcome initiatives from the prime minister included establishing Borealis, the Bureau of Research, Engineering and Advanced Leadership in Innovation and Science, to “advance cutting-edge research in artificial intelligence, quantum computing and other frontier technologies essential to safeguarding our sovereignty”; diversifying our military suppliers by looking to Europe; and creating a new defence procurement agency to centralize decision-making.

Procurement has long been a thorn in the side of the military. Buying any military equipment can take decades because it often involves multiple departments. And, of course, political parties, depending on how they view military spending, can also add to the delay.

In an

interview

with the National Post last year, retiring Chief of the Defence Staff Wayne Eyre said, “We are applying peacetime processes and peacetime mentalities to what could be considered a wartime or immediate pre-wartime security environment.

“So, what did we do in 1939? What did we do in 1914? We certainly didn’t take 10 or 15 or 20 years to get capabilities in place, because the war would be over by that point. … We have to deliver and we have to deliver fast.”

It has taken a decade to get here, but Carney is to be applauded for the urgency with which he is acting; for reinvesting in our men and women in uniform; for rearming our military; and for finally meeting our NATO commitment.

But difficult decisions still lie ahead. In London on Monday, NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte

said

the organization needed a “quantum leap” in new armaments as he warned Russia could be ready to use force against NATO within five years.

Rutte said he believed NATO countries would agree to spend five per cent of GDP on defence at a summit next week in the Netherlands.

Just how committed Carney is to defence looks like it will be tested shortly.

National Post


U.S. Ambassador to Canada Pete Hoekstra.

Don’t call it a done deal until it’s done, but America’s ambassador to Canada, Pete Hoekstra, tells Brian this week that negotiations between Ottawa and President Donald Trump’s administration are making progress. He explains why he believes things are moving quickly in the right direction to settle the trade war between our two countries. Hoekstra also talks about why he’s looking forward to the next phase of the longstanding bilateral relationship, when he thinks Canada and the U.S. will work harmoniously and productively again, allied in eliminating the fentanyl scourge from both countries and building the two strongest economies in the industrialized world — although he still thinks Canada will be eating America’s dust. (Recorded June 6, 2025)





Prime Minister Mark Carney, right, meets with British Columbia Premier David Eby at the Legislative Assembly of British Columbia in Victoria on Monday, April 7, 2025.

First Reading is a Canadian politics newsletter curated by the National Post’s own Tristin Hopper. To get an early version sent directly to your inbox, sign up here.

TOP STORY

Back in January, something near-unbelievable happened. One of Canada’s most vocal and influential anti-pipeline activists said that maybe pipelines weren’t such a bad idea.

Stewart Phillip, grand chief of the Union of British Columbia Indian Chiefs, told reporters that he had changed his mind on Northern Gateway, a proposed $8-billion heavy oil pipeline to Kitimat, B.C., that Philip had worked for years to destroy.

The spur for the epiphany was U.S. President Donald Trump pledging an all-out trade war with Canada. “I would suggest that if we don’t build that kind of infrastructure, Trump will,” said Philip.

The backlash was immediate, and Philip would end up reversing himself within 24 hours. The Union of B.C. Indian Chiefs rushed out a statement clarifying that they still opposed “fossil fuel pipelines,” and quoted Phillip as saying “I do not support resuscitating dead projects.… I sincerely apologize for any confusion on this point.”

But Phillip’s one-day odyssey as a pipeline booster would turn out to be a template for what was to come.

Despite a brief glimmer of possibility that Canada would start building oil pipelines to spite Trump, the last few months have been a whirlwind of Canadian figures returning to their old anti-oil positions almost immediately.

“If you’re not buying oil and gas from Canada and British Columbia, the alternative is Venezuela,” said B.C. Premier David Eby on Feb. 6 in a direct appeal for Canada to start selling more of everything to non-U.S. customers, including oil.

Eby even made glowing reference to the recently completed Trans Mountain pipeline, a project his own B.C. NDP predecessor, John Horgan, had actively tried to sink. Where Horgan had called the pipeline a bringer of “catastrophic oil spills,” Eby now said Trans Mountain was a “critically important” means to “ensure our sovereignty.”

