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Even in the dire circumstances of Covid and energy sector woes, the Alberta government had a chance to signal a plan for pivoting the provincial economy into the future in its spring budget.

By continuing to trim back funding to the post-secondary sector, the United Conservative Party fumbled its opportunity.

Picking and choosing private sector beneficiaries for taxpayer support is always an iffy proposition.  Look at the big splash of red ink on the Alberta books created by direct investment in the Keystone XL pipeline.

But government does have broad levers available in the public sector to create paths to a more sustainable future.  Education spending is not just a social good, it's a driver of investment and innovation.

Businesses in the industries of the future artificial intelligence, health technology and research locate where the workforces are well educated and the opportunities for public-private collaborations are robust.

And yet, the 2021 Alberta budget trims 6.2 per cent in postsecondary spending, with a resulting 750 job losses.

The rationale for the funding dip is the government's plan to require post secondary institutions to ultimately raise 52 per cent of their operating budgets from their own sources of revenue.  This year they are expected to come up with 47 per cent.  In 2018-19 they funded 43 per cent.

These incremental cuts will bring Alberta into line with the middle of the pack of Canadian provinces, argues Premier Jason Kenney.

At one time Alberta was proud to declare itself in the forefront of public spending on those big quality items like education and health.  No more.  Alberta bean counters want no part of being at the top of the heap.

Oh yes, there is a mounting deficit the province must deal with.  Conservatives love small government and minimal public sector workforces.  What better way to get back to fiscal health than hit public institutions?

In a province with a desperate need to diversify and expand its knowledge economy, cutting post secondary institutions is exactly the wrong way to balance the budget.

The University of Calgary says the budget is taking $25 million out of its operating total, which means the total budget for the university has been cropped by 18 per cent since 2019.

U of C has reduced its workforce, frozen wages, increased tuition, dropped projects and reduced spending on travel and events.

University of Alberta President Bill Flanagan says U of A is being asked to shoulder close to half the province's post secondary budget cut, even though only 25 per cent of post secondary students in the province attend U of A.

The U of A says efforts to raise its own funds to offset the provincial grant chop are limited by government red tape.  The government has put a seven per cent cap on tuition increases.

All post secondary institutions are also faced with a revolt by students and their parents about tuition costs which don't reflect the diminished quality of the educational experience created by Covid restrictions and online learning.

On top of those woes, the province has decided to proceed with a plan to create a new set of metrics by which it will judge the worth of postsecondary institutions in the province.  Performance-based funding will be disbursed based on the UCP's view of how a college or university is doing in terms of benchmarks including the employment and income of grads and administrative expense ratios.

That's a lot of hands-on intervention given the government's waning contribution to post-secondary financial health.

Kenney and his cabinet have begun paying lip-service to the need to change the essential mix of Alberta's economy.  There are various programs handing dough to companies to retrain their workforces, grow their footprint and "innovate".

But, pulling back the focus, it's tough to see how starving post secondary fits into any longterm diversification strategy.  The short-sighted chainsawing of the public payroll may satisfy hardline fiscal conservatives, but it does nothing for a longterm strategy to boost the province into the future.

Photo Credit: CBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Dear Erin:

You don't mind me calling you Erin, do you?  After your toilet video, I feel like I'm never, ever going to have to address you as "Prime Minister O'Toole."  So Erin it is.

You remember the toilet video, don't you?  You should.  It may be recent, or it may be from a previous Conservative leadership contest.  Who knows.

It doesn't matter, however, because it is so cringe-worthy, so puerile, so idiotic, it actually is eternal.  One hundred years from now, when Canada has finally acquired sufficient vaccine doses to be injected into the waiting arms of more than three per cent of the population, your toilet video will be studied.

"Observe, class.  Here is how Erin O'Toole lost," the future political science professor will say, likely in Mandarin, because Justin Trudeau wanted it to become an official language.  "Watch this video, and see how Erin O'Toole could not score on the biggest, emptiest net."

In the video, which I recommend no one see because it will depress them, you a grown man are standing in front of Langevin Block, which houses the Office of the Prime Minister.  And then you amble over to an outhouse that is nearby, and you chortle that this is where you are going to put Justin Trudeau.

