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Two federal byelections in Toronto got me thinking.

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's Chief of Staff, Katie Telford, is well known for her focus on data and on supporting women in politics.

So, let's look at what the numbers tell us in the microcosms of byelections to see if the PM is supporting diverse candidates in these races.

In the byelections this autumn, the Liberals are running Marci Ien, a Black woman with a distinguished career in broadcasting, and Ya'ara Saks, a Jewish businesswoman.  Both seats were previously held by men and, especially in the case of Toronto Centre, are Liberal strongholds.

The fact that two women are running is not the exception to the rule under this PM; on the contrary, the data suggests Liberals have "walked the walk" when it comes to supporting women and Black, Indigenous and People of Colour (BIPOC) candidates during byelections.

By my count, since Trudeau became Liberal leader, there have been two dozen byelections.

Many of these seats were vacated by retiring big shots of their respective parties names like Stephen Harper, Jason Kenney, Thomas Mulcair, Stephane Dion, Peter Van Loan, Rona Ambrose.

Of the twenty-two races that have been held already, Liberals won 55% of the races, picking up a few seats.

In these races, Liberals ran some high-profile men, like former local mayors Richard Hebert in Lac-Saint-Jean and Gordie Hogg in Surrey—White Rock in 2017, and Toronto City Councillor Adam Vaughan in 2014.

But, overall, in these 24 byelections, the percentages paint a positive picture for diversity.

By my count, exactly half of the Liberal candidates were women and of these twelve women, ten were running to replace men.

Further, seven, or 32%, of the Liberal candidates were men and women of colour, and two were Jewish.

Those are impressive stats: gender parity in terms of candidates and a full third were people of colour.

More to the point, five of those women won three replacing male parliamentarians and two are today in the cabinet (one woman lost her 2014 byelection but was elected in the general election the next year).

Assuming Liberals win the two byelections this fall, that will mean five women will have been elected through byelections, replacing five men.

That may seem like a small number it's just 1.5% of parliament but put another way, it means byelections have added potentially five Liberal women MPs to the overall eighty-eight women in parliament: byelections will have elected 5% of the women in the House.

By the same token, it is also true that of the seven BIPOC Liberal candidates, three were elected (again, one lost the byelection but won the subsequent general election).  There are sixty BIPOC Members of Parliament today, by comparison, or 18% of the House.  Like the women MPs, byelections could then count for 8% of the MPs of colour elected.

In particular, Marci Ien being elected would help address the fact that only 1.5% of Parliamentarians are Black, when the Canadian population overall is closer to 4% Black.

Prime Minister Trudeau has said a lot about diversity, about empowering women and ethnic minorities in politics, business and other sectors of society.  He's largely delivered in terms of the candidates his party has run in byelections; that ain't nothin'.

For women in politics, and people of colour, gaining ground in terms of representation is iterative, and too slow.  As Professor Erin Tolley has said, "When voters demand more diverse candidates, and parties make an effort to nominate them, the representation of diversity is more robust.  Despite having the power to do so, political parties have not taken advantage of this opportunity.  Their failure to act is not because they have been hamstrung by first-past-the-post, as some advocates would have us believe, but quite simply because they have chosen not to".

The professor is quite right but it is worth pointing out that in the smaller sample size of byelections, we have seen gains made because Liberals ran diverse candidates in the first place.

Photo Credit: Speakers.ca

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Now that the long-anticipated Throne Speech is at last out of the way, we now have a better understanding of what we can expect from a new and improved Prime Minister Justin Trudeau.

Indeed, Throne Speeches are to governments what theatrical trailers are to movies; they give us a glimpse and a tease, showing us what thrills, chills and spills are awaiting us once the final product is released to the public.

So, what did we learn about Trudeau?  What did his Throne speech "trailer" tell us?  What can we deduce about the tactics he will employ once he steps upon the electoral battleground?

Well, from what I can gather, the prime minister is getting ready to wield two powerful emotional weapons: hope and fear.

As a matter of fact, hope and fear were littered all throughout the Throne Speech.

Consider the slogan the speech introduced — "Build Back Better."

Not only is that a catchy alliteration, (which no mistake is powerfully persuasive in politics) it also neatly and concisely conveys the idea that, even in these dark times of COVID, we can all look forward to our country rising Phoenix-like from the ashes to achieve a glorious Trudeaunian future, a future where clean, green energy will (somehow) power our economy, a future where a million jobs will (somehow) be created, a future where hate and racism will be (somehow) replaced by love and joy.

As a side note, I suspect the Liberals put a lot more work into coming up with that "Build Back Better" slogan than they did on actually figuring out how much all their grandiose promises would ultimately cost taxpayers.

At any rate, if I'm right about Trudeau's "hope and fear" approach, it'd be a pretty good plan.

After all, hope is a powerful emotion; people are naturally drawn to optimism, they want to be inspired, they want to believe they'll have a better future, which totally explains the psychology of loyal Toronto Maple Leaf fans.

Certainly, many successful politicians have played the hope card.

Ronald Reagan, for instance, successfully offered Americans hope in the 1984 presidential election race with his famous "Morning in America" campaign theme and, of course, in 2008, Barack Obama was even more blatantly optimistic, as he explicitly embraced "hope and change."

So yes, during a time when anxiety is hanging over our collective heads like a dark cloud, Trudeau linking himself and his government to rays of sunshine is a smart strategic communication move.

However, since his government has been burdened with scandals and the economy might be seriously tanking in the near future and Canadians might even be getting somewhat tired of his style, Trudeau probably can't win by simply stirring up the emotion of hope alone.

This is where the fear part comes into play.

In addition to pushing himself as the hope-filled savior, Trudeau also needs to tear down his chief rival, Conservative Party leader Erin O'Toole, by making him seem scary.

Hence the Throne Speech's most important line, a line that figured prominently on the front page of the Toronto Star was, "This is no time for austerity."

What's happening here, needless to say, is the Liberals are laying the groundwork to define O'Toole and his Conservatives as mean and nasty austere guys, you know, the kind of people who, on a hot steamy summer day, would gleefully disconnect grandma's air conditioner, just to save a few cents on their electricity bill.

The Liberal line will go something like this: "If O'Toole wins, he'll sacrifice all our hopes and dreams on the dark altar of his evil and callous Conservative deity, the god of Austerity!"

No one will be safe!  Orphans will be tossed onto the street; the aged will be interned into COVID infested senior homes; Trudeau's brother and mother will be denied speaking fees!

The horror!

Also, expect this frightening message to be dutifully amplified by Trudeau's friends in the media.

This likely explains why O'Toole is currently running videos on YouTube to basically say, "Look at me, I'm dripping with compassion!"

So yep, that's what Trudeau has in store for us lots of hope, mixed with a big heaping of fear.

This tricky part for Trudeau in all this will be the need to carefully balance these two contradictory emotions.

Too much hope can lead to disillusionment; too much fear, to paralyzing pessimism.

We saw such a juggling act in Trudeau's televised address following the Throne speech, when he stated, "It's all too likely we won't be gathering for Thanksgiving, but we still have a shot at Christmas."

So, having the chance to visit your in-laws at Christmas is the hope, having to stay in your own home for Thanksgiving is the fear.

Wait a minute… maybe it's the other way around.

Photo Credit: CBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.