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A selection of jobs subject to active Labour Market Impact Assessments, meaning that an employer has applied for a temporary foreign worker on the grounds that no Canadian is available to fill the position.

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Last week, Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre called for a decisive end to the temporary foreign worker (TFW) program, declaring “it’s time for Canadian jobs for Canadian workers.”

This is a bit of a shift for Poilievre. During the April federal election, he had promised only to reduce the number of TFWs approved in Canada, and to weed out the more obvious cases of immigration fraud.

But with their “end the temporary foreign worker program” tack, the Conservatives are tapping into an obvious well of public discontent over the program. Mere hours after his call to end all temporary foreign worker permits, Poilievre was joined by the NDP premier of B.C., David Eby, who said the program had to be “cancelled or significantly reformed.” 

If public sentiment is turning against the TFW system, it’s partially because of a greater awareness of the conditions under which employers are claiming they cannot find Canadians for their jobs.

Any hiring of a temporary foreign worker has to first be preceded by a “Labour Market Impact Assessment.” It’s effectively a job posting laying out the basic details of the position, and carrying the disclaimer “the employer could not find a Canadian worker for this job and applied for a Labour Market Impact Assessment (LMIA) to hire a temporary foreign worker.

What’s made many of these LMIAs so controversial is that they often describe quite desirable jobs with minimal qualifications. There are also noticeably high numbers of them being submitted in cities with high unemployment.

Last year, a viral Reddit post featured a heat map of all the Toronto-area employers who had been approved for temporary foreign workers after claiming to find no Canadian applicants. More recently, the website JobWatchCanada has launched a searchable database of active LMIAs, complete with interactive maps and guides to which employers are the heaviest users.

As this story goes to press, there are more than 4,000 active LMIAs posted on an official Government of Canada Job Bank. Below is just a cursory sampling of the positions for which employers claim they can’t find a single qualified Canadian to apply.

Dozens of fast food gigs paying at least $30 per hour

Working in fast food is the classic minimum wage job. And as of 2025, provincial minimum wages range from $15 per hour in Alberta and Saskatchewan, to $19.75 per hour in Nunavut.

Nevertheless, there are fast food restaurants in virtually every province with active LMIAs claiming they cannot find Canadian staff even at double that rate.

A Dairy Queen in Golden, B.C., is seeking a temporary foreign worker to work as a manager at $40 per hour. A Subway in Chamberlain, Sask., reported it can’t find any Canadians to work as a “food service supervisor” at $33.60 per hour. Two Victoria, B.C., Burger Kings are seeking temporary foreign workers to work as assistant managers at $36 per hour.

Meanwhile, there are more than 80 active LMIAs for Tim Hortons. A Brampton, Ont., Tim Hortons is looking for a temporary worker to fill a $36 per hour assistant manager gig. A Tim Hortons in Courtenay, B.C., is seeking a manager, also at $36 per hour. A “food services manager” at a Kelowna, B.C., Tim Hortons advertised at $72,000 per year.

Tim Hortons was actually singled out by the Conservatives in their call to end the TFW program. A statement called the chain a “once beloved coffee shop” that has “hired an almost unimaginable number of TFWs.”

No-skill, entry-level jobs paying above-average salaries

According to recent data from Statistics Canada, Canada’s average hourly wage is $35.24. And this varies somewhat based on province. The average Nova Scotian is pulling down $30.92 per hour, while the average Albertan is paid $36.36.

So it’s notable that there are multiple LMIAs promising above-average hourly wages despite having few requirements for anything beyond a high school degree.

In June, a Calgary auto shop submitted an LMIA for a “motor vehicle mechanic helper.” The job is to essentially act as a “gofer.”  The starting wage for the helper job is $36.50 per hour, the employer promises to cover relocation costs, and the “experience” category contains only the words “will train.”

A Langley, B.C., drywall contractor said it can’t find any Canadian drywall installers at $36.75 per hour. A vape shop in Lloydminster, Sask., has filed an LMIA to fill a $36.05 per hour shift supervisor job in which the educational requirement is a high school diploma.

In Woodbridge, Ont., a homeowner filed an LMIA for a $38 per hour housekeeper in which the only qualification is that the applicant has to speak English. “No degree, certificate or diploma,” is listed in the space for educational requirements, and the requirement for work experience is just “will train.”

Multiple $100,000-per-year jobs

The majority of Canadians work a job that pays them less than $100,000 per year, but a recent poll commissioned by MoneySense identified a $100,000 salary as the point when a plurality of respondents would feel they were making a “comfortable” living.

And yet, multiple LMIAs are for jobs paying at least six figures.

An Aldergrove, B.C., veterinarian is seeking a temporary foreign worker to fill its post for a $110,000 per year equine veterinarian. A public elementary school in Manitoba is seeking a temporary foreign worker to fill a teaching post paying up to $139,113.92 per year.

A Revelstoke, B.C., heli-skiing company is currently seeking a temporary foreign worker to fill their post for an “outdoor guide” paying between $450 and $575 per day, with room and board provided, as well as a dental plan. It’s obviously a seasonal job, but that rate of pay is equivalent to earning $140,000 per year.

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Many Fires and wife, Blackfoot, at the Calgary Exhibition and Stampede in Alberta, circa 1920s. Many Fires' horse, a pinto mare, was valued higher than any horse of another colour.

In 2021, the National Film Board decided to become a political organization. It adopted a

grand plan

to hire based on identity, create new management roles focused on enforcing diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI), promote progressive concepts like intersectionality and reconstitute its policies around race. And reconstitute it did. That year, it began restricting the use of archival footage by race.

As part of its DEI overhaul, the film board instituted an “Indigenous Content Moratorium,”

halting

the “licensing of archives, excerpts and photos portraying Indigenous participants to clients who do not self-identify as Indigenous (First Nations, Inuit or Métis).” The policy, which the NFB described as “temporary,” applies to about 600 entries in the archive. An archive entry that contains mostly white people and only one Indigenous person would not be covered, however.

“All requests to license Indigenous excerpts and photos from films for commercial reuse by non-Indigenous filmmakers or production companies are reviewed on a case-by-case basis, in consultation with the Indigenous filmmakers and communities concerned,” the NFB explained in an email on Thursday.

“This process allows us time to explore and incorporate relevant and evolving best practices, and to determine what considerations will best guide the organization, honouring protocols, partnerships, and pathways built on respect and trust.”

The NFB says that it’s received hundreds of requests over the years, and has denied less that 30. But even this is too many: what the NFB is doing is engaging in censorship, releasing what should be universally available material only to vetted producers whose intentions have been investigated.