Now, Erin, you are not the first Conservative leader to be felled by bad visuals.  There was Stock Day, who put on a wet suit and rode a jet-ski to his doom at a press conference.  (Seriously, he did that.)

There was Joe Clark, who walked into a bayonet, or just about did, while on an international trip.  (Yes. Happened.)

And there was Andrew Scheer, your immediate predecessor, who looked like a small-town insurance salesman, even though he wasn't even able to credibly claim to being that.  (Or, as it turned out, a Canadian without dual citizenship somewhere else.)

And now there's you, a guy who aspires to the highest office in the land.  Who makes official video-tapes about toilets.

Oh, and were you in the Armed Forces?  I don't think you've told us that 100 times yet today, Erin, like you do it every other day.

Erin, listen: listen.  You could be Prime Minister, but we're not so sure you want to be, anymore.  Maybe you like Stornoway a lot.

But consider this: your opponent has spectacularly, indisputably screwed up the simplest of simple tasks.  Buy vaccines, buy them early.  He couldn't do either.  Because of that, Canadians will die who weren't supposed to die just yet.

We are now somewhere near sixtieth in the world for vaccines.  We are dipping into the Third World's supply, because your opponent has no soul and because he screwed everything up.  And more than 70 per cent of Canadians are mad at the government and almost half of them saying they're really, really mad.

You?  You haven't benefitted politically from that stuff at all.  At all.  In fact, some astonished pollsters say you've dropped a bit.  If an election is held anytime soon, you are going to lose it.

Wakey, wakey, Erin.  Time to make some big changes.  Staff firings?  Caucus exiling?  Policy gutting?  Whatever it takes, you need to do it, and do it fast.  Politics is a blood sport, and you need to spill some of your own people.

Stephen Harper fired 100 staffers when he was Opposition leader, and he won.  My former boss Jean Chrétien, too: canned a terrible chief of staff, made some big changes, won the election.

You need to do likewise.  Quite a bit is riding on the next election, in case you haven't noticed.  Get with it, Erin.

Or, keep making toilet videos.

The choice is yours, Erin.

Yours sincerely,

Warren

Photo Credit: CBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


As we close in on the one-year mark of the global pandemic, it has become clear that there is a pervasive belief that the prime minister has super powers or rather, that he should, if he just wishes hard enough for something to happen.  As it turns out, there's a term for this in the United States known as the Green Lantern Theory, stemming from the comic book character (and film of the same name, starring Canadian Ryan Reynolds) whose green ring is capable of creating green energy projections whose only limits are the wearer's willpower and imagination.  The political theory, of course, is that a president can achieve any political or policy objective if he only tries hard enough or uses the right tactics.  Sound familiar in our own context?

The theory, articulated by Dartmouth political scientist Brendan Nyhan, actually comes in two variants the Reagan version, and the LBJ version.  In the former, if the president can only communicate well enough, the public will rally to his side; in the latter, the president only needs to try harder to win over congress to vote through his agenda.  Neither of those are quite specific enough to the current Canadian context, where prime minister Justin Trudeau only needs to try hard enough to magically solve the problems facing this country.

For example, if you listen to the Conservatives, if Trudeau simply tried harder, he could make Pfizer's vaccine plant retooling happen faster, or immediately solve Moderna's supply chain issues, and we could have enough vaccine for the entire country in the blink of an eye.  Or if he tried hard enough, he could force President Biden to change his mind on the Keystone XL pipeline (though the Conservatives also seem to believe that the prime minister also needs to throw more public temper tantrums, and make performative displays of screaming and crying to show the Americans, or pharmaceutical company CEOs for that matter, that he's really serious).

For the NDP, they seem to believe that if Trudeau tries hard enough and exerts more willpower, he can overcome any barrier in the constitution and override provincial jurisdiction, whether that's on rent, paid sick leave, pharmacare, dental coverage, or long-term care.  It's not that it would be unconstitutional, or that it would poison the well of federalism, or that he would be declaring war on the provinces he simply doesn't care enough about those issues to exert that much willpower that his green ring will make these magical policies happen.  And so on.

