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When Trudeau became Canada's prime minister just over a year ago, he looked out into a world governed by progressive kindred spirits.

Liberalism beats a global retreat:

Today, as 2016 ends, the cast of characters on the global stage is much more ominous.  Liberalism seems to be beating a humiliated retreat as nativist nationalists gain ground across Europe and prepare to move into the White House.  Trump is the punctuation mark.

In Europe, Brexit has thrown British politics into a simmering cauldron of insularity, with moderate Tories held to ransom by Brexiters and Labour held hostage by the far left.  French voters will likely face the double bind options of the extreme right Front National against a hardline conservative for the French presidency.  Authoritarianism is on the rise in Hungary and Turkey.  Xenophobia in the Netherlands and some Nordic countries is a growing threat.  Austria barely dodged electing a modern-day Nazi, whilst on the same day, Italy's prime minister resigned, risking that country's rendezvous with their far right.  And Vladimir Putin is an increasingly bullish menace, a puppet master running cyber-interference to aid his preferred candidates.

Against this gathering storm, Angela Merkel is a pillar of calm.  As Anne Perkins wrote in The Guardian, "Not so much as a zephyr of politicking appeared to ruffle the trademark Merkel demeanour—reassuringly impassive as a dumpling, as always."  Merkel is unflappable, maternal and steady, but her support is eroded, and she faces her own challenges from the far right, especially following Christmastime terrorist attacks.  (Merkel's musings about banning the burqua—the full-body veil worn by conservative Muslim women—are a black mark on her record; hopefully this was nothing more than a trial balloon sop to the right of her party, because that alone is bad enough to her liberal bona fides.)

Merkel could well be standing alone, but for our prime minister, Justin Trudeau.  Vice-President Joe Biden alluded to this at a state dinner in Ottawa this month: "The world is going to spend a lot of time looking to you, Prime Minister.  Vive le Canada because we need you very, very badly."

I'd add—we also need Trudeau to be at his absolute progressive best.

Canadian values:

Canadians just went through a decade of relatively moderate Conservative rule, one that ended as former prime minister Stephen Harper started to show a harder edge.  As The New York Times argued, our election in 2015 "was nothing less than an existential struggle over what it means to be Canadian" citing Harper's flirtations with Islamophobia and his "vision of a nation in an age of terror, in a world afire with conflict" against "Trudeau's moderate liberal belief that the world is not riven by an epic clash of civilizations, and that cultural and religious and linguistic differences and openness are Canada's strength."

Put another way, Trudeau's election meant a return to liberal values.

I use the word "values" deliberately.  Conservative leadership candidate Kellie Leitch is seeking to make "Canadian values" her watchwords.  But she is perverting the very notion of those values to a cynical aim.  Her proposal to interrogate immigrants for "Canadian values" is redundant and Orwellian nonsense.  Immigrants are already vetted; Canadian law and cognitive science lack any ability to be thought police.

A rival candidate accused her of doing a "bad karaoke" rendition of Donald Trump's hateful rhetoric.  But she's also parroting other far right propagandists from across the world.  As Sasha Polekow-Suransky wrote, the far right is trying to reach out to women, gays and Jews "by depicting Muslim immigrants as the primary threat to all three groups."  It's a shameful tactic, but it's the frightening formulae that worked for Farage and Trump, and Leitch and her ilk seek to replicate it.

Canadians need to oppose this dogwhistle early, often and vigorously.

"Canadian liberty is all about inclusion":

Leitch—and several Canadian conservative commentator automatons—also seem to be asserting Trudeau refuses to stand up for Canadian values.  They point to one of Trudeau's quotes in that New York Times article, or at least half of it.  They like to disapprovingly quote his line, "There is no core identity, no mainstream in Canada".

Of course, Trudeau went on to say far more, arguing, "There are shared values—openness, respect, compassion, willingness to work hard, to be there for each other, to search for equality and justice.  Those qualities are what make us the first postnational state.''

It's obvious why they prefer to truncate the quote; the second half confirms he stands for the values Canada has long sought to champion (although, to quibble, "postnational" seems more aspirational than reality; the Canada of today is perhaps more accurately described as "multinational").

Indeed, Trudeau even gave a full speech on Canadian values and how he interprets Canadian values to the McGill Institute for the Study of Canada before becoming prime minister.  It is a speech worth reexamining now.

It was an oddly prescient address.

He said: "We have proven that a country—an astonishingly successful country—can be built on and defined by shared values, not by religion, language, or ethnicity, but shared values.  In characteristically Canadian fashion, we don't celebrate this success often enough.  But the world needs us to, especially now."

Trudeau was expansive in his McGill speech, entitled "Canadian liberty and the politics of fear", even dwelling on shameful chapters in Canada's imperfect history.  Throughout it all, he set out to explain why his defining political value was liberty, arguing "Canadian liberty is all about inclusion".

Trudeau quoted Canada's first francophone prime minister, Sir Wilfrid Laurier: "Canada is free, and freedom is its nationality."  He spoke of how "successive generations of Canadians fought to expand liberty to their fellow citizens who had been denied it.  The naysayers claimed at every step that liberty's expansion would compromise our traditional values.  They said it would somehow dilute what it means to be Canadian.  We can see now that they were categorically wrong.  That's because working to gain freedom for our fellow citizens is a bedrock traditional value in this country.  It is in large measure what it means to be Canadian."

This vision of a civic nationalism and progressive fight for freedom is potent.

Citing Nelson Mandela—"To be free is not merely to cast off one's chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others"—Trudeau argued, "In Canada, liberty is a public good…It may have started as a leap of faith, but it has become a defining characteristic of our country, our great success, and our gift to the world".

This vision is vital in an increasingly xenophobic and ethno-nationalist world, where liberalism seems to be in retreat.