The policy was designed by an organization called imagineNATIVE, an Indigenous

film charity

that holds an annual film festival, does screening tours and, mostly with money

given

to it by Netflix, sponsors professional development for its artists. The majority of its funding (59 per cent) came from government according to its latest charity filing, so it’s more accurately described as a shadow Crown corporation.

In effect, every non-Indigenous Canadian is paying for this organization to lobby the film board, which they also pay for, to restrict content on the basis of race. While it’s not a total ban on access because it applies only to commercial licensing — the NFB assured me that all Canadians can still look at the material covered by the moratorium — it’s race-based discrimination nonetheless.

This didn’t happen in a vacuum. Many corporate entities under the Department of Canadian Heritage umbrella have jumped on the systemic racism bandwagon and made DEI a big part of what they do.

The Canadian Media Fund (CMF), which funds the production of drama, kids’ programming, documentaries and video games, was given a series of diversity quotas by the federal government a few years ago. Government-funded projects led by minorities were required to reach 45 per cent by 2024, and key creative positions were supposed to be 25 per cent staffed by minorities in that time as well.

In addition, it brought in a

“narrative positioning” policy

banning anyone receiving CMF funding from making content about any minority unless they are part of that group, or have demonstrated “comprehensive measures” that their project will take to prevent harm to the group in question. Straight people can’t make documentaries about gay people, the able-bodied can’t make documentaries about those in wheelchairs and no racial group can make video games about anyone else — except white people, of course.

Meanwhile, Parks Canada introduced an

Indigenous stewardship policy

last year that gives more power to First Nations over federal parklands. It’s vague and preachy, and seeing how poorly park-sharing has gone in British Columbia, with First Nations unlawfully seizing control of parklands without resistance from government, it’s a model with a poor track record.

Then there’s the National Gallery of Canada, which in recent years

has used

the power of curation to make veiled accusations of racism against the Group of Seven. And the Canadian Council of the Arts, which openly claims to have gone on a

diversity hiring spree

in 2021. Telefilm Canada in 2022 brought in

steep diversity quotas

of 50 per cent for new hires and 30 per cent for those in management. It applies

quotas

to various programs it funds, requiring some projects to have a majority-Black production staff, and others to have a majority of non-white writers.

The National Arts Centre, tasked with stewarding the performing arts,

continues to host

“Black Out” nights; the centre’s

original intention

back in 2023 was to restrict these by race, but after some public grilling it switched its stance to “everyone is welcome.”

The National Film Board’s race-based content licensing policy is emblematic of the federal culture sphere. Once, the mission was to nurture cultural unity; now, maintaining division seems to be the goal.

Normally, government entities are supposed to treat individual Canadians in a manner consistent with the Charter, which means race-based discrimination is off the table. However, because the Charter excuses discrimination when it’s done for an ameliorative purpose — that is, when it’s used to advance the interests of a minority group. The result? Exactly this: the open and jubilant denial of opportunity as revenge for the actions of long-dead men.

National Post


A Tesla car sits parked at an electric vehicle charging station on June 12, 2025.

Those with an attentive ear may have picked up on the distinct sound of sobbing emanating from the Department of Canadian Identity and Culture. They are the sobs of its minister, erstwhile Minister of Environment and Climate Change,
Stephen Guilbeault, watching the slow but certain immolation of Canada’s electric vehicle sales mandate, as it goes up in smoke
.
Friday, Prime Minister Mark Carney announced
that automakers would no longer need to have 20 per cent of their sales be zero emission vehicles, either fully electric or hybrid election, in 2026.

The target has been delayed by a year, and t
he entirety of the program, which also mandates that 60 per cent of sales by 2030 and 100 per cent by 2035 be zero emitting will be reviewed over the next two months. If Carney is
truly serious
about turning Canada’s economy around, he will put Guilbeault’s criminally delusional policy out of its misery and return to a market driven solution rather than a government mandated one.
 

The electric vehicle mandate has always been something of an environmentalist absurdity from the beginning. To start with, Canada doesn’t have enough electricity. In British Columbia, for example, it has been estimated that to meet to meet the 100 per cent zero emitting vehicle sales goal by 2035, B.C. needs to produce an additional
9,700 gigawatt hours of electricity
with some estimates saying the province may
need to double
its entire electrical power output.

The lower end estimates would require the construction of further Site C dam equivalents. Site C is BC Hydro’s most recent crown jewel of electrical generation. Created by damming the Peace River it came online in August after well over a decade of planning and construction. That is to say, if we indeed wanted a 100 per cent EV mandate to be even remotely realistic, we need shovels in the ground today on massive hydro dams and nuclear power plants across the country. That’s just not going to happen on the government’s 2035 timeframe.
 

The other problem the EV mandate was always going to face is consumer demand and business profitability. Even now, EVs are unprofitable for many, if not most, car manufacturers. In February, Ford announced that it was projected to
lose US$5.5 billion in 2025
on it EV and software division. Volkswagen is now
less profitable
because it sells more EVs and even GM, the best of the lot, is only
breaking even at best
. These are not sustainable numbers and the uncertainty created by the Trump tariffs have merely exacerbated the obvious issues with EVs mandates, not created them.
This is all something automakers themselves have been saying for some time now, though until Friday their pleas landed on deaf ears.  

The root cause of all this lies with consumers. They simply don’t want an EV for the very simple reason that, as it stands, EVs are less functional and versatile than vehicles powered by gas alone. This by no means to say they will remain so forever — indeed they likely will not — but at the moment consumers are looking at EVs, which cost more, are less functional, give them less value for money and are concluding that a traditional vehicle remains the more economically sensible decision. A government mandate would only hit consumers, already dealing with affordability issues, even harder. 

The green lobby will seethe but the stark reality is that the EV mandate was always a pipe dream and that has now been laid clearly bare. Mandates of the EV type don’t work when they hurt both consumers and businesses. Instead of only delaying the 2026 targets, Carney should end the whole charade and cancel an unrealistic EV mandate which was set up to fail from the beginning.

Adam Pankratz is a lecturer at the University of British Columbia’s Sauder School of Business.


“The Ikhwan (Arabic for “brethren”) must understand that their work in America is a kind of grand jihad in eliminating and destroying the western civilization from within and ‘sabotaging’ its miserable house by their hands and the hands of the believers (Muslims) so that it is eliminated and God’s religion (Islam) is made victorious over all other religions.”

This disturbing excerpt formed part of a

1991 strategic memo

that outlined the Muslim Brotherhood’s plans to conquer North America. It was produced as evidence in the Holy Land Foundation case, the

largest terror-financing trial

in United States history.

A recent report from the Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy (ISGAP), an American think tank, offers insights into the Muslim Brotherhood’s alleged deep-rooted presence and influence across Canada’s civil, academic, political and financial spheres.