“It doesn’t matter what the product is, we should be looking at how we get that product to other markets,” he said.

The comments were arguably the high-water mark of a flurry of public enthusiasm for new export pipelines. It didn’t matter which coast; Canadians suddenly wanted a way to get more Alberta oil into tankers.

Liberal MP François-Philippe Champagne, who is now minister of finance, said on Feb. 9 that his government’s 2019 decision to cancel a pipeline to the Atlantic Coast should probably be reversed. “Things have changed … you cannot be in the past,” he said.

Even in famously anti-pipeline Quebec, Premier François Legault conceded that the political winds might be shifting.

“What Mr. Trump is doing may change the situation in the future. So, if there is a social acceptability, we will be open to these kinds of projects,” he said on Feb. 3.

A Feb. 10 poll by the Angus Reid Institute found that a record 68 per cent of Canadian respondents now favoured the Energy East pipeline, a project to bring Alberta crude to ports on the Atlantic Coast.

Northern Gateway got the thumbs-up from 55 per cent of respondents, against just 25 per cent who said they opposed it.

A month later, in March, a Nanos poll found that a new pipeline was suddenly one of the most popular pieces of public policy in the country. Three quarters of Canadians endorsed a “national energy corridor which would have a pipeline to move Canadian oil and gas from Alberta to Eastern Canada.”

The context for all of this was the beginning of Trump’s trade war against Canada, and his frequent threats to annex the country as the 51st state. Canadian politicians of all stripes began embracing the idea of shifting the Canadian economy away from its historical reliance on U.S. exports.

And in any strategy to decouple Canada from the U.S., arguably the most impactful thing Canada could do would be to sell its oil elsewhere. Oil is not only Canada’s most valuable export, but it’s an export almost entirely dependent on U.S. customers.

More than 97 per cent of Canadian oil exports leave the country via a pipeline heading to the U.S. The only way Canadian oil can ever find its way to non-U.S. customers is via the occasional tanker filling up either at a Newfoundland offshore platform or via the Trans Mountain terminus in Burnaby.

There’s no immediate evidence that the Canadian public has soured on its enthusiasm for some sort of Trump-spiting oil export pipeline. As recently as April, a poll commissioned by Bloomberg News found 77 per cent of Canadians not only supportive of a new pipeline, but of one that would be “government-funded.”

But it’s a different story at the political level, where specific proposals to actually build and approve a new pipeline are already being met with hedging or new conditions.

In mid-May, Prime Minister Mark Carney said he would support “just doing one pipe,” but only if there was “consensus.”

When he was asked this week in Saskatoon about whether his vision for “nation-building projects” included an oil pipeline, he said that any such project would need to be filled with “decarbonized” barrels of oil — a term that seemed to confuse environmentalists and oil advocates alike.

Then, on Friday, Carney said nothing was getting built without “a consensus of all the provinces, and Indigenous people.” 

In Quebec, opponents haven’t even needed a specific pipeline proposal to start mobilizing against it. “We will not allow the government to build a pipeline through Quebec,” Bloc Québécois MP Patrick Bonin said in the House of Commons this week.

But probably the most dramatic about-face was Eby.

At a premiers’ meeting last month, Eby dodged questions about whether he would support a revived Northern Gateway project, saying that getting “heavy oil to tidewater” was an Alberta priority.

“My priority is to … decarbonize and drive our economy in British Columbia,” he said.

 

IN OTHER NEWS

 This is Public Safety Minister Gary Anandasangaree at the precise moment where he said that he didn’t know what an “RPAL” is. Anandasangaree is now in charge of the Liberals’ various ongoing gun control programs, and the Conservatives asked the question because an RPAL is a pretty rudimentary term in Canadian gun law. It stands for “restricted possession and acquisition licence,” and it’s the certification required to own a handgun in Canada. Anandasangaree also didn’t know what “CFSC” is. It’s the Canadian Firearms Safety Course, the mandatory government training required of all Canadian gun owners.