We need Trudeau at his best:

Trudeau has a job to do at home-to deliver growth for low-and middle-income Canadians, to truly invest in healthcare, protect the environment, build up infrastructure and finally make reconciliation with Indigenous Canadians more than a distant dream.

He gets that notions of liberty alone won't save liberalism; his principal secretary's pinned tweet contains a simple synopsis of his economic rationale: "If people don't feel the benefits of growth, they'll (reasonably) withdraw support for the policies that create it."  (This argument is astute politics in this age of secular stagnation, but it's also Trudeau's excuse for approving oil and gas pipelines over the objections of environmentalists and Indigenous Canadians.  Trudeau is walking a tightrope when it comes to economic growth and environmental concerns.)

They say every American president is elected thinking of what he (or, one day, she) will do to improve things domestically, but then becomes subsumed by foreign affairs.  Trudeau may face the same scenario given the turbulence across the world.

He's off to a good start so far.  We've already seen Trudeau's surprising stature on the world stage—from surefooted summitry to fawning front pages (including one French magazine declaring him "L'anti Trump").

But we need him to constantly strive to do better, to be as progressive as he can be.

The recent dustup with the provinces over inadequate federal funding for healthcare is but one example of where Trudeau needs to remember that it was his promise of "real change" that got him elected.  Trudeau has oodles of political capital, a healthy polling lead and a leaderless opposition; he should not be afraid to be as progressive, as bold as possible.  The idea that the world needs more Canada is compelling.  Well, Canada—and by extension, the world—needs more of Trudeau at his best.

2016 was a horrible year for liberalism across the globe.  In 2017, Merkel will soon be the strongest bulwark of the liberal order.  But she can't stand alone.

Justin Trudeau can and must use his unique political talents to continue to speak out for inclusion, pluralism, feminism, fair free trade, environmental justice and human rights.

It may seem a bit uncharacteristically strutting to Canadians back home, but nervous liberal Europeans and Americans do see Trudeau as something of a beacon, no matter how self-indulgent that may sound to Canadian modesty.

Trudeau's championing of Canadian values—of inclusive, robust liberty and of basic political decency—are messages the world needs to hear, if for no other reason than what Vaclav Havel wrote: "Even a purely moral act that has no hope of any immediate and visible political effect can gradually and indirectly, over time, gain in political significance."

As we turn from 2016 to 2017, Justin Trudeau has an immense responsibility to do the absolute best he can, to up his game, to lead by example.  We have a responsibility to encourage him.

The world is watching.

Photo Credit: Toronto Star

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Patrick Brown is taking a lot of well-deserved flack for his utter lack of conviction and backbone since taking control of the Ontario Progressive Conservatives.  Brown won the leadership race in large part by courting social conservatives, even being endorsed by the Campaign Life Coalition, an organization advocating for traditional family values and against euthanasia and abortion.  But once sworn in, previous oaths were forgotten.  Brown decided to divorce himself from his conservative base and subvert the party into the Ontario Progressives.

As the leader of the rebranded Progressive Party of Ontario, Patrick did a one-eighty, turning his back on the people who put him in office, all for supposed political expediency.  Sure, marching in the Toronto Pride Parade was probably seen as benign enough by his so-con supporters, and it was a savvy move to disprove the stigma that conservatives are anti-LGBTQ.  But when he rashly decided — during the Scarborough-Rouge River by-election — to flip-flop a day after his party sent out Patrick Brown-signed letters promising to scrap the Liberals' controversial sex-ed curriculum, making ingratiating mea culpas on a media circuit, Brown demonstrated shallow opportunism.

Brown's outright defection from his fellow so-cons was confounding.  He could've easily borrowed from Trump's bag of tricks: "Repeal and replace."  Brown could've conceded that sex-ed curriculum in Ontario had needed revamping for the 21st century, but that the Liberal's new curriculum, with input from former and notorious deputy education minister Ben Levin (convicted on child-pornography-related offences), was too radical of a document.  This nuanced approach would have appeased voters across the spectrum, or at least ruffled very few feathers.  Instead, Brown panicked as soon as the press coverage turned negative.  Folding a day after taking a stand had the adverse effects of making his base feel betrayed while simultaneously tarnishing his trustworthiness with the electorate at large.  The Liberal press didn't ease up on him because of his obsequiousness, only grilling him harder for his hypocrisy.

Now Brown runs the risk of causing a civil war within his party.  So-cons revolted in the by-election of Niagara-West Glanbrook, nominating 19 year-old Sam Oosterhoff.  Brown, matching Trudeau, is trying to control the outcomes of future "open" nomination processes to ensure no more inconvenient so-cons are elected into his party.  Furthermore, Brown — perhaps suffering from Stockholm Syndrome — is whipping caucus to vote for Wynne's controversial legislation and agrees with her "revenue neutral" carbon tax.

All of this has the potential of fracturing his party before the 2018 election, allowing a scandal-ridden and embattled Liberal party to win yet another four years in power after 15 years in which they've run up a whopping $305-billion-and-counting deficit, made the province noncompetitive for business and made hydro rates skyrocket.

Brown needed only to have taken a middle of the road approach.  Challenge the Liberals on their erasure of mother and father in recent legislation.  Denounce government-funded late-term and sex-selective abortion, while also making it clear Ontario PCs aren't interested in reopening same-sex marriage debate.  Sure the media would have been sent in a tizzy of outrage, but a principled and well-reasoned approach would've only made their hyperventilating look ludicrous.  By the time the 2018 election rolls around, these already-discussed positions would pale in comparison to the dire economic picture.  Mimicking your opponent's policies and ignoring your colleagues' and voters' concerns only spells disaster.  The Toronto Star et al. are not going to help you come election time, no matter how much you stress you are a progressive, and abandoned conservatives will likely abstain from voting for a turncoat.