According to the report, Canada has become “a hub for Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated organizations that are

exerting significant influence in Canadian civil society, academia, politics and government.” Many of them have received millions of dollars in funding from the Canadian government, despite “verified ties to extremist entities, including Hamas.” Canadian organizations referenced in the ISGAP report have denied the allegations.

The allegations in the report seem to confirm that the Muslim Brotherhood’s “sabotage strategy” is clandestinely materializing in Canada.

The Muslim Brotherhood is a

transnational Sunni Islamist

movement that’s committed to creating a global caliphate based on the principles of Sharia law. It is widely considered to be the most influential and largest Islamist group in modern history.

A shadowy and far-reaching network, it is quietly bolstered by

powerful state actors

, such as Qatar and Turkey. The Brotherhood engages in both violent and non-violent forms of jihad to achieve its ultimate aim of Islamist supremacy, a goal clearly articulated by its Egyptian founder Hassan al-Banna,

who stated

: “It is the nature of Islam to dominate, not to be dominated, to impose its law on all nations and to extend its power to the entire planet.”

A

virulent antisemite

and fervent admirer of Adolf Hitler, al-Banna’s pathological revulsion for the West, Israel and Jews was perhaps second only to fellow Brotherhood ideologue Sayyid Qutb. Considered the “

intellectual father

of modern-day jihad,” Qutb’s radical writings provided the ideological foundation for the

Salafi jihadist movement

, inspiring

al-Qaida leaders

Osama bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri, and spawning terrorist groups like Hamas and ISIS.

In her

book

, “The Secret Apparatus: The Muslim Brotherhood’s Industry of Death,” Cynthia Farahat, an Egyptian-American counter-terrorism expert, contends that the Muslim Brotherhood is “the world’s incubator of modern Islamic terrorism” and “the world’s most dangerous militant cult.”

Although the Brotherhood

officially renounced violence

in the 1970s, its actions and support for terrorist groups render its declarations hollow. After Hamas

was created

in 1987 to capitalize on the first intifada, the Brotherhood’s international leadership directed its global branches to support the terrorist group. In 2021, Brotherhood members

congratulated

the Taliban following the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Afghanistan.

According to Gilles Kepel, a leading scholar on the Middle East and Islam in the West, the term “

Islamophobia

” was first popularized by the Brotherhood as a way to delegitimize criticism of its Islamist ideology by equating it with antisemitism. This deceptive comparison, Kepel asserts, enables the Muslim Brotherhood to claim moral high ground through perceived victimhood and to redirect that sentiment against Israel and Zionism.

A recently leaked

French government report

provided the most detailed official study to date of the Brotherhood’s modus operandi and its presence in Europe. Its

findings

were direct and ominous: the Brotherhood seeks to achieve its religio-political goal of gradual societal transformation; it has plans to conquer not just France, but the entire western world. These findings also reflect those of a 2015 U.K. government

investigative report

.

The ISGAP report’s findings about the Brotherhood’s alleged extensive network across Canada should come as no surprise. This country is the ideal host for the parasitic Islamist group, thanks to a permissive environment created by a fragile national identity, wokeism, multiculturalism, vote-bank politics and unchecked immigration.

Just as in Europe and the U.K., the report suggests the Brotherhood has built an extensive ideological infrastructure in Canada in the form of charities, schools and mosques — a strategy that enables it to infiltrate civil society and influence policymaking under the guise of religious and educational activities.

Testifying before a 2015 Senate committee hearing on national security, Marc Lebuis, director of Point de Bascule — an organization that tracks jihadist movements in Canada —

stated that

a senior Muslim Brotherhood leader in Canada encouraged Muslims to take up influential positions in the government and justice system and stop applying legal provisions that are incompatible with sharia law.

With the threat of Islamist terror attacks intensifying worldwide on account of the Middle East conflict, efforts to curb the group’s nefarious activities are gathering steam. In April, Jordan

banned the Brotherhood

, becoming the latest Arab country to do so after

Saudi Arabia

, Bahrain, Egypt and the United Arab Emirates.

Austria remains the

only western country

to have banned the group. But

plans to designate

it as a terrorist organization in the United States are picking up steam, and a Belgian member of the European Parliament recently

called for

an investigation into the group. French President Emmanuel Macron has also started

to crack down

on the Brotherhood’s influence in France, following the leak of his government’s review of the group.

Canada must follow suit. The increasingly menacing nature of the pro-Hamas protests, the

670 per cent

increase in antisemitism, the

rising youth radicalization

and the 488 per cent increase in

terrorism charges

are indicators of the Brotherhood’s successful efforts to penetrate and manipulate Canadian society and institutions.

Its Islamist ideology promotes visceral hatred and rejects liberal democratic values. When Brotherhood-linked groups gain legitimacy within western societies, they perpetuate a corrosive worldview that undermines social cohesion and foments division and radicalization.

Moreover, the group’s insidious and covert operations pose an active national security threat and significantly raises the risk of cross-border terrorism that can further hurt Canada-U.S. relations.

However, banning the Brotherhood alone will not curb the threat. To effectively curtail its influence, authorities must cut public funding to affiliated groups, prosecute those who commit crimes, blacklist front groups used for terror-financing and expose the Brotherhood’s revolting views on women, LGBT people, Jews and democratic values.

The Liberals must take the ISGAP report seriously and develop an “elbows up” approach to quell the Muslim Brotherhood’s “grand jihad” plans for Canada.

National Post

Joe Adam George is a national security analyst at the Macdonald-Laurier Institute and Canada research lead for Islamist threats at the Middle East Forum. Dagny Pawlak is a senior communications officer at the Macdonald-Laurier Institute.


Left to right: Russian President Vladimir Putin walks with Chinese President Xi Jinping and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un before a military parade marking the 80th anniversary of victory over Japan and the end of World War II, in Beijing's Tiananmen Square on Sept. 3, 2025.

More than 50 years ago it was said that only Nixon could go to China. Now everyone can go to China. A great many did this past week as the Chinese communists put on quite a diplomatic show.

President Xi Jinping even enjoyed a bit of implicit needling of President Donald Trump. Trump had his big military parade in June by himself; Xi had his with honoured guests Vladimir Putin and Kim Jong Un, two men with whom Trump boasts he has very good relationships.

“Nixon-to-China” suggested that only a figure with hardline anti-communist credentials could make overtures to Mao. And it was accepted by the early 1970s that such overtures were necessary. The diplomatic isolation of China after the 1949 communist revolution had not led to reform in Beijing, and risked driving China into an alliance with Soviet Moscow. Somebody had to go to China to prevent that, and Richard Nixon was the man.

History turns and turns again. Wednesday’s military parade in Beijing commemorated the 80th anniversary of the defeat of Japan in World War II. While the emperor had surrendered in a radio address on Aug. 15, the actual treaty of surrender was signed aboard the USS Missouri in Tokyo Bay on Sept. 2.