While Green Lantern Theory emerged in the US as part of the popular imagination that the executive is far more powerful than it actually is (structurally, it's very weak because of the way their constitution was framed), in Canada, that doesn't quite hold because our executive is far more powerful most especially if there is a majority parliament, though that isn't the current make-up of the House of Commons.  Nevertheless, in the current pandemic context where all of the attention has been focused on the prime minister (to the detriment of premiers, who should be held to greater account given that they have much more responsibility for healthcare and lockdown orders), Green Lantern Theory seems to be emerging out of frustration with federalism, particularly given that we are bombarded with constant demands for Trudeau to invoke the Emergencies Act to take over areas of provincial jurisdiction.

Of course, just as Green Lantern Theory falls apart in the US once it comes into contact with the realities of their congressional system, so too does it fall apart in Canada when confronted with the fact that even though our executive is stronger, the number of levers available to the federal government are particularly limited.  There is no invoking the Emergencies Act because, aside from going to war with provinces who want no part of it, we haven't even met the basic threshold in the definition in the Act of what constitutes a national emergency, which is that the urgent and critical situation endangering the lives, health or safety of Canadians "is of such proportions or nature as to exceed the capacity or authority of a province to deal with it."  The capacity or authority of the provinces has not been exceeded.  The only thing that is lacking is the political will of premiers to take the necessary actions, whether it's rent relief, paid sick leave, or instituting proper lockdowns to prevent transmission of the virus.

Because Trudeau has demonstrated a willingness to do what is necessary to get Canadians through this pandemic, and spend any amount of money, there seems to be a belief that this can somehow extend to all areas, even those outside of his jurisdiction.  And to his credit, he has certainly attempted to fill gaps where they appear, such as kludging together the federal sickness benefit where provinces won't implement paid sick leave, or similarly in kludging disability benefits from what few levers he has available.  But because he is bound by those few levers the federal government has at his disposal, he has raised expectations that he can do more if he simply has enough willpower, which isn't how this works.  The constitution is a very real thing that prevents him from reaching into provinces' areas of jurisdiction.

The prime minister doesn't have unlimited powers, and it would be a very bad thing if he did.  He is not constrained by the limits of his willpower he is constrained by a constitution and a federal structure that is one of the most decentralized in the world.  Falling into Green Lantern Theory is both delusional in believing that politics works in a way that is divorced from reality, but when employed by opposition party leaders, it is also a cynical exercise in trying paint the government as being unwilling to take actions that they simply cannot do, and is making promises that these other leaders could not keep.  Justin Trudeau does not have a magic green ring we need to stop pretending otherwise.

Photo Credit: The Things

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Eleven months is an excruciatingly long time, it turns out.  But that's how long we've been living in the pandemic.  And it's also how we've been swirling around the same attitudes.

Take this week when a video of an absurdly long line at a York-region Homesense started circulating on Twitter.  Outrage was rampant.  'How could people be so selfish to go get home decor — in a pandemic, no less!'  the tenor of the outrage went.

Ultimately, this line of thinking buys into what premiers have been trying to sell from the start: the severity of the pandemic is our fault, not theirs.  People are doing something explicitly permitted by the government, so what's the use at getting upset at them?

For months now, leaders have tried to voluntarily curb our activities for the good of safety, while at the same time refusing to make those suggestions orders until well after it's clear the voluntary measures have failed.

So why are we so mad at these people?

I can't help but feel the outrage is misplaced.  People have been taking the implicit message in the decision to re-open stores: It wasn't safe before, but it is now.  Why else would stores be open?

The people to blame for this aren't standing in line, they're sitting in Queen's Park.

By pointing anger at the individuals in line, you're letting Premier Doug Ford coast on his decision to open things up.  Diffuse anger is a useless political force.  It's not going to accomplish anything, and it's not going to make you feel any better.

There is a line somewhere that separates what is unacceptable even if it is permitted.  Besides, expecting us to get out of this pandemic with a reliance on people's perfect selflessness just isn't going to happen.  Not now, not anymore.

It might have been possible earlier in the pandemic.  There was a moment, a fleeting one, where "We're all in this together" didn't seem like completely naive bullshit.

That time has long passed.  We've seen now the craven underbelly of our own rotten world.  And that cravenness is most fetid right at the top.

