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Against the sweeping passage of time and the momentous events in world history, the Canadian experience is often deemed dull and dreary; unexciting and uneventful.

It is a rather unfortunate misconception that pervades the mindset of far too many of our citizens.

Sure, Canadian history may lack (thankfully) the comparative violence and conflict rife in other countries.  But that does not qualify it as boring.

In fact, this country's history is filled with countless nail-biting moments of suspense.

For instance, on this day, exactly forty years ago, Canada came perilously close to breaking apart.

On May 20, 1980, the province of Quebec held its first referendum on the question of sovereignty-association.

After years of mobilization and calculated deliberation, the Parti Québécois, under the formidable leadership of René Lévesque, finally set a date for a provincial wide vote to determine the future of both Quebec and Canada.

Rather strategically, the PQ government had postponed even just announcing the referendum question until after the results of the 1979 federal election had come through.

Once it was clear that Quebec's favorite son, the federalist champion Pierre Trudeau, had been defeated by Joe Clark and his Progressive Conservative Party, the PQ wasted little time in moving forward with their referendum plans. 

Yet, fate had other plans in mind.

When Clark miscalculated the level of support his first budget would receive in a minority parliament, he set in place a chain of events for which he had little control.

His government subsequently lost a crucial vote of non-confidence, prompting an election be held after just nine months in office. 

This twist of fate allowed Trudeau the opportunity to return from the political wilderness and face off against Clark in a rematch.

It was a good thing too.

As the Prime Minister responsible for implementing official bilingualism, as well as establishing "French Power" in Ottawa, Trudeau had won the respect and admiration of a great number of Quebecers.  To separatists, however, he was a much-feared opponent, as well as a major hindrance to their dreams of an independent Quebec.

In contrast, the Alberta-born Joe Clark, had no comparable influence throughout the province.  In the 1979 election, Clark and the Conservatives won only two of Quebec's 75 seats.  As a result, the separatists were far more confident in the run-up to the referendum with Clark in Ottawa.

Their assuredness did not last long though.

In the 1980 election, Trudeau handily defeated Clark in the polls.  He won his third majority government, complete with 74 of Quebec's 74 seats.

The battle lines were now drawn for an epic confrontation between two of Quebec's great champions the folksy and passionate Lévesque vs. the eloquent and confrontational Pierre Trudeau.  And at stake was the very survival of the country itself. 

If a majority of Quebecer's voted "oui" in support of sovereignty-association and all it included, including the province's "exclusive power to make its laws, levy its taxes and establish relations abroad" then the federal government almost certainly would have been obliged to negotiate such an agreement.  Trudeau himself has stated that he would have been compelled to resign in the event of such an outcome, resulting in even more disarray and confusion.

Simply put, Canada as we know it may very well have ceased to exist.

Fortunately, Trudeau responded brilliantly to the separatist challenge.

For starters, he assigned the scrappy and resourceful Jean Chretien to lead Ottawa's federalist forces in Quebec.  Under his direction, Claude Ryan, the provincial Liberal leader, gained a powerful and necessary new ally in the battle to win the hearts and minds of Quebecers.

In contrast the PQ stumbled badly, particularly after Lisa Payette, a high-ranking female cabinet minister in Levesque's government, foolishly mocked women for choosing to tend their kinds at home instead of taking to the streets for the separatist cause. 

Still, the polls by no means assured victory to either faction.  According to polls, the two sides remained neck in neck in the final weeks before the referendum. 

Well, that is until Trudeau's crucial intervention into the campaign.

Upon retaking office, Trudeau had carefully chosen to limit his personal involvement in the referendum.  He spoke only four times throughout the referendum campaign yet always with remarkable clarity and eloquence.  In particular, his unscripted and impassioned speech at the Paul Sauvé Arena on May 14, in which he spoke about his pride in being both a Quebecer and a Canadian, marked the real turning point in the campaign. 

Six days later, on May 20th, the night of the referendum, Trudeau and his federalist forces carried the day.  With 60 per cent voting against sovereignty-association, Quebecers had clearly demonstrated their desire to remain a part of Canada.

Citizens across the county no doubt breathed a sigh of relief.