Amongst the victorious allies signing were the United States, the Soviet Union and (pre-Maoist) China. Just as the Soviets took the heaviest losses in the defeat of Nazi Germany, so too did China bear the brunt of imperialist Japan’s aggression. While Canadians tend to think of World War II primarily in its European theatre, the National World War II Museum in New Orleans considers the relevant dates 1937 to 1945, i.e., beginning with the Sino-Japanese war, not the invasion of Poland in 1939.

The United States, Soviet Russia and pre-Maoist China were allies then. By the 1970s, the challenge was to prevent communist Russia and communist China forming a powerful pact against Washington. After the Cold War the supreme western challenge was to see whether Russia and China could be integrated into a liberal order of (quasi-) democracy, human rights and market-oriented trade.

Contrariwise, since 2014, and more intensely since 2022, Russia’s Putin has sought the reversal of what he regards as the “greatest geopolitical tragedy of the 20th century” — the defeat and dissolution of the Soviet Union in the Cold War.

The diplomatic question of 2025 has been what will become of Putin’s attempted reversal through his war against Ukraine.

Can President Trump stop the war in Ukraine by himself? Attempting that would require taking steps against Putin that he has been unwilling to countenance thus far, for example, seizing frozen Russian assets held abroad, and ramping up military provision for Ukraine.

Instead, as Trump more fiercely threatened consequences for Russia this summer, Putin escalated his attacks on Ukraine, including Kyiv, to no consequence whatsoever, aside from a ride in the presidential limousine in Anchorage. Instead of direct American action, Trump levied massive taxes on Americans who import goods from India, an attempt to persuade India to cease buying Russian oil.

In Shanghai, Putin took Indian Prime Minister Nahendra Modi for a ride in his limousine, perhaps to thank him for buying Russian oil, or for standing up to Trump, or just to imitate the convivial atmosphere of Alaska.

Trump calculates that punishing American importers and Indian exporters can persuade India to pay more for oil, replacing cheap Russian supplies with more expensive non-Russian sources. The broader premise is that India can do something significant to dissuade Putin from continuing his war. The still broader question is whether China and India together hold enough influence over Russia to stop the war. A related question is whether, if they could, would they?

This week’s Shanghai summit and Beijing parade indicate that the answer to the last question is no. Whatever influence Beijing and Delhi have over Moscow, they are not willing to use it to reverse Russian aggression. Quite the opposite, to the extent that the Ukraine war is against the interests of Europe and the United States, it appears that both Xi and Modi are inclined to smile upon it. Or at least to accept it as a reasonable (Ukrainian) price to pay for a world in which China, India and their allies have greater scope for action independent of, or even contrary to, the interests of the United States. Trump’s tariff war against both China and India may have confirmed them in that view.

Trump had wanted Putin to be invited to the G7 in Alberta last June. He didn’t get his way, and had to content himself with entertaining Putin solo in Alaska. Now Putin has been feted in Shanghai and Beijing in the company of India and North Korea. Summer 2025 turned out much better for him than even Trump had planned.

National Post


Provincial standardized tests reveal that only half of Grade 6 students in Ontario meet provincial math standards, writes Barbara Kay.

Abraham Lincoln famously said, “The philosophy of the classroom in one generation will be the philosophy of the government in the next.” Truer words were never spoken.

The Ontario education system is in free fall. For the past 20 years, education policies infused by Marxist theories that had been incubating for decades in the universities, then floridly realized in practice, have resulted in tripartite failure: failure to provide effective pedagogy; failure to provide a psychologically safe environment for politically incorrect identity groups; and failure to protect both children and teachers from physical abuse. The situation is dire.

Ontario is home to more than

two million

school-aged kids, representing 40 per cent of Canada’s school-age population. On the

evidence

, they are not being well served pedagogically. Learning outcomes have declined dramatically since 2018 in math, science and reading. The culprit is a postmodern theory of “epistemic injustice” that calls for a “decolonization” of knowledge acquisition.

For example, woke math pedagogues decided it was more important to elevate the status of Indigenous “ways of knowing” as a means of combatting alleged white supremacy than it was to preserve the traditional, and effective, instructive teacher-student “settler” model. Their chosen vehicle is known as

Discovery Math

, which shuns traditional learning in favour of students inventing their own math solutions. It was bound to fail as a method, and did: Provincial standardized tests reveal that only

half

of sixth-grade students meet provincial math standards.

Last month, the Elementary Teachers Federation of Ontario (ETFO) distributed

lots of awards

, none of them honouring the teaching of objective content alone. Some awards recognized service to the union, but “roughly two-thirds” celebrated social-justice advocacy. Not by coincidence, no awards recognized improvement in learning outcomes.

Social-justice advocacy sounds benign, but generally isn’t, because the social-justice paradigm does not treat children as individuals. Rather, they are viewed as avatars for their identity group’s immutable innocence or guilt. It’s an open invitation to “other” allegedly guilty identity groups. A motion at ETFO’s August AGM, which passed with 71 per cent support, approved the development of teacher resources addressing alleged anti-Palestinian racism (defined by the Arab Canadian Lawyers Association), which is

inherently

anti-Zionist. Small wonder many Jewish parents fear even more bullying of their children linked to anti-Israel and antisemitic political activism by teachers in the new school year than has already been

documented

.

Failure to protect children from psychological abuse is bad enough. But failure to protect both students and teachers from physically violent students is worse. In March 2023, investigative reporter Ari Blaff laid out the history and exposed the gravity of the system’s violence problem in a

National Review article

, “How ‘Progressive Discipline’ turned Ontario schools into a battleground.”

In 2000, Conservative premier Mike Harris passed the

Safe Schools Act

, which included a “zero-tolerance” policy toward violence. Suspensions and expulsions went up; bad behaviour — disproportionately attached to “racialized” students — went down. In 2007, Dalton McGuinty’s Liberal government introduced the “Progressive Discipline and School Safety Bill,” which took effect in 2008. Progressive Discipline “defanged” principals’ expulsion power, introducing discourse like “root causes,” “restorative justice,” “positive discipline” and “redirection” in approaching student behaviour. Actual “discipline,” featuring reward and punishment, was memory-holed.

In 2005, only seven per cent of Ontario teachers experienced physical abuse from students. By 2017 it was 54 per cent. A

2021 academic report

describing school violence as an “epidemic” found that almost 90 per cent of Ontario educators reported experiencing some form of violence in 2018-19. Teachers aren’t allowed to physically restrain students assaulting peers, they can only use their bodies “as a shield.” Blaff found in interviews that teachers co-operated with the policy despite their frustration because they feared dissidence might entail negative career consequences.