Once the first reopening took place, there was a clear message from our leaders.  If you're spending money, getting together with other people is just fine.  There's nothing clearly happening in this video that's far outside the lines of public health guidelines.  This isn't a mass of anti-mask lunatics, storming a mall.  It's people waiting in a line, more or less on their distance marks.  (Amusingly, the person who took the video is one of many people walking opposite to the direction arrows pasted on the floor.)

It's easy to get mad at a bunch of people lined up buying pillows and sheets and pictures for the living room wall.  (It veers quickly into what you might call a bit of casual sexism, with sneering at "suburban wine moms.")

Shaming people hasn't proved to be a very useful tactic in fighting the virus.  If it was, surely we would have tweeted our rage at random people and found our way out of COVID by now.

But we haven't.

We have been locked away in some form or another for these 11 months.  That's an achingly long time.  And so I'm having a difficult time seeing these people as the enemy.

Premiers have been giving us mixed signals for as long as COVID has been with us.  The whole time, they've essentially been telling us to take the bus, all the while building highway lanes.

We know by now how ineffective it is to ask people to stop doing things voluntarily.  If it isn't safe for people to be shopping, then shopping should not be permitted.

But it's not entirely clear to me this is the most egregious thing to be doing.

At some point the logic of "if it's allowed, people are fine to do it" breaks down.  I'm not sure exactly where the line falls.  Air travel, especially international pleasure travel, is clearly irresponsible.  (This is why strict and costly quarantine measures make sense, even if they're months late in coming about.)

Indoor dining is another that probably falls beyond the pale even if it is allowed.  But it probably shouldn't be allowed.

This is where things get fuzzy.  And one of the big problems is we all have an internal line in the sand we've drawn.  Where it lies can vary widely.  I haven't had a meal inside a restaurant since last March, the night things really seemed to fall apart.  But just last week I put on two masks and went for a haircut, soon after the barber opened up.

You wouldn't find me in a Homesense line that long, the place isn't my jam.  You probably wouldn't find me in any place that is crowded right now, masks or not.  I find it deeply uncomfortable to be among so many people for any length of time these days.

But I've waited in some pretty long grocery lines.  Could I have gone at a different time?  Maybe.  Is that more acceptable because buying food is more important than buying housewares?  Perhaps.  But is there an actual difference in safety or risk if I'm waiting in an IGA instead of a Homesense?  I'm not so sure.

This is why the individual responsibility model of pandemic response cannot work.  This personal risk assessment we all take part in, deciding what is worth leaving the house for and what isn't, is no way to fight a collective problem like COVID.

We have governments with both the information and the power to know what is safe and what isn't.  If they aren't doing their job, it's not the fault of the governed for that failure.  The failure lies with the people making the decisions.

I'll save my ire for them.

Photo Credit:  Forbes

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


He haunts us still.

20 years after his death and 37 years after retiring from politics, the ghost of Pierre Elliott Trudeau is part of our political landscape, and will remain so.

This time, the CBC informs us Pierre Trudeau actively tried to undermine Quebec's economy in the aftermath of the election of the Parti Quebecois in 1976.  Trudeau Sr. apparently approached Canadian power brokers, such as Power Corporations' Paul Desmarais and Canadian Pacific chairman Ian Sinclair to ask them to move jobs out of Quebec.

The information comes from a very reliable source: U.S. State Department documents from the then American Ambassador in Canada, Thomas Enders.  "The idea would be to increase the current unemployment rate from 10% to 15% and even 20% next year," Enders wrote to his bosses in Washington.

For many Quebecers, this is not surprising news.  A long held federalist mantra about Quebec separation is that it would be bad for the economy.  Logically, if separation is bad for the economy, so is a separatist government.

In April 1970, two days before the provincial election, the first demonstration that the rise of separatism would lead to economic woes happened with "le coup de la Brinks", when a convoy of nine Brinks armoured trucks moved billions in Royal Trust securities from Montreal to Ontario.  Pierre Trudeau has been accused of being behind this move.