The Liberals have reintroduced a measure that would extend Canadian citizenship to people who have never lived in Canada – and may not even speak either of the official languages. Under the new terms, anyone looking to claim inherited Canadian citizenship needs only one parent who is themselves a Canadian and has lived in the country for a cumulative 1,095 days. So, in extreme case, this technically extends citizenship to the children of people who left the country as toddlers.

This wasn’t the Liberal government’s idea, though. It’s the result of an Ontario Superior Court decision ruling that a “first generation limit” on inherited Canadian citizenship was unconstitutional. Specifically, the court found that the measure violated the Charter right to freedom from discrimination based on “national or ethnic origin,” since being born outside Canada is technically a kind of national origin. As the decision reads, “it treats differently those Canadians who became Canadians at birth because they were born in Canada from those Canadians who obtained their citizenship by descent on their birth outside of Canada.”

 Canada is still in a trade war with the U.S., of course. The U.S. still has six active tariff packages aimed at Canada, including a 50 per cent tariff on steel and aluminum passed just this week. But while new tariffs used to be met with loud, public condemnations, this time around Prime Minister Mark Carney is keeping relatively quiet, reportedly because he’s working out some kind of deal with the Trump White House.

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Premier David Eby. The B.C. government is cancelling the carbon tax by introducing legislation to drop the rate to $0, effective Tuesday, April 1, 2025. Photo: B.C. Government

Open any book on politics and you will find that, in Canada, the NDP stands for the New Democratic Party. In British Columbia under David Eby, the acronym needs to be updated to — Not Delivering Prosperity.

Since Eby and his government took over in 2022, British Columbia has been an economic basket case. The

deficit projection

for 2025 was revised upwards in March to $10.9 billion — a

record

— which followed hot on the heels of the 2024 deficit of $9.1 billion — also a record until 2025 stole the deficit crown. The result in April was a

downgrade

to BC’s credit rating from AA to A+. By any measure, the outlook is grim, as total debt for the province is predicted to

soar

by 70 per cent over the next three years.

The ruling NDP and Premier David Eby have been quick to

blame

economic woes on Donald Trump and his tariff policies. While tariffs are no doubt hurting B.C. — as they are all of Canada — this tactic is already tired. In truth, the damage appears to be mostly self-inflicted, caused by poor budgeting and economic policy driven by ideology rather than actual economics.

At the B.C. Chamber of Commerce AGM on June 4th, Ken Peacock, the former Chief Economist at the Business Council of B.C.,

presented analysis

indicating the NDP’s

CleanBC

 initiative has actually been a far greater hit to the province’s sputtering economy than any tariffs. From 2019-2024 it cost B.C. $29.3 billion in lost GDP and is projected to cost the province a further $109.7 billion between now and 2029. That’s David Eby’s economic leadership in action: ideology

torpedoing economic prosperity

for hard working British Columbians.

Eby and the NDP will of course point to the fact that they have passed

Bill 14

and

15

. Bill 15, the Infrastructure Projects Act, is ostensibly a bill to speed up major infrastructure project development, particularly in the resource industry. Eby and the NDP

say

the bills are “critically important” to respond to a “rapidly evolving situation” (read Trump) rather than acknowledge their need as a result of the NDP’s actions in creating a provincial economic dud. Bill 15 gives cabinet

sweeping powers

to override existing regulations for projects in the provincial interest and fast-track them to permitting. It has been met with serious pushback from B.C. Municipalities and from

First Nations

who claim it ignores their voices and dismisses their rights.

While any business which has tried to work in the province’s economically critical resource sector may applaud the notion of a government finding ways to stop B.C.’s quagmire of delays and regulatory hell, the bill fails to address the real problem and merely hands unmerited power to a small group of NDP ideologues. This is always the Eby NDP way: power consolidation for decision making.

The problem should be obvious to any free-market supporter. Bill 15 does not reignite B.C.’s economy by streamlining regulation for private enterprise; it merely allows cabinet to pick and choose which projects it will decide to ram through any further regulatory oversight. This is ripe for abuse and political interference. It is a pay-to-play system where randomness and arbitrary decisions based on cabinet whims, without clear process, will become the norm. Eby’s NDP claim the bill brings

investment clarity

, in fact, it does anything but.