In stark contrast to Brown, federal conservative leadership hopeful Kellie Leitch (albeit with the advantage of having not yet led a party) is showing how taking a principled and conservative stand on issues works in a leader's favour.

Leitch has risen above her rivals by taking principled stands on issues the majority of Canadians are in agreement upon.  Her announcement that she would screen immigrants for "Canadian values" was a win-win-win stance.  The Laurentian elite in the mainstream media reacted with delusional and phoney outrage, and decried her as a race-baiting opportunist.  They gave her endless unfair coverage in the hopes of quashing her campaign.  However, this only had the ironical effects of relaying her resonating message to reasonable voters across the country and raising her profile in a crowded field (some estimates record her getting about 50 per cent of all CPC leadership race coverage).  Finally, the melodramatic media's incredibly biased coverage of Leitch hasn't just given her legitimacy, but also undermined the credibility of the press.

When so-called feminists of the press, in a blind fit of rage, dismiss Leitch's proposal that women should be allowed to legally carry mace for self-defense, Kellie Leitch wins.  When pundits maliciously attack, with low blows like "your claim to political fame is a toxic snitch line and discovering Jim Flaherty's dead body…", but don't similarly attack another politician's claim to fame — sharing his father's surname and beating up a native — Kellie Leitch wins.  When the CBC claims attacks on a corrupt Hillary Clinton are sexist, but then the same CBC spitefully mocks Leitch's way of speaking (her impersonator making her sound like she has a speech impediment), Kellie Leitch wins.

The CBC only further supports Leitch's bold call for dismantling it when the tone deaf state broadcaster asks taxpayers, many struggling just to make ends meet, to fork out another $400 million a year so it can go ad-free.

Kellie Leitch continues to dictate the CPC leadership conversation and lead the pack of contenders, demonstrating how a conservative wins by remaining steadfast in their convictions, challenging and defying the liberal media's outbursts.

Patrick Brown should duly take note and follow suit.

Written by Graeme C. Gordon

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Kevin O'Leary is wrong about a lot of things.

He was wrong in thinking he could start a successful hedge fund.  Instead, he bombed.  He's given himself a nickname, "Mr. Wonderful."  Which is wrong on two levels: he's not wonderful, and giving yourself a nickname thirsty and dumb.  He was wrong so often on Jeopardy! — Celebrity Jeopardy! — he finished $2,800 in the hole.

Which brings us to last week, when O'Leary really stepped in it by saying war was bad.

"Canadians are known as peacekeepers above all and not warriors," O'Leary said to CFRA.  "There's nothing proud about being a warrior, war is a desperate outcome for a human being, peacekeeping is extremely noble."

What if — stay with me here — for once he's right?  What if war is bad?

In the rush to pile on and bury O'Leary for saying a bad thing about the troops, there are an awful lot of people willing to ignore the bulk of his statement: preventing people from killing people, is better than killing people.

Now, the obvious problem with what he said is he's insulted the troops while also wanting to run for the leadership of the Conservative party.  By saying "There's nothing proud about being a warrior," he's inviting a public flaying.

Candidate Erin O'Toole, the former veteran's minister, wrote an oped for the Toronto Sun taking the TV star to task.

"Despite having never served a day in a uniform, Kevin O'Leary felt comfortable mocking those who choose to serve their country," O'Toole wrote.  "He also insulted the hundreds of thousands of Canadians who served in armed conflict including as recently as the thousands of Canadians who fought in Afghanistan and are serving right now in the fight against ISIL in Iraq."

Another opponent, Michael Chong made sure to add his disapproval.  ""For Kevin O'Leary to dismiss the contribution of Canada's more than 100,000 war dead in search of a soundbite is not worthy of any Canadian citizen, let alone one who wants to lead the Conservative Party of Canada," Chong said in a statement.

Now, what O'Leary said is incredibly dismissive of our soldiers' willingness to sacrifice their lives in the name of our country.  But focusing on this conveniently sidesteps the bulk of O'Leary's statement that peacekeeping is preferable to warmaking.

There's more to a statement like O'Leary's than the optics of the thing.

No longer do men charge at each other en masse, looking to hack one another to bits.  But we can shred and maim and gas and incinerate each other.  You don't even need to be on the same continent to end another's life with remarkable accuracy, thanks to remote-piloted drones.  And we often forget it, but we can still vaporize whole cities with atomic weapons.

We've removed as much as we could of the humanity of war, by moving the humans away from the battlefield.

There's nothing commendable about slaughter.  This is plain to anyone who has seen even a sliver of the coverage of the ongoing civil war in Syria.  The toll of war on people caught between those looking to hold power, and those looking to take it, is on display there every day.

This is where O'Leary's instinct for being loud once again overtook his ability to sound smart.

The thing O'Leary should be catching real hell over is how he wants to commit Canadian peacekeepers to Syria.  Sending a bunch of Canadians to stand in the middle of a civil war — where no ally wants to send peacekeepers — is true madness.  It's an invitation for Canadians to either be slaughtered, or to stand helplessly by as others are slaughtered.

(Which ignores altogether how he proposes to send a peacekeeping force anywhere in six months, barely weeks after the party's leadership vote.)

But I still can't ignore the idea of a (possible) Conservative candidate so openly campaigning on the idea warfare is a bad thing.

O'Leary is wrong about a lot of things.  He's spent years on television being wrong in the loudest possible way.  But saying war is a bad outcome, and something we should avoid at all costs?  For once he managed to say something worth listening to.

Photo Credit: National Post

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


The Trudeau Foundation scandal is a fascinating thing given how many pathologies of Canadian politics swirl within it. It's a damning study not just of the cloistered, transactional culture of Ottawa high society, but the failed god of campaign finance reform.