Trudeau also took it upon himself to try to make sure it would be the case after the 1976 election.  The analysis that Trudeau's move was in retaliation for the historic election of the PQ falls short, however.  He was not retaliating so much as illustrating the real-life consequences to scare people away from separatism.  A fear-campaign can work, but it'll work better if people can witness their fears become reality.

The fact that the PQ was democratically elected by the people of Quebec?  The fact that job losses would bring poverty and misery to Quebecers?  Not a concern for the then Prime Minister of Canada.  The end justifies the means in Ottawa when the unity of the country was at stake.

Having a deep aversion to Quebec nationalism does not justify the lengths to which Pierre Trudeau was willing to go.  But does it matter today, now that the PQ is fighting with another separatist party for 3rd place in Quebec and the soft nationalism of François Legault's CAQ has taken over?

It was certainly interesting to watch Bloc Québécois MPs pick up the story and try to get Justin Trudeau to wear his father's actions.  Will it work?  The window for Quebecers' outrage for these kinds of actions is smaller than ever.  Millennials do not care about the flag battles of the past, while Justin Trudeau is praising Bill 101 to attract nationalist voters.

I'd be hard pressed to tell you if his father would laugh or cry.

Photo Credit: CBC News


I've been a political columnist for 25 years.  Every so often, I like to step outside the box and create an unconventional piece.  These pieces are crafted to be provocative, thought-provoking and above all, fun.

Some of my unusual creations have included: Family Guy Libertarians, Murdoch Mysteries and conservatism, Hee Haw and politics, and right-leaning philosophies in Sesame Street.

The newest entry?  The political tao of Daft Punk.

On Monday, the French electronic music duo announced the end of their highly successful partnership after 28 years.  Guy-Manuel de Homem-Christo and Thomas Bangalter combined various musical genres, including rock, funk and techno, into their original sound.  They had many hit songs, including "Da Funk," "Around the World," "Harder, Better, Faster, Stronger" and "Get Lucky" with Pharrell Williams on vocals.  They won six Grammy Awards and have been regularly called one of music's most influential electronic/dance groups.

While I don't care for electronic music my modern tastes are firmly ensconced in alternative, hard rock and heavy metal I have a soft spot for Daft Punk.  The band's homage to Japanese anime was what first intrigued me. Kazuhisa Takenouchi's Interstella 5555: The 5tory of the 5ecret 5tar 5ystem (2003) served as a visual backdrop for the band's second album, Discovery.  I found them to be multi-talented musicians with unique tastes and an uncanny ability to merge different sounds into one brilliant theme.

There were also some odd characteristics about Daft Punk that set them apart from their contemporaries.

Their music catalog was surprisingly bare.  Daft Punk produced a mere four studio albums (HomeworkDiscoveryHuman After All and Random Access Memories), two live albums (Alive 1997Alive 2007) and the soundtrack for the 2010 film Tron: Legacy.  Their only number one single on the U.S. Billboard Hot 100 was "Starboy," a 2016 collaboration with Canada's The Weeknd.

They also shunned the public spotlight.

Homem-Christo and Bangtaler performed as robots with elaborate outfits, including helmets and gloves.  They were rarely seen without this facade, although photos of them in the flesh obviously exist.  Their private lives, including families and children, floated under the radar (although Bangtaler is married to French actress Élodie Bouchez).  Interviews with the media were few and far between.

Daft Punk's success can be partially attributed to the shroud of mystery surrounding its performers.  In an industry where many performers talk way too much, silence can be golden.  Having a somewhat invisible stature in a medium where high visibility is sought after and demanded only served to create further intrigue.

Yet, the quiet duo's provocative music actually spoke volumes.  It can be viewed in the guise of tao, a Chinese word which means "way" or "path," with occasional glimpses that had a light aura of political thinking.

Daft Punk wasn't a political band.  In the 2002 French presidential election, they wouldn't allow either right-leaning incumbent Jacques Chirac or his left-leaning opponent Lionel Jospin to use their song "One More Time" during the campaign.  Establishing a break between music and politics was abundantly clear.