The vague backroom modus operandi of the NDP is, however, consistent in one way. They echo the closed-door decision-making attempts and history of the NDP when deciding how the province’s crown land will be used; something essential for investment and resource development. This important process has been

shrouded in secrecy
on multiple occasions

. The

latest announcement

in this regard covers all of Northwestern B.C. including the mineral-rich Golden Triangle. As a result, nearly a third of British Columbia is now subject to a one year pause on new mining-tenure registrations. This is the exact of opposite of what attracts investment to the province and will send the critical dollars B.C. needs to friendlier investment regions.

David Eby’s NDP has bankrupted the province and has no plan back for the simple reason that they cannot trust the free market to do its work. They are trapped in an ideologically-driven mindset which does not permit British Columbians to make full use of their own province. This arbitrary and regressive policy must change.

National Post


A man is seen slumped outside the South Riverdale Community Health Centre in Toronto's Leslieville area. The safe injection site there is one of 10 being closed by the Ontario government because of close proximity to schools and daycares.

“A lot more people are going to die.”

This was the dire prediction oft-repeated back in March by a busload of lawyers who supported a legal challenge filed by an injection site in Toronto that claimed recent Ontario legislation forcing the closure of sites within 200 metres of schools and daycare facilities violates the Charter rights of drug users.

The two expert witnesses for that site, in the Kensington neighbourhood of Toronto, are employed by the

MAP Centre for Urban Health Solutions

, a hospital-run research centre. MAP had played a key role in the establishment of the city’s first injection sites in 2017. Dr. Ahmed Bayoumi and Dr. Dan Werb both submitted evidence that overdose deaths in Toronto would increase sharply if half of the city’s ten injection sites closed at the end of March because of the legislation.

Fred Fischer, a lawyer representing Toronto’s Board of Health, one of the intervenor groups in the case, also told Justice John Callaghan of the Ontario Superior Court that reducing harm reduction services in Toronto during the ongoing opioid crisis would have severe consequences —

more people will overdose and die

.

A lawyer for another intervenor, a harm reduction coalition, put an even finer point on it. He said that one of the Toronto injection sites not affected by the legislation was anticipating such an immediate and overwhelming increase in overdose deaths in April, after the closures, that the site was in the process of hiring grief counsellors for its staff.

More than two months have passed since then, and now that we’re in June, you might be wondering: How many more people ended up dying because of the closure of these sites?

According to

data

that’s compiled by Toronto Paramedic Services and Toronto Public Health, the answer, so far, is none. In fact, the number of overdoses in Toronto for the month of April, the first month after the sites had closed, dropped notably.

Toronto had 13 fatal overdose calls in April, one less than in March, when the now-closed injection sites were still open. Thirteen is less than half the number of fatal overdoses across the city in April of last year, and significantly below the monthly average for all of 2024 (19).

Thirteen fatal overdoses are far lower than the average monthly number during the period of Covid-19 emergency between April 2020 and May 2023 (25). The last time 13 was the norm for monthly fatal overdoses was prior to the pandemic.

The number of calls for non-fatal overdoses in April was 161. This may sound like a lot but it’s the lowest monthly total so far this year in Toronto. And 161 non-fatal overdoses are 55 per cent less than the 359 that occurred in April of 2024.

Remarkably, in the third week of April, there were zero fatal overdose calls, something that hasn’t happened in Toronto in months.

Of course, this data has barely been reported on, but I can assure that had overdoses gone up in April, even slightly, outlets such as the Toronto Star and other habitual defenders of injection sites would have run we-told-you-so pieces by now.

While this data was being released at the end of May, an injection site in the Sandy Hill neighbourhood of Ottawa was waiting to find out if Health Canada was going to be renewing its federal drug law exemption (required to operate). I wrote

a month ago

about how Health Canada had only renewed the site’s exemption for one month at the end of April. Having received a letter from a prominent community group that was now withdrawing its support for the site, and with a newly elected federal government that has been decidedly opaque on the controversies surrounding injection sites, Health Canada bought itself a little more time.

Since that column, however, the campaign opposing the renewal of the Sandy Hill site’s exemption intensified. The new federal health minister, Marjorie Michel, was the recipient of many such letters, including one from a local daycare operator.