The one school board “holdover from a saner time” was the School Resource Officer (SRO) program, where law-enforcement officers were stationed at dozens of schools across Toronto. Their presence was a check on serious violence. A strong majority of surveyed students, parents and staff members were grateful to have law enforcement on site. The police did more than hang out. They counselled at-risk students and provided strong, positive role models for fatherless young males. But many Black and Indigenous students said they were “uncomfortable or very uncomfortable interacting” with them. So the Toronto District School Board, considering the issue entirely through an “equity lens” rather than the demonstrated merits of the program, dismantled it in 2017.

Needless to say, erasure of that thin blue line unleashed further violence. There have been three school shooting deaths in Toronto since the shutdown of the SRO program. Previously, there had been one, in 2007.

What is the solution? Answering that question is the easy part: End the monopoly over public education and “defang” the bias-riddled unions. Give parents “school choice.” Fund the child, not the bureaucrats. Let a thousand schooling options bloom. How is it to be done? That’s the hard part. Vote in a party whose platform features those policies. But no party leader will take such a political risk unless polls indicate education reform is an existential issue for a critical mass of Ontarians. What’s needed, in other words, is a

Parent Revolution

.

• Email: kaybarb@gmail.com | X:


Members of the District of Columbia National Guard stand next to an MATV vehicle outside Union Station in Washington, D.C., on Monday.

Asked whether he intends to replicate his administration’s intervention in Washington, D.C., by sending federalized National Guard troops into Chicago, U.S. President Donald Trump vowed to do exactly that, despite protests from the city’s mayor and the governor of Illinois.

It’s a fraught move, given the dangers of sending troops that aren’t trained for police work into an American city, and a recent court ruling that a similar deployment in Los Angeles was illegal. But Trump has rarely shied from an opportunity to humiliate his political opponents, even when doing so runs up against — or past — the limits of his authority.

In fact, Chicago’s criminals seem to be inviting federal intervention. Even as Illinois Gov.

JB Pritzker insists

“there’s no emergency here that calls for military intervention,” and Mayor

Brandon Johnson protests

that, “We do not need nor want an unconstitutional and illegal military occupation of our city,” nine Chicagoans were killed and 52 others wounded in

violence

over the Labour Day weekend.

The

Chicago Tribune called

the mini crime wave “a trap sprung shut over the weekend by the city’s young gunmen, with both Pritzker and Johnson now yoked together in its steel teeth.” In truth, Johnson and Pritzker may both be happy about the high-profile spat with the president.

Pritzker has been competing with California Gov. Gavin Newsom for the title of the least accomplished politician to seek the 2028 Democratic presidential nomination. He’s now getting more time in the spotlight than Midwestern governors usually dream of receiving.

And Johnson is mired at

26 per cent approval

— up

from single digits

earlier this year — amidst concerns about

anti-business policies

and the limits of his ability to make the city an attractive

place to live

. He could use a distraction.

In fact, despite the bloody weekend, violent crime

has been falling

in Chicago, as it has elsewhere; it’s just falling from a much greater height than in most of the rest of the country. A

recent analysis

found that Chicago suffered fewer murders this summer than the city’s residents have seen since 1965. That’s cold comfort if you’re one of the victims, but it means there’s no emergency of the sort that President Trump claims as authority for sending in the National Guard.

That’s a problem for Trump since the federal government’s law enforcement authority is limited. Federal

law

allows the president to call up National Guard units in any state in case of invasion or rebellion, or to execute laws when “unable with the regular forces to execute the laws of the United States.”

The president is further limited by the 

Posse Comitatus Act

, which makes it illegal to use “any part of the Army, the Navy, the Marine Corps, the Air Force or the Space Force as a posse comitatus or otherwise to execute the laws.” While National Guard troops are normally under state control, once federalized, they’re subject to the same limitations as those applied to regular military forces.

Those restrictions came into play on Sept. 2, when U.S. District Court Judge Charles Breyer

found

the Trump administration’s use of National Guard troops and marines in Los Angeles to be illegal. The judge observed that the federal government sent troops to California “for the purpose of establishing a military presence there and enforcing federal law. Such conduct is a serious violation of the Posse Comitatus Act.” Breyer enjoined the federal government from further use of troops to enforce law.

That said, Breyer was no doubt aware of recent

widespread criticism

of federal judges for excessively issuing nationwide injunctions. He specified that his order “applies only to defendants’ use of the National Guard in California, not nationally.” That means that a new National Guard deployment to address crime in Chicago may look a lot like the illegal use of troops in Los Angeles, but it’s not covered by the recent court ban on using the military to suppress crime.

Also lowering the barriers to Trump’s use of National Guard troops to embarrass Democrats and maybe also keep the peace is the eroded nature of legal limits on deploying the military domestically. The Posse Comitatus Act was passed at a time of enormous concern about the federal use of soldiers to police the population after the Civil War. Since then, Congress has seen fit to create more leeway for using troops for law enforcement, often over local objections.

Attorney Joseph Nunn of the Brennan Center for Justice

cautions

that federal law limiting police use of the military “is riddled with exceptions, loopholes and ambiguities that leave it surprisingly weak,” and that, “The principle enshrined in the Posse Comitatus Act is protected more by norms and historical practice than by the text of the law itself.”

So, while a federal judge in California may have found that using the National Guard to patrol the streets is illegal, it’s not guaranteed that a judge in a different district would rule the same over a similar deployment in Chicago. But President Trump certainly plans to try. Asked on Tuesday whether he plans to send troops to Chicago,

he answered

, “We’re going in.”

There are big risks to using the military for law enforcement in terms of life and limb, politics and the precedent it sets for the future. Critics point to the 1992 deployment of marines to support Los Angeles police in suppressing riots.

In

one incident

, a police officer called on marines to “cover me” while responding to a domestic dispute. The marines promptly fired over 200 rounds into the building. To police, “cover me” is an instruction to watch and take action if necessary, but marines use the term to call for actively suppressing resistance. That’s not usually a problem, but conflicting interpretations come into play when you use the military in a law enforcement role for which personnel aren’t properly trained.

If troops do end up unjustifiably shooting somebody, or just violate rights, as National Guardsmen deployed to D.C. have done with

unconstitutional checkpoints

, that will be on the Trump administration. The hapless politicians Trump seeks to embarrass will likely benefit as prophets of the problems brought to their city and state by the overbearing feds.

And as these deployments break down the “norms and historical practice” described by Nunn, they’ll be increasingly easy to replicate in the future. Politicians from across the political spectrum may well find it attractive to use the military to intimidate political opponents and enforce unpopular laws. President Trump may be contemplating personal political gain from his domestic use of troops, but Americans will pay a high price for his stunts for years to come.

National Post


Palestinians cook in large batches at a charity kitchen in the Nuseirat refugee camp in the Gaza Strip on Thursday.