Justin Trudeau and his brother Alexandre were the inaugural leaders of the Pierre Elliott Trudeau Foundation when it incorporated back in 2001, shortly after their father's death. Justin apparently abandoned his official duties sometime in late 2014, but the Trudeau Family still holds constitutional authority to appoint two of the outfit's 18 board members, which only makes sense, given it's their legacy on the line.

To the extent Justin Trudeau has ever held any hard convictions about politics, ensuring people think forever fondly of his father has been his most consistent. In that regard, he's long had common cause with much of the Ottawa establishment, whose selective memories and rank partisanship have turned the late Trudeau into a deified figure. Buried in its many tiers of "leaders," "members," "scholars," etc., the Foundation is a veritable who's-who of bigshots past and present, including two sitting premiers, Phillipe Couillard of Quebec, and Wade MacLauchlan of Prince Edward Island, Elizabeth May, a woman who considers herself one of Canada's major party leaders, and a handful of high-profile journalists, including Jeffrey Simpson, Chantal Hébert, and Susan Delacourt.

Obviously not everyone who's played some role in the Foundation over the years is automatically culpable in any unethical or illegal shenanigans it may turn out to have committed, but if the present scandal has any legs, one imagines we'll soon hear an awful lot of important people offering hasty clarifications of the exact terms of their involvement.

The scandal in question has been solidifying for some time, and centres around allegations the Trudeau Foundation has descended into an influence-peddling racket designed to subvert this country's campaign finance laws. While current law forbids individuals from giving more than $1,500 to the politician of their choice — or corporations from giving anything at all — the Trudeau Foundation, as a private charity, is governed by no such stipulations.

So something smells a tad fishy about the fact that "money began to rain on the Trudeau foundation" — in the words of the National Post — at the convenient moment when Justin Trudeau became head of the Liberal Party. And if that's too subtle for you, the Post also reported that for at least a year and a half after Justin ascended to the job, the Foundation made pitches to donors promising access to its prime ministerial candidate-in-residence for anyone willing to fork over $50,000.

Since 2014 the Foundation has received funds from at least five corporations lobbying Ottawa for something-or-other. And since Trudeau's election as PM last fall, at least two donors have received favourable government action. Google gave the Trudeau Foundation $25,000 in 2014, and in April of 2016 were cleared of anti-competitive charges by the federal competition board, while in a story that made headlines last month, an official from Beijing's Communist government gave $200,000 to the Foundation shortly before a Chinese bank chain in which they had an obvious interest was authorized for Canadian operation.

All this gives the opposition parties and press plenty to play with, and damning details continue to drip. Yet beyond tarnishing the Prime Minister's holier-than-thou image — already fast muddied by his similar-yet-distinct cash-for-access scandal — I suspect the outrage will lead nowhere productive.

Thanks to the bipartisan effort of both the Chrétien and Harper administrations, big money has been legally choked out of Canadian politics via bans on corporate and union donations and the $1,500 cap for individuals. This, at the expense of free speech and fundraising efficiency, was supposed to exorcise moneyed influences from our politics, though it predictably did not; it just made them manifest in more creative and undetectable ways.

Caught on the defensive, Trudeau's Liberals will face enormous pressure to do what Liberals do best — pass a law for its own sake. Ideally something that showily seeks to further curtail "opportunities" for money to cast its corrupting dark magic on our political process without actually curtailing corruption itself, which, as a moral failing, is beyond government's capacity to ban. This might involve reviving the idea of publicly financed political parties — an odious practice abolished by Harper in which parties fund themselves with taxpayer cash.

In their drive to shame this government, conservatives must resist unproductive policy appeasements. The only true check against political sleaze comes at election time.

Photo Credit: J.J. McCullough

Written by J.J McCullough

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


The PC Party of Ontario has had some pretty embarrassing scrimmages over candidates and nominations before, but Glengarry-Prescott-Russell hopeful Derek Duval getting the shaft a few weeks ago because someone- apparently not him- ate some poutine off a hockey stick in a video and some PC Party apparatchik mistook the poutine for a hamster may be the silliest yet.

I will give the party credit for at least giving a creative reason for punting Duval when someone else was clearly favoured.  But this is just the latest example of what I've been saying for months: The Ontario PC's keep trying to look good and hide their domestic disputes, and it's just making them look ridiculous instead.

The entire nomination process, for example, is and always has been clearly rigged for the purpose of nominating candidates that satisfy the party mandarins' notion of what is socially acceptable and what isn't.  Everyone who doesn't have a vested interest can see this.

But a nomination process is useful for the purpose of raising money, identifying "supporters" who can be harassed constantly for money, and for giving people who would otherwise have nothing to do something to occupy their time.

So the charade continues, and it is healthy, occasionally, to point out that it is a charade.

But the same party officials can never handle the truth, because if the truth became known and widely accepted rather than something we don't acknowledge because it's not polite to- they would have to work even harder to convince "905 voters" that they're not a bunch of socially conservative yahoos.

Except there are already plenty of socially conservatives and other controversial figures deeply entrenched within the party, and it defies all credibility for anyone within the party Patrick Brown included- to pretend otherwise.

Chatham-Kent MPP Rick Nicholls is well known for speaking out of turn.  He's been disciplined for saying he doesn't believe in evolution and for attacking lobbyist and PR/GR specialist Lisa Kinsella.

So when Brown had to order him to retract his views recently for saying that social issues "were very, very important" to the PC Party but went no further, was anyone really shocked?  Does anyone really believe this will solve the problem?

Then we have the buzz around MPP Monte McNaughton.  Ask people who is next in line if Brown flops, and you will hear John Baird's name tossed around, but McNaughton is certainly not standing idle.  Are we really expected to believe that the man who shot to prominence by taking a stand against the province's sex-ed curriculum is just going to walk away from all that?  Does Brown really want him to?

