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New details about the investigation into workplace harassment and bullying at Rideau Hall is giving a clue about just how widespread the problem is 50 current and former employees are being interviewed by the firm retained to conduct the investigation, and there are so many that they are being told to keep their interviews to only an hour each.  While nobody wants to prejudge the results of the investigation, it's increasingly clear that the fact that the prime minister's decision to disband the vice-regal appointments committee before it was time to look for a new Governor General in 2017 was a mistake, and it's one he needs to rectify immediately.

The news coming out of Rideau Hall is getting concerning that Payette and her Secretary, Assunta Di Lorenzo, have been creating an inner circle of exempt staffers who are not civil servants, and they're now interfering in the work of the actual civil servants in Rideau Hall, and involving themselves in the hiring process.  Other staff close to Payette have been asking employees if they support Payette, and apparently when Payette was first appointed, she floated the idea of asking the civil servants at Rideau Hall to pledge their loyalty in a signed document that would act as a kind of de facto non-disclosure policy (which they pushed back against, quite rightly, as they have already taken an oath to the Queen).

This is in addition to years of stories on Payette's unreasonable demands, her micro-managing of tasks where she would normally only play a symbolic role, the reports of the toxic work environment in employee surveys, the millions of additional dollars spent on security because Payette doesn't like her RCMP detail and has tried to give them the slip on several occasions, and I've personally heard tales about how her inner circle behaves erratically and that others in the civil service and protocol spheres are unable to deal with them, barring only one or two individuals within the Privy Council Office.  And amidst all of this, the prime minister has continued to turn a blind eye and insist that Payette is doing an excellent job.

How much of this is Trudeau's inability to face up to his own mistakes remains to be seen.  It's clear that short-circuiting the process for vice-regal appointments that Stephen Harper established one of his best contributions to governance, in fact has backfired.  Problems in Payette's past, with previous organizations that she was associated with, would have been caught if an appointments committee had been doing the due diligence of vetting candidates, and it's unlikely that she would have made the short list of recommendations as a result.  Yes, Payette has an impressive resume and has made important contributions to the country, but her suitability for the role of the Governor General was simply not there, and would have been pointed out if a proper process had been carried out.

This is why Trudeau needs to reinstate the vice-regal appointments committee right away.  The decision to disband it never made sense to begin with, considering how it was replicated with new Senate appointment process and to a lesser extent the ad hoc committee to nominate new Supreme Court of Canada justices.  There is the theory that this was done out of spite, as I have heard the tale that when Justin Trudeau met with Harper after the election and asked if there was one thing he should keep, what it would be, to which Harper told him the vice-regal appointments committee.  I also suspect that this was also to do with one of his earliest vice-regal appointments, which was for the lieutenant governor of Newfoundland and Labrador.  Judy Foote had just resigned from Cabinet, and I have heard that this was in part because of a clash with Jody Wilson-Raybould over genetic privacy legislation, and Trudeau took Wilson-Raybould's side.  It is likely that in order to make it up to Foote, he appointed her to the LG portfolio less than six months after she left Cabinet, which was a huge red flag to pretty much everyone around.

By restoring the vice-regal appointments committee, Trudeau would be sending a signal that he's going to start taking this particular responsibility seriously, and that he's going to ensure that we don't wind up with future vice-regal appointments where clearly unsuitable candidates got named because they projected the right image for the Trudeau brand such as an accomplished woman in STEM who can be a role-model to young girls across the country, as in Payette's case.  These positions demand a certain type of personality, and Payette does not have it, which probably wasn't a consideration in Trudeau's mind when he chose her.  There is the additional fact that when Payette was appointed and decided to name her long-time friend, Di Lorenzo, as her secretary (which is the equivalent of a deputy minister in the civil service) and did not choose a senior civil servant, this should have been seen as a warning that Payette was not interested in the norms of the office.  The fact that Di Lorenzo has been cited as one of Payette's enablers in the toxic environment in Rideau Hall should be a sign that Trudeau and the Privy Council Office should be actively pushing for her dismissal, but we're not even getting that.

Restoring the appointments committee doesn't have to be an ordeal.  We have a Canadian Secretary to the Queen in PCO who can once again chair it, and there is no shortage of eminent persons who can serve on it in the model that was originally designed.  Once the committee is up and running, it can start looking for Payette's replacement and using the time they have between now and the delivery of the report on the workplace situation to get the job done right.  That way, when the report does come back, Trudeau can be seen to act swiftly on a finding of a toxic workplace, and to show that lessons have been learned from his previous failure to take the appointment seriously.