Then, on May 23, Minister Michel received a two-page letter from a heavy hitter, Ottawa’s chief of police, Eric Stubbs.

Stubbs, who has supported harm reduction, this time came to the aid of the community group, Action Sandy Hill, and Sandy Hill Daycare, whose letters had preceded his. The chief emphasized that his frontline officers in Sandy Hill “consistently report that their workload is heavily influenced and consumed by drug-related crimes, mental health crises and social disorder.”

The impact of the site on the surrounding community, wrote Stubbs, “cannot be overlooked.”

He added that his police force was “especially troubled by the unintended but serious consequences, such as the closure of nearby childcare facilities due to safety concerns, a situation that is without precedence in our city.”

Stubbs pleaded with the minister and Health Canada to “revisit the operational model of the site.” It appears that may be what’s happening.

On May 30, Health Canada informed the Sandy Hill site that it was renewing its exemption for six months. This is hardly a ringing endorsement. Another injection site in Ottawa,

facing equally vocal community opposition

, had its exemption renewed for five years last fall under the Trudeau government.

There are clear signs across the country that the disproportional focus on harm reduction from the Trudeau era is being reconsidered. So is the argument posited by some activists that the

only solution to drug encampments is more housing

.

In a recent Globe and Mail

feature

about the open-air drug market on Victoria, B.C.’s Pandora Avenue, a local housing non-profit said that many of the street’s inhabitants turned down supportive units it had opened for them.

A sergeant with the local force called the population “unhousable.”

“This isn’t a housing issue,” said another Victoria officer. “It’s a drug issue. And it’s a mental health issue. People need off-ramps: treatment, long-term care. But we don’t offer them any of that.”

And just in case you don’t think police have the expertise to speak about such matters, Julian Daly, the CEO of a homeless shelter in Victoria called Our Place, advocates for involuntary care, which he says is long overdue: “There is a very small group of people on Pandora Avenue who will frankly need some sort of institutional care for the rest of their lives. They will not be able to go back into mainstream society and be safe and healthy.”

Next week, under Dr. Daniel Vigo, B.C.’s chief scientific advisor for psychiatry, toxic drugs and concurrent disorders, the province is opening 

18 beds at a new mental health facility

in Metro Vancouver dedicated to long-term involuntary care. Vigo says these beds will go to patients who are “stuck in high-security hospital units indeterminately” because of a lack of other options.

Marjorie Michel, the health minister, had a

lukewarm response

to the news, saying that forcing fentanyl addicts into treatment isn’t the answer because clear supporting evidence doesn’t exist yet. What the minister’s position doesn’t acknowledge, however, is that a growing number of street fentanyl users suffer from irreversible brain damage so severe they are unable to adequately care for themselves. They may never be able to.

Pointing to a lack of evidence about involuntary treatment for those without debilitating brain injuries while ignoring evidence about the hundreds, if not thousands, of those who will never recover from the neurological trauma opioids have caused, is short-sighted to say the least.  Vigo is right to pursue more treatment options for those who want it while at the same time doing what’s compassionate for those who can’t care for themselves.

National Post


Mark Carney

Canada may have severed its feudal ties less violently, but like America, it experienced far less sustained aristocratic domination than either of its two mother countries, France and Great Britain. But now, particularly with the rise of the ultimate establishmentarian, Mark Carney, as prime minister, Canada’s feudal future seems increasingly assured.

Carney’s election places power in the hands of the “

ultimate Davos man,

” a habitue and beneficiary of the elite financial and real estate. He is a reliable advocate for the kinds of strenuous climate, tax and regulatory policies undermining Canada’s middle class.

Canadians like to boast that their country as more egalitarian — in terms of distribution of wealth — than the United States. And to be sure, America’s more ruthless capitalism tends to create both a great many winners and a lot of losers, with the middle classes struggling in between. Yet, despite the aspersions of Trumpian fascism, it has been Canada, and

notably the Liberals

, who allow the clerisy — the modern-day Church — and the bureaucracy, to limit free speech, a classic fascist tactic.