Brown's own personal weirdness- his confirmed bachelorhood, the fact that he doesn't EVER drink or smoke, the fact that he functions on four hours of sleep- invites uncomfortable questions as well.  Then you have the assortment of campaign managers, longtime activists, former Party Presidents, executive members and MPPs, all with skeletons in their closets and rumours swirling around them that you don't dare mention publicly for fear of being on the wrong end of a lawsuit.

The PC Party of Ontario is old and storied and holds its share of interesting secrets.  It's packed with colourful characters.  There's nothing wrong with that.

But for them to deny people their shot at running for elected office for silly reasons is not only hypocritical, it shows they aren't really comfortable in their own skins.  That they care more about their own reputation than showing that they have a few flaws.

Ontario is in sharp decline.  It has been for a very long time.  And the governing Liberals spend far too much time papering over the province's very real problems in the hope they will go away already.

If Brown really does want to win as badly as he says he does, he can't offer Ontarians the same sort of superficial, impression-managed government they've already been getting.

If nothing else, being a little less calculated and a little more heartfelt would help the party connect to those vaunted "905 voters" a lot more than announcing support for a carbon tax would.

Written by Josh Lieblein

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Last week, the Senate's internal economy committee heard from the lawyer that they contracted to see if it was worthwhile to sue the seven former senators who had outstanding amounts that they refused to repay after they opted not to put their cases before former Justice Ian Binnie for arbitration.  While the verdict was that it really wasn't worth the time and expense for the Senate to go after the few thousand dollars that were outstanding, there were far more interesting details that came out from the legal analysis of those audits conducted by the Auditor General, which came at great expense to the taxpayer.

One of the biggest problems with the way that the audits were handled was the arbitrary manner in which political decisions were made by the AG as to what expenses would be allowed, and which ones would be deemed "personal" business that needed to be repaid.  And in the legal analysis performed on behalf of the committee, a lot of these problems came to light.  It's not that these problems weren't spoken about at the time that the audit report was released they were.  But people tended to dismiss the complaints as senators looking to protect their entitlements rather than with flaws with the audit process itself.  After all, we have come to rely on the cult of the Auditor General in politics and political reporting.  The AG can do no wrong, and their word must always be taken as gospel, no matter that there may be flaws in what he or she has to say.  But so long as they beat up on the government or the Senate in this particular case then that's perfectly fine.

What the legal analysis found which included reviewing 10,000 pages of working documents from the Auditor General's report was that the AG demanded documentary evidence that far exceeded the standards that would be demanded in court, where verbal evidence might have sufficed.  In the word of the lawyer, the AG always applied the most stringent test, beyond what a court would have.  There were questions as to the determinations on disallowing expenses when private business was mixed with public business.  The example the lawyer used was that if a senator went on a trip to Vancouver on public business, but visited their uncle while they were in town, the public expenses were disqualified.  (I heard this from more than one senator during the audit process, and it was one of the reasons why I was uncomfortable with the results from the start, considering that it was a personal judgment of the auditors to disqualify those expenses no matter that they were justified as public business).

Whether it was demanding an accounting of taxi chits issued four years prior, or arguing service contracts, the AG's standards for disqualifying expenses were arbitrary and didn't make sense in many cases.  With service contracts, even when there was no hint of impropriety, the AG's demands that there were more cost-effective ways to staff those jobs went beyond what a court would argue in terms of value for money or second-guessing how senators went about their business, and that becomes a problem for the legitimacy of the audit.  And to add to all of this, there were rules that the AG invented holus bolus as part of the audit, whether it was around the number of days to qualify as primary residence or not (when no rules had ever been applied in the past), or rules around travel patterns (apparently, Senators can only travel between Ottawa and their home regions, and any other travel was treated with suspicion no matter what Senate business they might have had in other parts of the country), he made the rules up as he went along, which again calls into question the legitimacy of his findings.

And that's not the worst that I heard either.  My sources from the closed-door portions of the meetings say that the AG rejected documentation from at least one of the retired senators because it came from their lawyers rather than from them directly, and by the time this was communicated, the deadline had expired.  In other words, their reputations have taken a severe blow because the AG made yet another arbitrary determination.  And yes, this is a problem.

You can imagine that there are a number of senators whose anger with the AG has been reignited following this analysis, and it has gone to reiterate one of the biggest problems with our growing reliance on these independent officers of parliament that they have no accountability, even when they cross the line.  And because the media in particular has no appetite to challenge the AG in any of his findings, worshipping at the altar of his cult, he gets away with it.  And while there were a few grumbles about the fact that he spent $27 million to conduct this Senate audit to find less that $1 million in potential misspending and as we've seen, that figure has been grossly inflated because of his arbitrary decision making most people were content to let him get away with it because he was sticking it to those senators!

Just because they're officers of parliament, it doesn't mean we should give them blind trust.  We're seeing evidence from the AG in Ontario that she's potentially crossing the line when it comes to doing things like commissioning polls and making political determinations to second-guess what the government should have done when it made certain decisions, which goes beyond what she's supposed to do.  Will the bulk of the media call her on it?  Probably not, so long as she continues to beat up on the government of the day, just like Ferguson is getting away with it for beating up on senators.  Just because we use the AG to keep an eye on politicians, it doesn't mean that we need to stop keeping an eye on the AG either.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


McCarthyism is alive and well in Canada.  But instead of conservatives performing inquisitions on hapless individuals over blusterous accusations — with little regard for evidence or due process — it is instead intolerant "liberals" embracing this insidious method.  Much of the Canadian zeitgeist has been indoctrinated by cultural Marxist zealots who believe in a hegemonic white patriarchy where the world is simply made up of the oppressors and the oppressed.