In war, words can become weapons — especially when they’re misused. In the debate over Gaza, terms like “genocide” and “famine” are being stretched beyond recognition. This does nothing to ease human suffering — it only undermines the very legal principles meant to protect the most vulnerable.

The humanitarian toll of this war is devastating. Families in Gaza are enduring immense hardship and uncertainty, while Israeli families continue to grieve the horrors of October 7, face terrorist attacks and demand the return of innocent hostages still held in Hamas dungeons. Acknowledging suffering is essential — but having empathy must not come at the cost of distorting international law.

A war, however painful, is not a genocide. Severe food insecurity, however urgent, is not widespread famine. Twisting definitions and amending standards to fit political aims undermines the international legal order that was created to protect the most vulnerable from the worst of crimes.

On Aug. 22, the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC), a United Nations-affiliated body, released a report alleging that a famine is taking place in Gaza. Israel’s Foreign Ministry charges that, to make this claim, the IPC departed from its long-established benchmark of 30 per cent child malnutrition, instead applying a different metric with a 15 per cent threshold.

This  sets a troubling double standard. Diluting the definition of famine undermines the credibility of the IPC’s framework and risks weakening the world’s ability to respond to genuine famine emergencies elsewhere.

Since Oct. 7, 2023, Israel has facilitated more than two-million tons of aid into Gaza. Yet, since mid-May, as much as

90 per cent

of the aid, according to the UN itself, has been seized by armed groups or looted by people before it can be fairly and properly distributed to families in need.

The same distortion of language is at play with accusations of genocide. Amnesty International, once respected for its rigour, recently argued that the accepted legal definition of genocide is an “overly cramped interpretation.” Only by changing the definition could Amnesty make it apply to Israel.

When organizations redefine one of the gravest crimes in human history to fit a particular conflict, they erode the integrity of the term — and in doing so, undermine our ability to identify and confront actual genocides when they occur.

The International Court of Justice has been clear in two decisions, where it ruled that genocidal intent must be the only reasonable inference from a state’s conduct. This is simply not the case in the current conflict in Gaza.

Israel’s declared objectives are to dismantle Hamas — which was responsible for the October 7 massacre, itself an attempted genocide of Jews — and to bring its hostages home. Extremist rhetoric from some fringe politicians does not define the state’s policy, which has consistently been framed around those military goals.

Even if we take Hamas’s own casualty figures — which are highly disputed — the numbers, while tragic, do not demonstrate genocide. Civilians make up a heartbreaking share of the dead, as they do in nearly every modern conflict. According to the UN, since the end of the Second World War, civilians have typically accounted for around 90 per cent of wartime casualties — a 9:1 ratio of civilians to combatants.

In Gaza, taking the numbers released by Israel and Hamas at face value, the ratio is closer to 2:1. That is still far too many innocent lives lost. But it is markedly lower than many recent western-led urban conflicts, such as Iraq.

This does not make the loss of life any less tragic, but it demonstrates the complexity of urban warfare against a terrorist organization that uses human shields and embeds itself in civilian areas.

None of this should minimize the suffering of civilians in Gaza. Every civilian death is a tragedy. Every child facing malnutrition or trauma deserves the world’s concern. But addressing these realities requires honesty.

Misusing terms like “genocide” and “famine” may generate headlines, but it does nothing to help civilians in Gaza. On the contrary, it undermines the credibility of humanitarian mechanisms and distracts from the urgent work of delivering aid safely and effectively.

Protecting their integrity is the only way to ensure that the world can respond decisively when genuine genocide or famine strikes — while also working, here and now, to relieve suffering and move toward a durable peace for both Israelis and Palestinians.

Canada and other democracies must resist the politicization of international law. In the words of Alan Kessel, former legal advisor to the Government of Canada , “Words matter. Law matters.”

National Post

Richard Marceau is vice-president, external affairs and general counsel, and Becca Wertman is director of research, at the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs.


Time and again in Canada we see people, arrested on suspicion of having committed a violent crime, who were on some combination of bail, parole, probation or otherwise nominally protective measures.

Every time

there’s a mass shooting in the United States

, Canadians (and American liberals) tend to lament that

the U.S. isn’t like the rest of the anglosphere when it comes to gun control.

In Canada (

the École Polytechnique massacre in 1989

), in the United Kingdom (

the Dunblane primary school massacre in Scotland in 1996

), in Australia (

the Port Arthur massacre in 1996

in Tasmania), and most recently in New Zealand (

the Christchurch mosque massacre in 2019

), the United States’ closest peer nations have translated horror and grief into concrete policy cracking down on gun ownership.

There is no reason to think that will ever happen in the U.S., and the most frustrating thing about it, I find, is that basic unsexy gun safety in American homes

could save far more children’s lives than eliminating school shootings — which is impossible

.

It s no less frustrating watching Canada refuse to help itself on crime, though, especially since our problems, in general, ought to be easier to solve. Over and over and over again we see people, arrested on suspicion of having committed a violent crime, who were on some combination of bail, parole, probation or otherwise nominally protective measures for society at large.

Many are horrifyingly young. They include at least one of the feral girls convicted in the “swarming” murder of 59-year-old Kenneth Lee in downtown Toronto in December 2022; she was 14, out on bail for Lee’s killing in 2024,

when she allegedly stabbed another man at a subway station

.

At the time she had been in an “open custody home,”

a lower-security supervision facility in the community.

They include

a 14-year-old boy currently sought by York Region police

for a double-shooting over the Labour Day weekend; charges against him now include failing to abide by what police call “release orders for unrelated violent offences.”

They include a 12-year-old accused of a double-shooting in Markham near Toronto last month — who, no word of a lie —

was released on bail again just the other day

.

That’s objectively insane. I doubt you could even find a tenured Canadian law professor to defend it under their own name.

And when it comes to

grownups

who make the news for wreaking havoc, the problem is all the worse. (Well, they’ve had so much more time to work on their records!)

It is one of the great mysteries of Canadian politics that this never becomes a real issue —

even as senior police officers advise you to roll over and let home invaders do what they want

— when it should be a full-blown, stay-up-all-night crisis for the entire political class at every level of government.

The discussion over the limits of personal and property self-defence, prompted by Conservative Leader Pierre

Poilievre’s call for fewer restrictions for people to protect themselves against criminals

, is similarly annoying to watch. After some high-profile recent cases of people being horrifically attacked in their home, with one homeowner being charged for

fighting back with a knife against an intruder armed with a crossbow

, Poilievre last month called for a law explicitly permitting the right to use force against a home invader.

A

huge

amount of the discussion about the proposal has to do with the United States, as Canadian headlines will attest: “Poilievre’s anything goes approach to self-defence is even more extreme than U.S. law”; “Don’t import deadly U.S. self-defence laws to Canada.” In other words: “America. Ick.”