But the essence of feudalism lies in the marginalization of the middle and working classes. Here,

Canada

is failing; its per capita income relative to the United States has been slipping for decades, and is now at the lowest level on record. Nor is it living up to its oft-repeated egalitarian image. Rather, today, Canada is well on its way to feudalism, having its

highest income inequality ever recorded

, with the top 20 per cent of households holding more than two-thirds of all wealth, while the bottom 40 per cent holds only 2.8 per cent. At the bottom, notes the left-leaning Policy Option thinktank, up to

one-in-four

Canadians suffer from “a poverty level standard of living.”

Canada not only lacks corporate headquarters, but it is also hardly an entrepreneurial hotbed like the US. Canadian small businesses, notes one recent analysis, are less productive than those in the US, one reason why few, particularly in manufacturing, become large. A

paper

by the Business Council of Alberta identifies trade, financing, institutional, regulatory, or taxation constraints. Overall Canadian poor

productivity

, particularly among high end workers, also contributes to the country’s mediocre performance.

Not surprisingly, job creation outside government employment has been

meagre

. Overall, as the bureaucracy has thrived under the Liberals, the people, in general

have not

. In 2002, Canada’s GDP per capita was about 80 per cent of the US’s, but has dropped by 2022, to 72 per cent of that of its neighbor to the south.

But perhaps nothing so reflects Canada’s feudal dilemma than housing. Despite being a country with enormous reserves of land, even in British Columbia, Ontario and Quebec, Canadian climate and regulatory policies, coupled with

high levels of immigration

, have made building new homes

extraordinarily expensive

by putting more pressure on an already inadequate supply. Although immigration levels may now be

reducing

,

a surge of migrants

, including those fleeing the Trump immigration policies, is already overwhelming border cities like Niagara Falls.

In this shift towards oligarchy,

homeownership

and

investment profits

play a major role. This is particularly true in terms of housing, where the Liberal Party has long championed “urban containment,” a policy that seeks to limit suburban and exurban development while promoting dense urban growth. The result, notes a new

study

by demographer Wendell Cox, has been housing prices that, in terms of the relationship between median home prices and household income, are increasingly out of reach for the average Canadian.

Immigration, key to Canada’s population surge, has contributed to this shortage. While the country’s working population

swelled

by a record 3.7 per cent at the start of this year, housing starts remained essentially flat. At one housing start for every 4.9 people entering the working-age population, “there is no precedent for a housing supply deficit of this magnitude,” notes National Bank of Canada economist Stéfane Marion. The biggest losers have been

people under 40,

for whom the homeownership rate has dropped to around 50 per cent, almost 10 per cent less than a decade before. It also helps to have wealthy parents who own a home; children of homeowners are

twice as likely

to acquire a home as those who do not.

If you wish to live in Canada’s two great international cities, and are not of aristocratic stock, it’s getting tough to get shelter. Four of the six major markets in Canada have a median multiple — a ratio of the median house price by the median gross (before tax) annual household income — of 5.4, considerably higher than the US’s 4.8. Vancouver now ranks fourth among all anglophone markets at 11.8, behind Hong Kong, Sydney, and San Jose. Toronto, at 8.4, stands as the second-least affordable market in Canada and ranks 84th out of 95 markets in international affordability, with a severely unaffordable median multiple of 8.4. As late as about 1990, national price-to-income ratios were “affordable,” at 3.0 or less in Australia, Canada, Ireland, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, and the United States.

This pattern

severely restricts homeownership

, which has been declining since 2021. Not surprisingly, rates are lower in

both Vancouver and Toronto

than in much of the country. Clearly densification, the preferred growth option of the elites, does not help a housing shortage or reduce prices as Patrick Condon of the University of British Columbia has

shown

. Indeed, now Vancouver is now producing

less-than-half

the housing units needed to meet demand, one reason for the high prices even in a weak economy. Condon, an eloquent advocate of densification, cites the “indisputable” evidence that “upzoning” increases the value of land (by increasing the development value).

Concentrations of property and wealth are likely to worsen under the renewed Liberal regime. Planners and climate activists, as in California, a place which almost rivals Toronto and Vancouver in their progressive domination, will likely get even stronger with “net zero” devotee Carney in charge. Similarly, industries that tend to create high-wage jobs, notably in oil and gas, will find themselves constrained, leaving the big money to financial institutions and those firms who rely on protectionism to shield themselves from both Chinese and American competition.