Photo Credit: CTV News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


On October 22, fellow columnist, Michael Taube, penned an opinion in the Washington Post, scolding the Canadian public for not enthusiastically supporting the re-election of President Donald Trump.

Throughout his unconvincing spiel, Taube asserted that Canadians should not allow Trump's "controversial behavior", nor their own "fascination with progressive-style politics", to obscure "Canada's best interests."  Because, according to Taube, "when it comes to real policies, Trump is a better political option than [Joe] Biden."

That his argument is a flawed one is beyond doubt.

For starters, Taube makes the case for Trump's re-election by dubiously claiming that his policies regarding "the North American economy and border security" are superior to Biden's.

While it's true, as Taube states, that both topics are "key policy areas of particular relevance to Canada" he could not be more wrong in believing that Trump's policies in either field would be more beneficial to Canadians than those of his Democratic contender.

Take the issue of immigration and border security.

Over the course of Trump's four years in office, Canadians have watched helplessly as their neighbor to the south has mercilessly clamped down on illegal migration and helped spur on an exodus of asylum seekers across the border.  While Canadians should always strive to aid in the resettlement of those in need, it is shameful that this country's immigration system faced such turmoil out of a failure (and lack of compassion) in the United States own system.

Canadians have also been justifiably offended by a president who has denigrated Mexicans and instituted travel bans against mostly Muslim countries, all of which has helped normalize bigotry and intolerance, and help spur on hate crimes across our own borders.

In contrast to Trump and his toxic rhetoric and harmful policies, a Biden presidency would surely administer a far more compassionate and collaborative approach to immigration and border security.  Through proposed policies like his "regional resettlement solution" Biden has promised greater cooperation with countries like Canada, Mexico, and a host of other Latin American countries, to more equitably distribute asylum seekers.  This would be beneficial for all parties involved, including Canada, the United States, and the thousands of vulnerable asylum seekers.

Next, consider Trump's fiscal record, as well as his actions regarding the Canada-U.S. trade relationship.

Conservatives like Taube admire the cross-border investment benefits accrued by Trump's personal and corporate tax cuts.  But those same tax cuts (which were disproportionately in favor of the very wealthiest) also came at a cost to Canadian competitiveness, while helping fuel the ever increasing wealth gap in society.

Under Trump's watch as well, Canada has sparred against a president who has bullied and harassed our government officials during the NAFTA negotiations.  He has also levied damaging tariffs against our steel and aluminum exports.  With friends like Trump, who needs enemies?

Of course, it is true that irritants between Canada and the U.S. would not end under a Biden presidency.  Eternal disagreements over softwood lumber would continue to be a thorn in Canada's side.  So too might Biden's pledges for a 'Buy American' Recovery Plan.

But regardless of whatever trade disputes may arise, Canadians can rest assured that at least their country won't be branded a "national security threat", as the Trump administration has labeled us.  As one of America's oldest and most steadfast allies, that was a real slap in the face.

Furthermore, Taube forgets that there are many more policies of relevance to Canada than just the economy and the border.

A perfect example is the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic; a crisis which Trump has proven completely inept in handling.  Not only has his negligence and miscommunication helped contribute to the death of more than 225,000 Americans but it has also stagnated the economic recoveries of both Canada and the United States.  It would be near impossible for Biden, let alone any other presidential contender, to manage the ongoing crisis, worse than Trump in the coming months ahead.

For Canadians concerned about the escalating dangers of climate change; another crisis that affects Canada, and indeed, the world, a Biden presidency would also be far more proactive than another Trump term in office.

With Biden in the White House, Canadians could sleep better knowing that the American president not only recognizes anthropogenic climate change but will also take concrete action through progressive regulation and green infrastructure spending, to confront it.  No longer would Canadians have to worry about a president who has gutted the Environmental Protections Agency, pulled out of the Paris Climate Accord, and repealed the Clean Power Plan, all of which Trump is guilty of.

These are just a handful of the policy differences that define the two men and their policies towards Canada.  But their difference could not be starker in almost every case.