Then again, Bangtaler told Interview on Feb. 8, 2017, "The way we listen to Chicago house music, disco, heavy metal or punk is completely artistic, without the political side of it.  But then we used it in a political way ourselves, which is making music at home, recycling and by combining those styles at home and doing it in a very new way."  When asked to elaborate, he said the album Homework "was completely done in a very small bedroom.  It's mixed on a small ghetto blaster.  Selling millions of albums recorded that way is something new.  I don't know if it's political, but it's a way of thinking that record companies aren't always going to dictate to artists."

During a Jan. 27, 2014 NPR interview, both men made revealing comments.

"It's not the music of today or the music of the future or the past," Homem-Christo said.  "Some people would think that it's kind of retro to work with these guys and to have this type of, like, disco or funk, but to me it's just putting back some soul or some life in music."  Bangtaler then said, "It's a very subjective, personal, instinctive approach as musicians of saying, 'We don't want to replace what's around; we just want to widen the possibilities.'"

What does all this mean?

In the Bible, Matthew 5:5 reads, "Blessed are the meek: for they shall inherit the earth."  When the two faux robots in Daft Punk hid behind the helmets, they could be perceived as being meek: modest, shy, unwilling to discuss or convey ideas.  But when they spoke, it was from a position of strength, confidence and intelligence.

Daft Punk's message was powerful and forthright.  They respected tradition.  They built on existing musical themes rather than destroying them.  They refused to be pigeonholed as musicians.  They cultivated original ideas into new, exciting possibilities.  They wouldn't succumb to interpreting music with politics, but used political principles to record and promote the musical styles they enjoyed.

You can agree or disagree with Daft Punk's philosophies.  But their tao seemed to convey a personal path where their musical vision, rather than their personal visage, is what they wanted to be most remembered for.

That's admirable, and worthy of discussion even in a creative, outside-the-box column such as this!

Photo Credit: Pitchfork

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


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The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


This week, the government is expected to announce the process by which they will be selecting the next Governor General something which I find a bit shocking that it's taken this long for them to even announce, given that they should have gotten started on this months ago when the writing was on the wall about what was going on in Rideau Hall under Julie Payette.  Of course, Payette's departure has led to a rash of polls about the future of the position and of the monarchy in Canada in general each worse than the last.  It raises the question as to whether we are capable of having an adult conversation about the Crown in Canada and it looks increasingly like we aren't.

The polls themselves were patently misleading, to the point of shenanigans.  Case in point was the Leger poll, whose questions pertained to the "British Monarchy," which has not been the legal Crown in Canada since the Statute of Westminster in 1931, when the Canadian Crown came into being as a separate entity.  It also deliberately invokes the spectre of a "foreign monarch," or false notions of our "colonial past," as though that were a feature of constitutional monarchies around the world.

All of Leger's questions were loaded and civically illiterate:

Would you say that you are personally attached to the British monarchy?

In your opinion, is it urgent to replace Julie Payette, who has resigned as Governor General of Canada?

Should the federal government take advantage of Julie Payette's resignation as Governor General of Canada to question the place and role of the monarchy in Canadian institutions?

If a referendum were held on abolishing British monarchy positions in Canada (Governor General, Lieutenant Governor, etc.) would you vote in favour of maintaining the monarchy or abolishing the monarchy in Canada?

It's not the British monarchy in Canada.  The replacement of Payette should be fairly urgent as we have a hung parliament and it's not ideal to have the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court filling the Administrator role for very long.  Questioning the role of the Governor General and the Monarchy would mean rewriting the entire Constitution, since the Crown is the central organizing principle, and asking people to consider an abstract without any notion of what might replace it is a giant hurdle that Australia could not get over when they considered abolishing their monarchy (and the tide has since turned the other way).

Likewise, Angus Reid's poll was not only loaded, but farcical in asking people to suppose that they were a "hiring manager," and whether they would review the role of the GG before they reposted the position.  A hiring manager?  It's the second highest state office in the country, and you want people to pretend that it's a gods damned middle manager?  Are you kidding me?  But wait it gets better.  Angus Reid then appealed to Canadians' mean sense of hairshirt parsimony to ask whether they feel the GG's compensation is too generous, which of course people will say it is.  They also asked whether the selection should be made by the PM alone, or a "committee of Parliament."  No.  The vice-regal appointments committee was arm's length out of the Privy Council Office, so that it ensured that the prime minister remained accountable for the final choice something that a parliamentary committee could not do, and would in fact launder the accountability.  Did nobody pay any attention to the debate that followed the failed Nadon appointment to the Supreme Court?