It may comfort the current ruling elites in Canada to bloviate over Trumpian idiocy, but none of this will slow the country’s growing shift to feudalism. Blaming Trump, or the big nasty neighbor to the north, may deflect the suffering public from identifying the real culprits, the property and financial elites, and their political operatives like Carney, whose preferred policies threaten to stymie the progress of most Canadians.

National Post


A protester hits the head of Egerton Ryerson's statue after protesters pulled it down, at Ryerson University in Toronto, on June 6, 2021.

Friday marked the fourth anniversary of the sacking of the Egerton Ryerson monument that stood at the heart of Ryerson University in downtown Toronto. The impressive statue was pulled down, its head was hacked off and thrown into Lake Ontario. The head later showed up on a pike in the community of Six Nations of the Grand River near Caledonia, Ont.

The desecration of the statue was in reaction to the declaration made in Kamloops, B.C., that human remains were found on the site of a local residential school. No bodies have since been found there, despite millions spent by the federal government.

The statue, an artistically significant achievement by the illustrious Hamilton MacCarthy, an immigrant from Great Britain, had long been a significant part of the streetscape. For 134 years, it stood high above the heads of students, faculty and staff on a plinth of stone and marble.

It had been erected as a result of a fundraising drive that had started in 1882, immediately after Ryerson’s death, to honour the founder of a great achievement: the Toronto Normal School.

Following the riot, the university’s president  announced that the statue would not be restored. But it should be. All the pieces should be returned to the Government of Ontario, which should restore it and re-erect the statue in its rightful place at Queen’s Park.

Egerton Ryerson was not simply the creator of a teacher’s school. Born in Charlotteville, Upper Canada, in 1803, Ryerson drew attention as a journalist and as a preacher. Raised in an Anglican household, he converted to Methodism in his teenage years but grew into a passionate humanist who was devoted to building bridges across all of Upper Canada’s divides.

He served as a missionary to the Mississauga of the Credit, a largely Christian community, and encouraged the work of translating the bible into Ojibwe, a language he learned to speak (he also spoke a more than passable Latin). He helped launch a newspaper, the Christian Guardian, and a publishing house, and became a loud voice protesting the domination of the Anglican Church in Upper Canada.

When the Methodists decided to create their own university, Victoria College, they called on Ryerson to lead it. It eventually became part of the University of Toronto. When the government of the Province of Canada wanted to make education a priority, it named Ryerson chief superintendent of education.

He would lead a revolution in that sphere over the next 30 years, creating a system that guaranteed a basic education to every child with free textbooks. A profound Methodist all his life, he accommodated the needs of Catholics and was particularly sensitive to the desires of the fledgling French-speaking population.

He took giant steps and was known to be creative and practical. In 1846, he was asked for advice about what the best model would be to educate Indigenous children. His five-page response was that the model of industrial schools, which unites technical and theoretical knowledge, would be best.

He was never in charge of Indigenous schooling — he merely gave some advice as a window was opening to make progress on the education of the Indigenous children. For that small accident of history, his memory has been condemned.

In fact, Ryerson was an extraordinary humanist, a man who was universally respected in his province. Of course, he had his detractors who were sometimes opposed to his drive for centralization and strict standard-setting. But Ryerson was a man who opened the doors of the western world to Ontario.

In his many travels to Europe, he met monarchs, prime ministers, key politicians and no less than Pope Pius IX, who was dazzled by the knowledge and culture of that intellectual from Upper Canada.

But Ryerson was far more than a superintendent. Beyond his achievements in setting education policy were the founding of schools for teachers, the construction of a public library system and the country’s first publicly funded museum.

In sum, Egerton Ryerson embodied the best of his generation and today must be recognized as the founder of our K-12 school system, our impressive public library system, along with the Ontario Institute for Education Studies and the Royal Ontario Museum. His influence has radiated across Canada.

His achievements deserve to be recognized and his monument (and his good name) must be restored in the public eye. His monument should be restored at Queen’s Park, among the giants who shaped our society and our country.