Crisis had been averted.  Unity restored.  And the grand project which is Canada would continue along; bruised and battered, perhaps, but very much still intact.

It was truly a remarkable, suspense-filled day.

And it all happened forty years ago today.

Now, whoever said Canadian history was boring?

Photo Credit: CBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Is there a less impressive politician in our time than Andrew Scheer?

The Conservative has once again proven what a monumental flop he is.  This time, by admitting that the process he, surely, started to renounce his American citizenship was something he abandoned once he was not given the job of prime minister.

Scheer was never the most honest of guys, so naturally he couldn't help but lay it on for this.

"I made the decision that as prime minister I would renounce my U.S. citizenship.  It seemed that was something that I felt was important for me to do," he said at a press conference.  "Given the fact that I won't be prime minister, I discontinued the process."

Of course at the time, he felt it was so important to do he never even mentioned he had held U.S. citizenship since childhood until reporters found out, and only after being questioned repeatedly about it did he say he was going to renounce it.

The issue of Scheer's passport puts a neat bow on his entire tenure as Conservative leader.  Dim, evasive, dishonest, and in the end dropped like a stone.

He always portrayed himself as the very model of preening moral rectitude, a shining beacon of decent white-bread Canadianness, in sharp contrast to that loose-moraled flim-flammer Justin Trudeau.  But nothing was ever what Sheer wanted it to seem.

His biggest failing has probably been his lack of charisma and daring.  For all his dishonesty, he never really had the guts or the skill to really sell it.  A true modern conservative has to be able to not just lie, but believe the lie with their whole self.  This is what made Scheer such an odd duck of a leader.  It's not clear that his heart was really in anything but being prime minister.  And even then he didn't have the force of will to secure the job.

Probably for the best, though.  As much as it's popular in certain circles to make cracks bout Trudeau's liberal use of "um," listen to Scheer try and answer a question he doesn't have a scripted answer for.  He does these sad little spirals around a sentence.  The quote above, about his decision about his citizenship, is a perfect example.  It reads fine because I've cleaned it up for legibility.  There are at least two parts where the whole thing nearly stalls out before he gets to the end of his thought.  It's kind of sad.

But he was never very good at coming across as decisive.  Even at the height of the SNC-Lavalin scandal, when Trudeau seemed at his lowest, Scheer's version of leadership was to call on the prime minister to quit his job, when it was very clear Trudeau had no intention of doing so.  Scheer looked like a fool.  Trudeau was wounded by the whole scandal, but not mortally, he's still prime minister.

Now, it might be tempting to think that Scheer's half-hearted embrace of selling bullshit is in some way redeeming of his character.  He didn't actually believe the crap he was selling!  But, what does it say about a guy who spent months and years saying and doing things he didn't really believe in in search of power?

What's amazing is that still, months later, he's still kicking around.  The Conservative Party has got to be kicking itself for not installing a proper interim leader.

Of course, there's a good chance who ever held the interim position was going to outshine the eventual new leader.

The race between Erin O'Toole, Peter MacKay, and those other folks is still plodding along.

The race isn't what I would call interesting, consisting mostly of crummy videos of each leader saying they're the real Conservative, and the other guy is a fake.

O'Toole's visibility has been fairly limited since the pandemic descended upon us all.

But Mackay has proven time and again to be utterly inept.  He has managed to flame out spectacularly every few weeks, convinced that bad tweets and dumb fundraising emails are going to get him across the line.  Each time his account puts out some offensive, stupid, or wrong tweet there are a good few hours where you can hear the big jaw of his creaking back and forth as he hems and haws before caving and reversing himself (or whatever version of his self that twitter account is supposed to be).

It's a wonder that someone who can't decide to fire his none-too-swift social media team — some of the same folks who ran Maxime Bernier's run for Conservative leader all those moons ago — could still be the front runner.  But that's just the kind of race it is.

None of them, particularly the two front runners, seem all that competent, honest, or thoughtful.  They just seem to want the job.

That's all Scheer seemed to have, too, and look where it got the party.  It seems the Tories can expect more of the same.  Justin Trudeau might well be our prime minister forever.

Quite the legacy for the party of Stephen Harper, isn't it?

Photo Credit: CBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.