Angus Reid asked also about the relevancy of the "Royal Family in Britain," which again, is not the same thing as the role of the Crown in Canada; about supporting recognizing the Queen as our head of state; and about continuing as a constitutional monarchy again, all without any acknowledgement that this would require a complete rewriting of the Constitution, and all that it entails given the political climate in Canada, where provinces would have their own demands when that happens.

The Bloc, meanwhile, decided to take their own decided unserious approach to the Payette situation by having one of their MPs table a Private Members' Bill that would reduce the GG's salary to $1 per year, and strip them of their pensions.  This is the same tactic that the NDP tried a few years ago with regards to the Senate, because each party apparently believes that only the truly wealthy who should be the ones holding these kinds of offices, or that they should be left vulnerable to those who would buy them off.

Of course, Justin Trudeau himself has not exactly shown himself to be one who can treat this office with any particular sense of seriousness after he reduced it to something of a shiny object that he put Payette into as a reflection of what he wanted to showcase a Francophone woman who excelled in the STEM fields, and on paper, Payette was too good to pass up.  It's also something of a reflection of how Trudeau and Harper have both treated our institutions while Harper was reverential enough of the vice-regal positions that he put in place the appointments committee to strengthen the process, he made a series of terrible Senate appointments, almost certainly out of contempt for the institution.  Trudeau, meanwhile, did away with the vice-regal committee possibly out of spite for Harper and made that appointment without any degree of seriousness, but set up a process for Senate appointments that claimed to care so much about the institution while he still managed to screw it up for a generation, if not more.

The lack of basic civics and respect for our institutions, coming from pollsters, parties, and our political leaders, very much makes it seem as though we can't handle a grown-up conversation about the future of these institutions.  The GG has an important role to play especially in keeping the ceremonial and symbolic powers out of a prime minister's hands and yet we can't be bothered to learn the first thing about what the position actually entails.  It makes us look increasingly like we're not a serious country, which starts to explain the state our political leadership is in right now.

Photo Credit: CBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


My latest lockdown pastime has been watching Marvel's "WandaVision" and geeking out a bit on the many fan theories.  Without spoiling things, the premise is layers of the notion that "things are not what they seem", and the open question is who the big bad behind everything might actually be.

That notion that there might be a greater menace behind the present danger is a classic comic book and film trope.  Yet, it really hit home to me in today's world of COVID-19 quarantining as we see the ravages of the climate crisis looming, with freak cold snaps knocking out Texas's natural gas systems, as just one example.

The fearful reality is clear that even as we face a once-in-a-century pandemic, the bigger crisis remains.

On that front, governments have had to walk and chew gum as they fight the pandemic.

In the United States, the Biden administration is all hands on deck to get their vaccination program up and running, but they also took the time to ensure the country is back in the Paris climate accords, and moving forward on green energy, fuel-emission standards, and other historic and aggressive actions.  There's even talk of actually doing an "infrastructure week".

Here in Canada, the Trudeau government made the politically courageous decision to announce the carbon pollution pricing rate would increase in the coming years, but they also announced a major infrastructure funding plan of their own.

Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland has promised a major stimulus program to fund "building back better" to the tune of nearly $100 billion coming out of the pandemic.  As part of that overall package, Infrastructure Minister Catherine McKenna announced a "down payment" in the form of an additional $15 billion on transit and active transportation funding, with a permanent fund of $3 billion per year, and an immediate injection of $5.9 billion for "shovel-ready" projects.

This announcement is good news for our communities and especially for commuters and the climate.

Edmonton Mayor Dan Iveson said of the announcement, "Permanent transit funding offers cities long-term predictability to finally be able to deliver transformational system expansion and drive durable economic growth across our country.  The recovery support here can be massive.  It can be the centrepiece of the job-creating, emissions-reducing recovery that Canadians are looking for."  There's that link between COVID-19 and the climate again — and, crucially, the economic impact of addressing both.