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau is a devout follower of this postmodernist doctrine.  An incredible amount of doublethink is required when listening to the PM's convoluted beliefs.

He believes Canada is the first post-national country devoid of ugly nationalism, yet he then goes on to brag about how great Canada is as a nation and that others should emulate Canada when giving hoaky speeches at the UN.  Trudeau claims to champion the LBGTQ community, marching at three Pride Parades this summer.  However, by late fall Trudeau is eulogizing Fidel Castro, a tyrant who imprisoned and tortured gays.  On other days, he gives Islamic countries a pass on murdering gays.  Furthering his hypocrisy towards Islam, Trudeau forgets his sweet nothings on feminism when he visits mosques, leaving the religion's intrinsic misogyny unchallenged when he does a call out to his segregated "sisters."

With all of this sanctimonious political correctness prattling from the PM, one would expect him to be mocked mercilessly by the press.  But alas, much of the Canadian lapdog media feel a kindred spirit in the PM and his progressive moral relativist antics, so they box him with kid gloves.  On the other hand, when it comes to conservatives, comedians and journalists bare knuckle brawl.

Preferential treatment due to personal progressive ideological affinities is played out throughout the Canadian media landscape.  Right now there are three conservatives heretics the Canadian mainstream media is actively persecuting.  The three dissenting freethinkers are Conservative Party of Canada leadership hopeful Kellie Leitch, nascent and youngest ever Ontario MPP Sam Oosterhoff, and University of Toronto psychology professor Jordan Peterson.

Kellie Leitch, under the guidance of her cunning campaign manager Nick Kouvalis, is actively being bombarded with bad press.  Kouvalis, who basically wrote the book on how to take (from the media's perspective) controversial stances that are in actuality very popular with the electorate when he ran Rob Ford's successful mayoral campaign.  He has also perfected the art of taking an aggressively adversarial approach to the media in order to get a candidate lots of free press, without destroying their candidacy.

Now Kouvalis has Leitch making supposedly bold and bigoted policy positions, like screening immigrants and refugees for Canadian values and dismantling the bloated and antiquated state broadcaster.

Her Canadian values stance received intense blowback from much of the press, despite polls showing that well over 60 per cent of Canadians want newcomers to respect Canadian cultural norms and almost 75 per cent support more screening of immigrants from the Middle East.  Although getting herself on the cover of Maclean's for her position, many journalists decried this as "dog-whistle" politics devised to gain support from racists.  Nevermind the overwhelming support for the policy, the media didn't like the principle of standing up for Western values.

The media's branding of Leitch as merely a race-baiter and pleading with other conservatives to oppose her is absurd when she is simply voicing policies the majority of Canadians agree upon.  The fact that Middle Eastern countries tend to have more extremists than America or the UK doesn't somehow make the proposed security policies racist.  Joining the Leitch lynch mob, the mainstream media have published a chorus of melodramatic headlines (I have a list of about 50 negative headlines).  Yet, for as much as the media has done everything to destroy Leitch's candidacy, it only seems to have backfired and given her more name recognition and support.

Similarly vilified by the Canadian media for having unorthodox views to that of progressives, the newest MPP, 19 year-old Sam Oosterhoff is being hounded by the media.  The Star ran the headline "Sam Oosterhoff … says he's 'absolutely not' a homophobe" after they discovered he posted articles saying homosexuality is a sin.

I am not a social conservative, nor do I believe homosexuality is a sin, but I am open-minded enough to accept that the religious believe the act of gay sex is a sin.  (Many of them also believe sex out of wedlock is a sin, too.)  This doesn't necessarily mean they hate homosexuals or are homophobic.

It's quite pathetic that bigoted (which means intolerant and ignorant of others' beliefs) reporters so doggedly grilled Oosterhoff for ten minutes, a backbencher for Pete's sake, because of this and his pro-life belief, instead of continuing to focus all their attention on Premier Kathleen Wynne, and her government's $305 billion dollar provincial deficit they allowed to happen under their watch.

Finally, a brief look at the third apostate in Justin's "because it's 2016" Canada.  Psychology professor Jordan Peterson has been facing intense backlash for refusing to adopt gender-neutral pronouns and take the new mandatory training that goes alongside it at the University of Toronto.  Peterson doesn't believe in the bizarre notion that one of his opponents, a transgender studies professor, asserts: there are no biological differences between the sexes, and that this belief is the scientific consensus.  (Somehow these radical ideas are perfectly okay to be taught as truth in an academic institution, as if it's acceptable to teach 2 + 2 = 5.)

Peterson is bravely standing against the totalitarian left of Canada and their absurd legislation of the Ontario Human Rights Code, as well as proposed Bill C-16 at the federal level.  Peterson is prepared to defend free speech by facing trial at the Ontario Human Rights Commission, willing to go all the way to the Supreme Court, as well as being fired from his tenured position.  Peterson knows the absurdity of the kangaroo courts that make up the provincial Human Rights Commissions, which mudraker and media entrepreneur Ezra Levant so soundly eviscerated in his book, Shake Down.

During an interview with Joe Rogan in LA for the celebrities immensely popular podcast (Peterson has grown a large following himself since taking his principled stand against the PC zealots) he explained why he isn't overreacting — and his comments apply to the other two dissidents, too.

"They mean every single bloody concept.  And you can marry that with postmodernism and throw in a nice dash of marxism… They produce political activists and their goal is to restructure the patriarchy.  Well, what's the patriarchy?  Well the patriarchy is Western civilization.  What does restructure mean?  That's easy.  It means tear it down and destroy it.  Why?  Because it is a brutish system and it's predicated on nothing but oppression.  It's nothing but a tyranny in the eyes of the women studies types.  Heterosexuality, that's a tyranny.  Capitalism, that's a tyranny.  Democracy — well that doesn't even exist, and even if it did it would be a tyranny.  Everything is a tyranny."