In a contest between Biden and Trump, the former, not the latter, is the far better alternative for Canada; something the majority of citizens clearly understand.

Instead of lecturing the Canadian public, Taube might want to try listening to them and hearing their legitimate concerns about Trump and his policies.

He might end up learning a thing or two.

Photo Credit: CNBC

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Many Canadians have watched this year's U.S. presidential election between Joe Biden and Donald Trump with interest.  It'll likely be a few days, weeks or months until we know who the next occupant of the White House will be.

More than 100 million Americans have reportedly used either mail-in ballots or early in-person voting due to concerns related to COVID-19.  This total accounts for more than 77 percent of all votes tabulated during the 2016 presidential election.  Hence, it's going to take a while for each state to sort everything out.

There will undoubtedly be a slew of legal challenges by the losing side with respect to voting methods, allegations of electoral fraud, and other sundry items.  These challenges could happen on a state-by-state basis, a regional basis or both.

In the event of a close election, the U.S. Supreme Court may have to get involved.  It's not something the nine justices would want to engage in.  This branch of government's ruling on the 2000 presidential election and "hanging chad" controversy remains a sore spot in some circles of interest.  But if they have to, they will.

Canadians, like others around the world, will wait patiently for the final results.  The U.S. has historically been our most important friend, ally and trading partner.  (Other than that little skirmish known as the War of 1812!) Political and economic relations between our two countries are also of the utmost importance, especially for the Great White North.

Trump, the current President, has been an imperfect ally.

Although far from being a traditional or modern Republican, he certainly respects some conservative principles such as the need for capitalism, private enterprise, deregulation and greater access to the free market economy.  He wants to work with Canada on trade, border safety and security, illegal immigration, and other issues.  While America First policies are his first and foremost interest, he understands the need to ensure the lines of communication with western democracies like Canada are maintained.

The problem is Trump's preferred leadership style often rests on the thin edge of the wedge.  He doesn't mind taking the occasional gamble, or a few liberties, when it comes to trade negotiations (ie. the old NAFTA and new USMCA).  He can change position multiple times on the same issue, based on something he's heard or doesn't like during the negotiation process or in public/private conversations.  He's used the threat of tariffs as a short-term bargaining tool with several nations and regions, and has implemented them on Canadian steel and aluminum products.

Yes, things eventually get done with Trump.  Some of them have been quite good.  The process of moving from A to B is often fraught with difficulties, and more than a few hiccups at every stage along the way.  If he's re-elected, it's hard to see how the relationship between our two countries will be any different.

Biden, who's been leading in the polls for a few months, will certainly be an easier ally for Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to take, speak to, and work with.  Nevertheless, the fact that both leaders have left-of-centre views and values doesn't mean it's going to make life any easier for Canada-U.S. relations.  If anything, it could become much worse.

For instance, the Democratic Party that Biden represents is teeming with far-left radicals and progressives in the Senate and House of Representatives.  There will definitely be more of them after election day.  This doesn't mean the GOP is a shining beacon of light, but the problems it faces are far less concerning in the interim.  (Unless you subscribe to the mistaken belief that "Trumpism" has taken over the party.)  Biden will therefore have to constantly push back against left-wing Democratic forces who would prefer to increase taxes, enhance the size of government, restrict private enterprise and crush trade liberalization, among other things.  Is he strong enough to do this, and will he have enough political allies to support him?

Trade relations with Canada could potentially turn into a huge issue.  While it's unlikely Biden will push back against certain principles in Trump's USMCA, the nationalist, anti-free trade contingent within his party will be licking their chops.  They may want to reduce access to certain markets, curb the flow of goods and services, and establish everything from nonsensical environmental restrictions to a U.S.-style supply management model.

Other issues of concern during a Biden presidency could include: a weaker response to illegal immigration, re-enacting DACA or a similar program, relaxing border security, supporting new restrictions for Canadians wanting to do business in the U.S. and, believe it or not, instituting his own series of tariffs.

None of these concerns may materialize, I readily admit.  But the socialistic nature of younger Democratic politicians, including Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Ilhan Omar and other members of "The Squad," is growing rather than receding in the U.S. political arena.  So, the possibility looms large.

It goes without saying Canada-U.S. relations will be handled differently with a President Biden or President Trump in power.  Whether the political winds shift left or right is the question that can't be formally answered just yet.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.