National Post

Patrice Dutil is a senior fellow at the Macdonald-Laurier Institute. His latest book is “Ballots and Brawls: The 1867 Canadian General Election.”


Justice Minister Sean Fraser and Assembly of First Nations National Chief Cindy Woodhouse.

Sean Fraser —  

the federal Liberals’ supposed master communicator

 who

did a bad job as immigration minister

,

and then a bad job as housing minister

, and then

said he wasn’t running again to spend time with his family, and then opportunistically changed his mind

and was rewarded with the justice and attorney general portfolio — laid his first dog’s egg of the Mark Carney era this week.

Fraser said Indigenous groups don’t have a “complete veto”

over natural-resource projects or any other government decisions — but that wasn’t the turd in question, because it was absolutely true.

The turd came later, apparently after getting his ears boxed by Assembly of First Nations National Chief Cindy Woodhouse: Fraser disavowed his entirely truthful statement.

“I think even accepting the premise of the question that was put to me (about a ‘veto’) really made people feel like there may be an attempt by the government to work unilaterally, not in partnership (with First Nations),”

Fraser told reporters

in a public apology.

“Despite innocent intentions, I think my comments actually caused hurt and potentially eroded a very precarious trust that has been built up over many years to respect the rights of Indigenous people in this country,” he said.

Coming up on 500 years since Jacques Cartier first set foot here and named it Canada, and 150-plus years after the Crown concluded the first treaties with First Nations, and with President Donald Trump suddenly bringing our crippling dependence on the United States into very sharp focus, if we can’t even speak the plain truth to each other in plain language, we might be in even bigger trouble than we realized.

But I think we

can

speak the plain truth to each other in plain language, so long as we rightly marginalize fringe and unreasonable voices. While apologizing for speaking the truth, Fraser also accurately pointed to “a frankly dangerous trope that paints a false picture of Indigenous peoples as being anti-development.”

And there, surely, is the rub.

The 2021 Census recorded 1.8 million Indigenous Canadians

— five per cent of the Canadian population, give or take. No one would ascribe monolithic opinions like “supports/doesn’t support resource development” to any other ethnic five per cent of the Canadian population. Yet most Canadian media reliably frame these issues as “First Nations versus the colonialist menace.”

Media mostly portrayed

the Ktunaxa Nation case, which wound up at the Supreme Court in 2017

, as a matter of Indigenous people opposing the proposed Jumbo ski resort in eastern British Columbia on religious grounds: They felt the development would chase a spirit bear from their traditional lands. Receiving much less attention was the fact that

the equally interested local Shuswap Nation supported the project

, believing their concerns had been properly addressed and being eager to reap the financial benefits.

Courts exist, ideally, to strike a balance or decide between such competing interests and claims to rights.

Similarly, media coverage of the

nationwide protests against the Coastal GasLink project, which were ostensibly in solidarity with the Wet’suwet’en Nation in B.C

., tended to ignore evidence that the rank-and-file members of that nation, as opposed to the hereditary chiefs, were broadly in support of the project — on account of needing jobs and paycheques just like settler colonialists do. (Curiously, the Canadian left are generally very suspicious of hereditary leadership in every context

except

First Nations … that is, when they agree with that hereditary leadership.)

Buying Christmas presents for Indigenous kids costs the same as buying Christmas presents for every other kid. Same goes for groceries, bicycles, hockey equipment, car payments, summer vacations … everything, really. They’re pretty much just like everyone else!

And because Indigenous people are pretty much like everyone else, and their governments are a lot like everyone else’s, they often find themselves in conflict, including in court: On

the question of residency rights on First Nations

, notably, but on lots of other issues besides. This isn’t a problem; it’s what we have courts for. It’s what we have a civil society for!

The national chief of the Assembly of First Nations doesn’t speak for all Indigenous peoples in Canada. The justice minister shouldn’t be implying that she does, or walking back factual statements because she is upset. For all he knows, the majority of Indigenous Canadians agreed with his original proposal: That no small group should be able to stand in the way of prosperity for the whole.

National Post

cselley@postmedia.com

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