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Artur Pawlowski, the pastor of Calgary's Street Church speaks to members of the church as attendees of a Protest Against Racism and members of the Street Church clash while police keep both group separated at Olympic Plaza. Sunday, April 4, 2021.

Unfair! It’s the new battle cry of the COVID-19 era, as restrictions and enforcement seem ever more arbitrary.

Artur Pawlowski, the leader of the Street Church, called police officers “Nazis” on Saturday and

ordered them out of his building

.

They actually left. AHS wasn’t able to inspect the premises for possible violations. Apparently, nothing happened.

A lot does happen, actually — just not in the

rebel Alberta churches

that seem to spook the UCP government.

Dixie Inman, who owns 10 Great Clips hair salons, recently sent an employee home for two weeks to isolate.

The worker had dealt with a customer who neglected to mention that he had been tested for COVID-19.

When the result came back positive, AHS came calling, the employee was temporarily out of work, and 15 clients had to be contacted.

“I consider myself to be a very strong Christian,” says Inman, “but those churches should have to follow the law, too. It’s such a double standard.”

Inman also had to temporarily close one outlet because of staff shortages caused by required isolation.

And yet, not one of her employees has ever tested positive. Like many other business owners, Inman says that’s because her salons strictly follow the hygiene protocols.

But she and her staff pay the price while other sectors — especially some malls and big-box stores — appear to ignore the rules with no consequence at all.

 Police attempt to disperse an anti-mask protest in Chinook Mall in Calgary on Saturday, Feb. 13, 2021.

John Ashleigh, owner of Avenue Hair at 501 21st Ave. S.W., says he uses only top-grade hygiene supplies and protective equipment.

“The cost is certainly substantial, and I’ve lost four months’ revenue in the past year due to mandated closure,” Ashleigh says.

“I’m grateful for the help the federal government and the province have offered, but I’m not sure businesses like mine are the problem.”

Even after all he’s been through, Ashleigh would willingly comply with another closure “if it would be the one that would finally end all this.”

The tension between those who refuse to comply and those who obey gets more intense by the day.

Some people who run personal service businesses resent restaurants and bars, which often seem to be operating at full steam with only loose adherence to restrictions.

On Saturday, the pubs along 17

th

Avenue S.W. were bursting with happy deck drinkers, people having a fine time outdoors for the first time in months.

But while some bars and restaurants don’t comply with the rules, most do. That does not immunize them from commercial upheaval. With the spread of more transmissible variant strains, they are more vulnerable than ever.

On Saturday, the Comery Block Barbecue at 638 17th Ave. S.W. announced a closure “until further notice as we’ve had a few staff members test positive for COVID-19. Everyone that needs to have been contact traced, tested and are isolating until they’re healthy again.”

 A sign on the door of Comery Block Barbecue on 17th Ave. SW lets customers know it has closed until further notice following several COVID-19 cases among staff members. The restaurant was photographed on Monday, April 5, 2021.

At Our Daily Brett market restaurant, at 1507 29th Ave. S.W., a single employee tested positive Sunday.

The establishment closed immediately. “We will remain closed until we’ve undertaken the steps required by AHS to safely reopen, including ensuring team members are tested,” the restaurant said on Facebook.

On Tuesday morning, the government’s COVID cabinet committee will meet to consider new measures. Premier Jason Kenney has taken heat for saying we’re

on the verge of a new crisis

, and then disappearing over the four-day weekend.

The NDP called Monday for a

return to the measures that took effect Jan. 18

, closing restaurants and bars to indoor service. The government might go some way in that direction.

As the variants spread, so does economic and personal pain, as well as the growing sense of unfairness.

The UCP needs to solve that crisis, too — by finally making the rules apply to everyone.

Don Braid's column appears regularly in the Herald

dbraid@postmedia.com

Twitter:

@DonBraid

Facebook:

Don Braid Politics


In the aftermath of the 2019 election, former cabinet minister, Peter MacKay, aptly noted that one of the main reasons Conservatives lost to Justin Trudeau and the Liberals was because of their controversial social beliefs.  According to MacKay, Conservatives were handicapped, both by Andrew Scheer's regressive views on same-sex marriage and abortion, and from the litany of so-con candidates who embarrassed the party with their constant "bozo eruptions."

While social conservative blunders were by no means the only reason for Scheer's defeat, they were one of the party's greatest weaknesses, especially among undecided and non-partisan voters.  Think of it as the Conservatives' Achilles' heel.  Or, as MacKay so memorably put it, the "stinking albatross that hung across their necks."