Photo Credit: The Simpsons

Written by Graeme C. Gordon

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Wile E. Coyote, were he not a cartoon character, might have seen a lot of himself in Democratic Institutions Minister Maryam Monsef this past week.

There she was, proudly displaying a printout of the formula for the Gallagher Index to the gathered press, ridiculing it for being too complex.  A minister of a government that revels in talk of "evidence-based policy-making" making fun of a way to measure — to gather evidence — how an electoral system balances total votes with total seats.  She's wearing an enormous grin, completely unaware she's standing in mid-air, already three steps off the cliff.

You almost expected the minister to turn her piece of paper around to reveal a "Help!" sign, just as she plummeted earthward.

It wasn't long after this she found herself apologizing for insulting the members of the electoral reform committee, and people who aren't reflexively terrified of square roots.

From there, things took a bit of weird turn.  Here she was this week, standing in the Commons defending the government's MyDemocracy.ca survey, which looks to poll Canadians on what their core values are when it comes to voting.  Monsef talked up the intellectual rigour of the survey, praising the academics that helped create it.

Which is weird, yeah?  Last week she was mocking a sort-of complex math formula, and now she's praising a bunch of academics for helping with an online survey that's going to spit out statistically weighted results.  It is as though after apologizing for doing something bad last week, we're supposed to also believe the bad thing never happened.

But this isn't new.  Monsef has never shown herself adept at leading the electoral reform file.  Early on, she found herself backtracking when the makeup of the Parliamentary committee studying reform over-represented Liberals, and didn't include a Bloc or Green member.

She has on multiple occasions said a referendum vote would be too difficult and confusing for the average citizen to decide on something so important as electoral reform.  This, despite voters' ability to pick an MP, and government, by selecting from an array of candidates with varying views on a series of issues.  Monsef has said Canadians voted in a government that promised electoral reform, so there's no need for a referendum.  Even though the central premise of needing electoral reform is that the current electoral system is broken.

Tasked with the most political of assignments, to change the structure of our elections, the rookie minister and MP has time and again proven herself not up to the task.

Perhaps this all could have been avoided.  Prime Minister Justin Trudeau could have been clear from the start what his preferred version of reform was, then sent his minster out to explain why his government felt it was best.

Alas, instead we get vague notions the prime minister maybe preferring a "ranked ballot" system.  But, because Trudeau hasn't laid out his goals, the opposition has questioned every move the government has made, arguing it was rigging the show to bring about whatever outcome it secretly wants.

Instead of fighting for the system they desire, the Liberals are forced to fight shadows and plead for more consultations.

It's in this environment the idea the government's poor performance is part of some grand Liberal strategy to purposely sink democratic reform has cropped up.  The thinking goes they don't actually want reform because they've got their majority government, so they want a way out from their promise.  But the idea any government would go to such lengths to break a campaign promise, by purposefully being too inept to make it work, is much harder to believe than the idea they're simply too inept to make it work.

Throw into this mix a rookie politician, and you've got a recipe for disaster.  Monsef has been given every opportunity to improve her performance, and each time she falls short.  Maybe the minister wouldn't be cratering so spectacularly if she had more to work with.  But this is all she's going to get.

It's time for the Liberal government to clearly state what they want, and put someone competent in charge of selling it.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


The very worst thing that ever happened in Canadian politics occurred the other day — or at least that's what I've learned from reading the papers. At a rally at the Alberta legislature last weekend, a group of anti-NDP protestors chanted "lock her up" a few times in reference to Premier Notley. Former cabinet minister and current Tory leadership hopeful Christopher Alexander was present. He apparently smiled at one point.

The horrors of this episode have spawned a thousand think-pieces across the land. Does Minister Alexander "not believe that those who aspire to leadership positions have a responsibility to draw the line at what constitutes gratuitous abuse versus legitimate debate?" asked the Toronto Star's Chantal Hebert. "We seem to be heading into the dark American world where truth is defined by the intensity of anger and emotion, not by fact" agreed Don Braid at the Calgary Herald. These chanters "must be denounced by all" The Globe and Mail editorial board thundered in their lead editorial(!) in Monday's paper.

Do I oppose chanting "lock her up" in regards to politicians? I guess, but I have to say, if you're traumatized by the idea of people calling a politician a crook, you really need to get out more.

Specifically, you should have gotten out to the protests that consumed the urban centres of this country last year, when our-then Conservative government was in the process of passing Bill C-51, the Anti-Terrorism Act, which strengthened security measures in various ways a lot of people really hated back then but don't worry about much these days. If you open up your internet machine to Google Image Search and plunk in "bill c-15 protest" you'll see all sorts of colourful things.

You'll see people accusing the Prime Minister of establishing a "police state," for instance. Or practicing "state terrorism," which is a phrase referring to what military dictatorships do when they turn their guns on their own people. Thomas Mulcair attended an anti-C51 rally in Montreal where a lot of people were waving these sorts of signs, including a small child who had one that said "C-51 is an act of TERROR."

Across the country, many protestors held signs that made analogies between the government of Stephen Harper and Adolph Hitler, whose fascist regime killed 34 million people. In this photo, for instance, we see Manitoba Grand Chief Derek Nepinak, who is quite the media darling, posing happily with a sign that explicitly analogizes Bill C-51 with Hitler's Germany. There were Harper/Hitler posters at a protest in Edmonton, where two NDP MPs spoke. A guy wearing a giant swastika sandwich board with Harper's face in the centre was present at a protest in Halifax attended by several NDP politicians.

There was a big anti-C-51 protest in Toronto where yet more NDP MPs spoke, as well as Elizabeth May. Many people in that crowd held signs bearing photos of Prime Minister Harper with the word "TERRORIST" slapped across his face. At a Vancouver protest, which was attended by yet more NDP politicians, there were signs calling to "DESTROY" Harper.