Speaking of mayors, I recently read former Toronto mayor David Miller's new book, Solved: How the World's Great Cities are Fixing the Climate Crisis.  In it, he outlines a variety of inter-connected approaches that should be undertaken to address environmental protection and climate action, from energy retrofits to transit to waste management.  He illustrates an array of approaches from major global cities to demonstrate how those approaches can be actioned, with a particular focus on what he led in Toronto.

Miller expressly argues in his preface, "there is evidence that environmental destruction — which worsens climate change — contributes to the increased risk of global health challenges… Scientists have been warning us about such events for a very long time — a changing climate has the ability to devastate people and nature.  And the potential consequences are serious indeed."

Further, Mayor Anne Hidalgo of Paris provides an afterword to the book, which ties in the pandemic and climate change, writing, "I truly believe we can meet the goals of the Paris Agreement… regional, national, and local governments are mobilized to cope  with the global COVID-19 pandemic, and we need to be united and keep our minds open to new ideas, taking the best practices and making them universal, challenging ourselves daily to make our cities healthier, more equitable and better places to live… I am hopeful that we can build this future — not only because it is possible but because we cannot fail."

Our way out of the economic impacts of COVID-19 should also be a way to combat climate change, by building complete communities that are resilient, liveable and energy efficient.

Photo Credit: youmatter.world

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Here's some good news for anyone who cherishes our democratic liberties: the next federal election might be a little bit freer.

That's because an Ontario judge recently tossed out section 91 of the Canada Elections Act, ruling it was unconstitutional since it infringed on every Canadian's Charter-guaranteed right to free expression.

So, what is this Section 91 and why did a court rule it clashed with our democratic freedoms?

Well, the story goes back to 2017, when the Liberal government amended this section of the Canada Elections Act in order to thwart the spread of "fake news."

Originally, before the Liberal amendments, the law was straightforward and explicit — it made it illegal for anyone to knowingly make false statements about the personal conduct or character of a candidate for office.

But in amending this section, the Liberals made it a lot less precise so it could cast a wider net.

In other words, under the law's new wording, Section 91 would catch any individuals who posted "false" news, even if those individuals did so in good faith, believing it was true.

Basically, the word "knowingly" was deleted, and the term "false" was left undefined.

What this meant in practice was that under a strict interpretation of the Act, a citizen could conceivably be charged for making a sarcastic joke on social media.

And it's this vagueness and broadness of Section 91, which concerned the Canadian Constitution Foundation, an Alberta-based civil liberties group.

Indeed, the CCF was so concerned it decided to challenge the law in the courts.

In its affidavit, the group wrote: "Those who make statements honestly and in good faith are exposed to the risk of imprisonment.  It is a blunt and unrefined instrument that treats sarcastic quips and deliberate lies as one and the same both are subject to a blanket ban."

Such a ban argued, the CCF, would have a chilling effect on democratic speech.

As Joanna Baron, the group's Executive Director, told the media, "In the digital age, social media serves an important 'town hall' function, and laws such as this one, which is vague, overbroad, and backed by severe punishments, pose a serious threat of chilling the debate and discussion that are necessary to a vibrant democracy."

Mind you, the government defended its changes to the law, arguing they were needed to stop the spread of malicious misinformation from proliferating on social media.

As Prime Minister Justin Trudeau once put it, "We're in a world right now where we've seen the impact of the kinds of polarization, the kinds of politics of misinformation, of fear and division.  We have developed an approach that is going to be protecting Canadians from misinformation.  We recognize that this is a careful line to walk and we will continue to walk it with Canadians."

The CCF countered that such a heavy-handed legal approach was not the answer.

CCF lawyer, Christine Van Geyn, put it this way: "What we need to do is educate the public on how to review information, how to analyze facts and think 'Is this real?  Is this fake?  And am I being manipulated?'  Not have the government come in with a huge hammer and try and pound away at these rights in order to get the outcome that they want.  Education is a much better tool for that".

At any rate, at the end of the day, the court sided with the CCF, ruling Section 91 violated Section 2(B) of the Canadian Charter which protects the right to free speech.

Mind you, the government might appeal this ruling to the Supreme of Canada, but for now freedom has won the day.

To my mind, that's a good thing.

The more freedom of speech, the more opinions, the more debate we have in our elections, the better.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.