In the seven months since he replaced Scheer as leader, Erin O'Toole has taken some steps to neutralize the Conservatives from future attacks.  While no progressive trailblazer, he has at least backed a few pro-LGBTQ policies, and has vocalized his support for a woman's right to an abortion, which is more than Scheer ever did to modernize the party.

Thus far in his tenure, it would appear that O'Toole has made some progress in mollifying the concerns of a wary public over the party's social conservatism.

However, in attempting to reassure the electorate that he and his party do not hold antiquated views on other issues namely climate change O'Toole has had far less success.

During the recent Conservative Party convention, O'Toole tried his best to convince party members of the significant threat posed by climate change, and of the importance for Conservatives to present a serious plan to address it.

"We cannot ignore the reality of climate change" he proclaimed.

"We have now fought and lost two elections against a carbon tax because voters did not think we were serious about addressing climate change.  And I will not allow 338 candidates to defend against the lie from the Liberals that we are a party of climate change deniers."

Unfortunately for O'Toole, his speech was not inspiring enough to prevent 54 per cent of Conservatives party members from voting against a resolution, which if passed, would have recognized "that climate change is real."

As a result, the public was left with unsettling impression that the Conservative Party has yet to accept the scientific consensus on the climate crisis.

In typical fashion, the Liberals did not miss a beat in criticizing the Conservatives.  And why wouldn't they?  Even just the perception of climate change denial is far too valuable of political ammunition to not utilize.

One cannot blame the party membership entirely for the Conservative's poor reputation on climate change though.  Notwithstanding his relatively positive rhetoric at the Conservative convention, O'Toole is far from innocent on the climate file.

Consider his response to the Supreme Court's landmark ruling the other week, which upheld Ottawa's constitutional right to tax carbon emissions.

Upon hearing news of the decision, federal politicians across the spectrum lined up to voice their approval.  They included representatives from not only the Liberal government who implemented the policy, but also progressives from both the NDP and Green Party.

Conspicuously missing from the celebrations, was O'Toole, who chose to isolate himself from his federal counterparts by pledging his undying opposition to the tax.

No matter the overwhelming support of climate scientists, economists, the majority of the public, and now, the Supreme Court of Canada, a carbon tax is still only met with ire from the Conservative leadership.

O'Toole, like Scheer and Stephen Harper before him, is simply unable to view a carbon tax as anything other than a government cash grab; one which harms both industry and the everyday citizen even when presented with evidence to the contrary.

Not that any of that evidence matters to O'Toole.  On the issue of climate, he continues to handicap himself, and the party he leads.

Unless something significant changes like the release of a comprehensive climate mitigation plan Conservatives are likely to find themselves dragged down again by yet another "stinking albatross."

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Trudeau holds a press conference in Ottawa on March 30, 2021 (CP/Sean Kilpatrick)

Even though several parts of the country are entering a third wave of the pandemic with abrupt rises in infection rates, there is reason for medium-term optimism, as most Canadians should be fully vaccinated by late summer if things go as planned. (Quebec Premier François Legault even went as far as publicly predicting that all Quebecers willing to receive the vaccine will get their first dose by June 24.)

Hence, there could be a window for federal Liberals by summertime to try what three provincial legislatures (British Columbia, New Brunswick, and Newfoundland and Labrador) have managed since last summer: upgrade from a minority to a majority.

The Conservative Party’s national convention has come and gone, and we now have post-convention polling numbers from several firms to analyze. The least we can say is Erin O’Toole’s party did not benefit from this heightened media exposure, which, rightly or not, centred around the rejected motion stating that climate was real and that the CPC should act upon it. Although the movement in voting intentions has been modest in the aggregate, other indicators such as low leader favourability for O’Toole and still reasonably high government approval (58 per cent according to Léger) could signal difficult times ahead for Erin O’Toole.

Here is a short recap from the past two weeks:

  • The latest Léger/Canadian Press bi-weekly update measured the Liberals up seven points on the CPC, 35 to 28 per cent. Looking at Léger’s regional breakdown, we notice the CPC slide below the 30 per cent mark appears to due to the abnormally low support in Alberta with only 41 per cent. While other polling firms have also measured CPC support below its 2019 results in Alberta, could it be that the Conservatives have lost close to 30 points in the province since then? (See my column on this topic here). Additionally, we note that Léger’s latest survey has Jagmeet Singh’s NDP at 22 per cent nationally, a number somewhat higher than the party’s current average of 18 per cent. Léger has been bullish on the NDP for the better part of the last year, regularly measuring its support at or above the 20 per cent mark. Obviously, we do not mean to insinuate that Léger’s NDP numbers are wrong, but they are definitely worth pointing out: Whether the NDP stands at 15 per cent or above 20 per cent could have a huge consequence on every party’s standings in terms of seats. Here is Léger’s latest report.
  • Abacus Data had been in the field in mid-March and measured a steady but modest 4-point lead for the Liberals. Post CPC-convention, Abacus Data now has the Liberals jumping to an 8-point lead, 38 to 30 per cent, including a 7-point advantage over the Bloc Québécois in Quebec, and a massive 16-point lead over the CPC in Ontario. With a virtual three-way-tie in British Columbia, Abacus’s numbers would most likely translate into a decisive LPC majority. Abacus also has Erin O’Toole’s personal numbers in a downward spiral: O’Toole’s net impression (positive impression minus negative impression) sank to a minus-14 nationally, including an 18-point drop in Ontario and 17-point slide in British Columbia since September 2020 (shortly after he won the CPC leadership). Although the Prime Minister may not break any records with his own net impression (Trudeau currently stands at minus-1 according to Abacus), his main opponent’s numbers have been significantly worse. See Abacus’s full report here.
  • Mainstreet Research‘s latest federal numbers for iPolitics had the Liberals at 37 per cent, a three-point lead over the Conservatives, indicating a notably tighter race than other pollsters of late. However, Mainstreet also had the NDP at a dismal 10 per cent nationally. While this specific data may be a bit of an outlier, we estimate that such a poor result for the NDP would, hypothetically, help the Liberals win a few close races, especially in Ontario and British Columbia, probably resulting in a strong plurality for the Liberals. Find Mainstreet report here.
  • Finally, Nanos Research (whose paywalled numbers may be found here) has the Liberals leading the Conservatives by double digits, comfortably placing the LPC in majority territory. As for the NDP, Nanos measures a level similar to the party’s 2019 results, thus roughly putting the NDP half-way between Mainstreet’s and Léger’s numbers.

We add these latest polls to the 338Canada model and present today this updated federal projection (you will find all federal polls listed on this page). Here are the weighted averages of the main five parties: The Liberal Party leads the fold with 37 per cent support nationally, three points higher than the party’s 2019 results:



The Conservatives take second place with an average of 30 per cent, four points below their 2019 score. The New Democrats currently sit at 18 per cent, but, as mentioned above, there is significant disagreement among Canadian pollsters on where the NDP stands, which explains the projection’s wide confidence intervals (a bell-curve stretching from 14 to 21 per cent, 19 times out of 20). The NDP projection is uncertain specifically because the party’s numbers have been all over the place of late.

Finally, the Bloc Québécois is holding its own with 7 per cent nationally (29 per cent in Quebec on average), marginally below its 2019 results. The Greens remain mostly steady with an average of 6 per cent.

How do these levels of support translate into seats? The Liberals have slowly creeped back up above the majority threshold (of 170 seats), but barely: the LPC wins an average of 172 seats, including 40 in Quebec, 80 in Ontario, 27 in Atlantic Canada, and 15 in British Columbia (all averages).



The Conservatives win an average of 108 seats, including 31 in Ontario, 30 in Alberta, 19 in Manitoba and Saskatchewan, and 13 in British Columbia.

For the Conservatives to win an election with these numbers, they would have to win all close races (toss up and leaning districts), and hope for a favourable vote-splitting between the Liberals and NDP. Oh, and the polls would obviously have to underestimate the CPC considerably, which is possible, but it has not occurred in the previous two federal elections.



Here are the seat projection probability densities for the Liberals and Conservatives. Notice that, even considering these projections’ high uncertainty, both curves now barely overlap. In short, if an election were held this week and these were the last available numbers, the Liberals would be 50-to-1 favourites to win the most seats.



Here is the probability density of the seat difference between the Liberals and Conservatives. Red columns, the LPC win the most seats; Blue column, the CPC does. As you can see, the numbers are heavily tilted towards the Liberals:



While it is not hard to imagine Liberal strategists rejoicing at these numbers, the current state of the pandemic in Canada renders the idea of a spring federal election unfathomable. L’actualité political bureau chief Alec Castonguay reported last week the Liberals were now eyeing a September election in the hopes that, by then, a vast majority of Canadians will have received at least one if not two doses of the COVID-19 vaccines. The vaccine rollout has been picking up the pace in March, albeit unevenly across the country, and should continue to do so in April.

Growing optimism among fully vaccinated voters throughout the country should, theoretically of course, improve the Liberals’ electoral fortunes, especially if Erin O’Toole is unable to turn the tide on his public perception.

Follow 338Canada on Twitter

* * *

Details of this projection are available on the 338Canada page. To find your home district, use the list of all 338 electoral districts here, or use the regional links below:

The post The Liberals inch closer to majority territory: 338Canada appeared first on Macleans.ca.