I might have missed it, but I do not recall these protestors inspiring a groundswell of outraged editorials across the land. On the contrary, since the media was near-unanimously opposed to the Anti-Terrorism Act, they purposefully ignored the madness of the protestors who also opposed it, since their existence could be incorporated into a helpful narrative that the bill was provoking grassroots public revulsion every bit as rational as their own.

But the distaste was obviously not rational, like so much opposition to the Harper Conservatives. Many people on the Canadian left — let's call them the alt-left — genuinely believed Stephen Harper, middling, boring, democratically-elected—three-times Stephen Harper, was a monstrously evil man, a terrorist, a dictator, a fascist, a man salivating to jail his opponents, criminalize dissent, and establish a white supremacist Nazi regime. They said so very loudly and openly, and were encouraged to do so, either explicitly or through silence, by this nation's vast network of progressive politicians, journalists, and NGOs.

Their actions were not morally equivalent to some angry Albertans who said, in the silly way ordinary people talk about politics, that they'd like to see their Premier go to prison for the mess she's made of things. They were much worse.

The voters of Canada are not as dumb as the people who write our newspapers. One hopes they will remember this appalling double-standard come 2019.

Photo Credit: Edmonton Sun

Written by J.J McCullough

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


While Maryam Monsef apologised several times for her Question Period comments saying that the electoral reform committee didn't do their job, I will contend that she was, in fact, right.  When you actually look at the options presented by the committee, and in particular the NDP and Green members in their "supplemental report," what was on offer were not in fact any "viable alternate voting systems to replace the first-past-the-post system."

The key takeaway, if you listen to the NDP, was a proportional system.  If you listen to the Conservatives, it was the call for a referendum.  But looking a little closer at the proportional representation recommendations, it was with the caveat that there was no appetite for party lists to fill the proportional "top-up" seats, and that the proportionality of whatever system gets chosen meets a low score on the Gallagher Index, which is a measure of the so-called "distortion" between the popular vote share and the number of seats awarded.  This creates a problem for the government because of the limited options that they are left with, and they are not great ones to consider.  For example, single transferable voting has elements of proportionality built-into the multi-member ridings that would be used, but in a country as vast and sparsely populated as Canada, multi-member ridings are only practical in the cities.  We already have single-member rural and remote ridings larger than France, and trying to make these ridings multi-member ones would create ridings so massive as to be unwieldy.

The NDP and the Greens came up with proposals that they felt met the criteria of both proportionality and not using lists, which were a mixed-member proportional system with an ever-increasing number of top-up seats added with each election cycle to continue to get toward that lower Gallagher Index number; the other is what is called a "rural-urban proportional" system, and each would use what is known as the "Baden-Württemberg" model for filling the proportional seats.  First of all, rural-urban proportional is almost certainly going to be a non-starter because it essentially creates two separate voting systems multi-member ridings in the cities and single-member ridings in the countries with top-up seats, but good luck convincing the Supreme Court of Canada that having separate systems is constitutional.  And as for this "Baden-Württemberg" model, it is based on the system used in the German state for which it is named where they don't use lists to fill proportional seats, but rather the "best runners up" in the region, so that those local candidates who didn't actually manage to get elected can still, well, get elected in order to fill out the proportional top-up seats.

This is untenable in the extreme.

Elections are not just about deciding who gets to fill seats in the upcoming parliament, it also is about deciding to reward or punish incumbents who already fill those seats, so that if that incumbent hasn't done a good job, they can be voted out and replaced with someone else.  It's one of the most fundamental aspects of accountability in our electoral system.  But with this "best runner up" model, it means that even if a riding wanted to vote someone out for poor performance, they can still get back into parliament because they require someone to fill that top-up seat and he or she is still getting some votes.  In other words, this system makes it virtually impossible to punish or vote out bad MPs.  The accountability function of elections is virtually obliterated as a result.  Worse yet, this becomes a codified system of participation medals in politics you can still get a seat even if you lose the election, just for participating.  How is this any way to run a democracy?

This inability to hold governments to account is another effect of proportional systems writ-large, which just becomes magnified under these proposals.  We've seen in PR countries like Germany that one party can be at the centre of coalition governments for decades and never leave power.  Rather, they simply shuffle their coalition partners around after elections, and continue to govern.  This is not accountability and yet, here in Canada, Elizabeth May has been on record as saying that she would prefer a system where you cannot easily toss a government so that someone else can implement their own policy agenda.  Do we really want a system where it becomes impossible to "throw the bums out"?  Where holding governments to account becomes a nigh-impossible task?  And by adding in the "best runner up" model, we would have a system where you can't vote out MPs and you can't vote out governments.  What then becomes the point?

The fixation on proportionality is becoming toxic to our system of government.  Proportionality for the sake of proportionality undermines some of the most basic tenets of Westminster democracy, both in terms of the meaning of the vote, to the agency of an MP, to the ability to hold MPs and governments to account.  In giving credence to the logical fallacy that the popular vote figure is a real thing (it's not elections are 338 separate events, not a single one), and letting sore losers whinge and cry about being treated "unfairly" because they weren't able to engage enough Canadians to win more seats, we have managed to completely distort the meaning of our system in the popular consciousness.  Lines like "why should someone with 40 percent of the votes get 100 percent of the power" completely misread and malign how parliament works, and has fuelled this sense of discontent with the system and given accusations of brokenness where none actually exists.

Ultimately this is why the committee's report fails.  It has bought into these false notions about how our system operates and presented options to replace it that we cannot in good conscience stomach.  Monsef should articulate this basic truth rather than walk on eggshells around the sensitivities of the opposition parties.  Sadly, I doubt she ever will.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.