But what does Canada’s supposedly more enlightened regime look like in practice?

The most famous recent “castle doctrine”-style defence in Canada was probably that of Gerald Stanley, the Saskatchewan farmer

who shot would-be thief Colten Boushie to death in 2022

. Stanley was acquitted both of second-degree murder and of manslaughter.

There was

the David Chen case back in 2012

: The Toronto grocer faced kidnapping charges for apprehending an inveterate shoplifter in a manner not technically allowed under the Criminal Code. He was acquitted as well.

There was Daniel Hodgson

, who helped a friend remove an unwanted houseguest from a party in Iqaluit in 2017, but fatally cut off his oxygen using a headlock. Hodgson was acquitted of second-degree murder and manslaughter; the Supreme Court of Canada declined the Crown’s appeal.

I’m not saying any of those verdicts was unjust. But meanwhile, stateside, “castle-doctrine” and “stand-your-ground” defences fairly routinely fail — and when they fail, the United States’ famously harsh sentencing rules often kick in.

A Texas jury in 2019 had no time

for Dallas police officer Amber Guyger’s “castle doctrine” defence after she claimed to have found accountant Botham Jean skulking around in her apartment — it was actually

his

apartment — and shot him to death. She got 10 years in prison, with no possibility of parole for five.

When was the last time you heard of a Canadian police officer getting 10 years in prison for anything?

In 2023, the Pennsylvania Superior Court

rejected a “castle doctrine” defence

in the case of a homeowner who shot a man behind his closed and secured front door; the shooter is currently serving 25 to 50 years.

In 2015,

47-year-old Houstonian Raul Rodriguez got a life sentence

for killing a neighbour over some loud music, despite claiming to have felt threatened.

The American self-defence doctrine produces plenty of highly dubious decisions. But you can’t just shout “castle doctrine!” to absolve yourself of manslaughter or murder, as caricatures might suggest. And when American courtrooms decide they want people off the street, they bloody well take them off the street.

Maybe we could wipe the smirk off our collective mug and ask what the hell

our

problem is in that respect.

National Post

cselley@postmedia.com


Readers express skepticism about PM Mark Carney's pledge to deliver an

‘Austerity’ for ‘tax-and-spend Liberal party’?

Re: Carney says to expect ‘austerity and investment’ in upcoming fall budget — Christopher Nardi, Sept. 3

When Prime Minister Mark Carney talks about “austerity,” I hope he is talking about the federal government. Relative to the economic promise of our great country, Canadians have been living under “austerity” measures at the hands of the tax-and-spend Liberal party for over a decade. It is time for the government to reduce the inordinate level of employment in the civil service and the compensation enjoyed by Ottawa’s elite at the expense of hard-working private citizens.

When Carney speaks about “investment,” I hope he is referring to private-sector investment in Canada’s economy. For too long Ottawa has plowed tax dollars into ill-conceived business ventures or bailed out failed enterprises for ideological reasons. The Liberal government must eliminate all the restrictive barriers it has placed on business and industry to invest in Canada’s future. That is the budget we need to be wealthy.

Larry Sylvester, Acton, Ont.


As a taxpayer I think it’s fair to ask why Mark Carney made this announcement from a cabinet meeting in “Toronto’s North York?”

People have been outraged by how much the Governor General has spent on her various state visits. I think we should be asking how much this little cabinet outing cost us all.

Flight costs to Toronto for the PM, the ministers and all their staffs and minions; hotel rooms — I’m sure this wasn’t a cheap airport hotel; meals — quite lavish I would imagine; plus additional security costs.

If it was privacy they wanted, why pick Toronto, the largest, most expensive city in Canada? Do they not all have homes in Ottawa? Was there no room to put them somewhere and lock the door to keep everyone else out?

Austerity, Mr. Carney, begins at home.

Maxanne Ezer, Toronto


We are borrowing from tomorrow — and it’s shameful.

The federal government and most provincial governments continue to rack up debt with no regard for who will pay the price. Spoiler alert: it won’t be the politicians signing the cheques. It will be our children. Our grandchildren. The generations who had no say in today’s reckless spending but who will inherit the consequences.

As a father and grandfather, I’ve spent years teaching my family the value of hard work, saving, and living within their means. I’ve taught them that debt isn’t just numbers on a spreadsheet — it’s a burden that limits freedom and opportunity. Yet the very governments meant to safeguard their future are undermining it with fiscal negligence.

Canadians recently elected a man with an impressive economic résumé — someone who promised competence, accountability and sound financial stewardship. And yet, here we are: Still no federal budget. No transparency. No roadmap. What gives? It’s our money, and we have every right to see how it’s being spent. The silence isn’t just frustrating — it’s insulting.

Even the Parliamentary Budget Officer, Canada’s independent fiscal watchdog, has sounded the alarm. The PBO has warned that rising debt levels and ballooning interest costs are unsustainable — threatening the very programs and services we claim to protect. When the interest on our debt begins to crowd out spending on health care, education and infrastructure, what will we say to our children? That we knew and did nothing?

Every dollar spent without discipline is a dollar our kids will have to repay — with interest. We’re not investing in their future; we’re mortgaging it.

Glen Grossmith, Canmore, Alta.


Raise a glass to Ukraine

Re: Video shows Doug Ford pouring out a bottle of Crown Royal over decision to close Ontario plant — Allison Jones, Sept. 2

I’ve supported/applauded liquor stores for removing American products from their shelves — “Canada strong” at its best. Not only will I not purchase American booze but I won’t shop at any store that has American liquor on its shelves.

If Canadians want to show “elbows up” for another good cause they should be supporting Ukrainian wine, which I have found at a Sobeys here in Spruce Grove. Some Ukrainian cities actually banned the sale of alcohol to their people at the beginning of the war because they wanted them to be alert and aware 24/7. Other Ukrainians stopped drinking voluntarily. Ukraine’s beer and wine exports help keep employees working and keep their excellent spirits alive.

So I say to Crown Royal’s parent company, Diageo — go ahead and close your bottling plant in Amherstburg, Ont. Don’t let the door hit you on the way out. And to liquor from Ukraine, I say welcome.

L.G. Anderson, Spruce Grove, Alta.


Order of Canada needs revamping

Re: The Order of Canada provides far more division than unity — Chris Selley, Sept. 2; and Strip Mohamad Fakih of Order of Canada membership — Lisa MacLeod, Selina Robinson and Kevin Vuong, Sept. 4

Columnist Chris Selley is right: the Order of Canada too often divides instead of unites. A better approach would be to take the final decision for recommendations out of the hands of an unelected advisory council and put it in the hands of elected MPs, with a super-majority required before any name goes to the Governor General.

That would cut down on controversial picks that make Canadians feel shut out, and keep the focus on people who truly bring the country together. Terry Fox, who received the Order in 1980, is the model: someone who still unites Canadians in pride and purpose.

And if that means fewer people get the honour, so much the better. Scarcity would restore its weight.

Colin McComb, Ottawa


Expanding port of Churchill makes sense

Re: Former Trans Mountain CEO Dawn Farrell to head Ottawa’s major projects office — Catherine Lévesque, Aug. 29

It’s good that the federal government is finally opening its eyes to the massive potential of expanding the port of Churchill, Man., in order to export liquefied natural gas (LNG) and critical minerals to Europe. We will no longer need to worry about Quebec standing in the way of projects like a pipeline to the East Coast.

Yes, we will need some icebreakers to keep Churchill open season round, but that will probably be a fraction of the cost of building a new pipeline to the east. This begs the question, why wasn’t this done years ago?

Bill Stemp, Calgary


‘Canada no longer a country that stands proud’

Re: Man, 71, accused of stabbing elderly Jewish woman in Ottawa has history of antisemitic comments — Adrian Humphreys, Aug. 29; and A void of moral courage at the very heart of the Liberal party — Avi Benlolo, Sept. 5

As a young Jew growing up in Winnipeg, a city with a large Jewish community at the time, I never feared walking down the street going to school, to synagogue, meeting friends at a kosher deli. How different it is for so many young Jews in Canada today. As they walk to school, to synagogues, to shops, they look around and wonder who, if anyone, would even come to their aid if needed. The unleashed antisemitism in our communities has made them feel vulnerable and alone.

While 31 Liberal MPs signed Montreal MP Anthony Housefather’s statement this week condemning antisemitism, 137 did not. Mark Carney has made inane statements about “standing with the Jews” but has yet to do anything concrete. If anything, his outspoken bias against Israel and his posturing about recognizing a Palestinian state has added to the surge of Jew hatred in our country. The result of all this — too many Canadian Jews feel abandoned by their elected officials and this government.

All Canadians should be concerned. Hate is like an amoeba. It will grow and change. It will find new targets. Jew-haters will soon latch onto other groups they feel need to be targeted for believing in a free, tolerant and safe society.

Canada is no longer a country that stands proud. It is a country where virulent hate and harmful actions are tolerated, rather than extinguished.

Phyllis Levin, Toronto


Weighing Mark Carney’s value(s)

Re: A fragile federation awaits Carney’s green assault — Conrad Black, Aug. 30

Thank you Conrad Black! Finally someone has exposed (quite eloquently, I would add) Mark Carney’s book Value(s) for what it is: a sleep-inducing, anvil-weighted tome of an attempt at socialist thuggery thinly disguised as virtuous. But will enough people see through it? As Black states, we can only hope so.

Tim Harkema, Calgary


In Mark Carney’s book Value(s), which Conrad Black describes as “alarming,” the now prime minister called for the abandonment of fossil fuels with superhuman haste. Then he got elected on a platform, largely lifted from the Conservative party, of urgently promoting the development of Canada’s resources and providing export facilities, i.e. presumably pipelines from Alberta to tidewater (both east and west) as well as minerals from northern Ontario. All this to also boost our flagging GDP and dependency on the U.S.A.

Surely an explanation is needed here. Both scenarios cannot happen!

Harry K. Hocquard, King, Ont.


Bring on national service

Re: Canadians overwhelmingly in favour of mandatory national service, poll finds — Chris Knight, Aug. 11

Our oldest son recently came back from doing his national service in my wife’s native Finland. As a Finnish dual citizen living in Canada, unlike Finns in their homeland, this was not mandatory but he decided to sign up voluntarily and he has no regrets. (National service is mandatory for young men and voluntary for women in Finland.)

In Finland, the joke is that once your child comes back from the army, they finally know how to make their own bed. It is that and much more. Finnish citizens from many cultures come together when doing their time in the military. Our son’s unit included the children of African refugees, U.S.-born Finns, and even a young man whose family had emigrated from Russia.

By working together in common cause the cultural divide is bridged, a common Finnish identity is forged and friendships that otherwise would not have come to be, are made.

If this is good for Finland, a country that is relatively homogeneous, imagine what it could do for an increasingly divided Canada.

Glen Leis, Aurora, Ont.


Solving the supply management dilemma

Re: For a trade deal tomorrow, sacrifice these two dinosaurs — Michael Nitefor, Aug. 7; and Canadian farmers weigh plans as Chinese tariff hits canola price — The Canadian Press, Sept. 1

Domestic food production is a challenging issue. Our supply management system creates a big target for U.S. trade negotiators and the price is paid by Canadian consumers. Farming is a business and, like any other business, should not expect guaranteed markets and prices.

On the other hand, national food security is a big issue. Like the COVID-19 supply chain disruptions, excessive dependence on long and fragile global supply chains for food is risky, particularly when extreme weather events are no longer a rarity.

Just because famine hasn’t been experienced for many decades in Canada doesn’t mean the risk does not exist. Concurrent droughts in multiple agricultural regions are possible, in fact, probably growing in probability. It is not common for countries to ban the export of commodities in the event of droughts or other natural disasters. Black swan events do happen.

A diversified, domestic food supply chain back to Canadian farmers is a strategic necessity. The question is how to encourage domestic agriculture and processing without trade challenges. One possibility, likely one of many, is through government procurements.

There is a huge food insecurity problem in our country. Food banks are overwhelmed by demand and have limited fundraising capacities. Why can’t the federal government, working with the provinces, purchase food from Canadian farms on behalf of food banks, feeding programs for children, and for international aid programs?

There are undoubtedly many ways in which governments can support our agricultural sector in ways that neither distort markets nor lead to trade disputes.

John Shepherd, Richmond, B.C.


Clarifying ‘greenwashing’ complaint involving Cenovus and Enbridge

Re: Companies’ net-zero pledges come back to bite them — Gina Pappano, Sept. 3

In her recent op-ed in FP Comment, Gina Pappano misrepresents our recent greenwashing complaint regarding Cenovus and Enbridge, stating that it was filed under Bill C-59 amending the federal Competition Act.

In fact, it was intentionally filed instead under Alberta securities law, since Canada’s securities regulators are repeatedly on record warning market participants that accurate and complete disclosure applies equally to material environmental disclosures.

Investors should not need to wait for citizens to bring complaints under competition law to get accurate information. The fact that securities regulators have not acted on their warnings has created an environment where many Canadian oil and gas companies are claiming alignment with net zero while acting the opposite manner, raising investor risk due to the rapidly changing economics of the energy transition.

Matt Price, Executive Director, Investors for Paris Compliance


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