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Ontario's teachers have played the Ford government like a fiddle.

With rotating strikes, coupled with clear demands around class sizes and mandatory online learning, the teachers' unions kept the pressure on the government without ever going all in and risking back-to-work legislation.

It left Stephen Lecce, the Minister of Education and so-called great Tory communicator, spluttering in increasingly tone-death social media videos and in TV studios that teachers simply wanted compensation increases.  Teachers kept the focus on class sizes and mandatory online learning, and the Minister was left looking like he doth protest too much to the contrary.

Plus, logic was on the unions' sides: of course everyone knows teachers would prefer reasonable cost-of-living increases to a mandated less-than-inflation 1% increase, but that was small potatoes compared to damages to the classroom in the form of ballooning class sizes and mandating online learning, both cuts to teacher contingents by stealth.

It must be said, too, that the Minister seemed out of his depth.  Education is a complex file, and a Harper-era comms staffer turned Minister was not up to the job.  His press conferences and media appearances betrayed his inability to reach a bargained deal at the negotiation table. His rhetoric reached the absurd: if you're arguing that you want to direct spending directly to the classroom, but are also pushing fewer teachers and more online courses, the public can easily recognize a shell game.

Put more bluntly: it's not a classroom without a teacher. Cutting teachers means cutting from the classroom, just like fewer doctors would mean a cut to the ER.

Plus, let's cut through the mendacity: this government is cutting from the classroom, slashing funding for school retrofits and repairs.  Per pupil funding is down.

As Martin Regg Cohn wrote in The Star, "Teachers have been the grown-ups in the bargaining room, if only because they resisted the temptation to lower themselves to Ford's level".

Ford and Lecce were the ones engaging in insults and disingenuous rhetoric.

And now, Lecce has been schooled.

Like so much of what Ford has done over the past two years, it's difficult to discern what on earth they were thinking. "If it ain't broke, don't fix it" should be added to every Minister's desks
alongside their gimmicky "For the People" plaques.

From license plates to the autism program, to classrooms to regional government, the Ford government has not followed the advice of that maxim, instead breaking things that were working, with no real plan to fix what they broke.

It's bizarre.  It's exhausting.  And it's unnecessary.

Ontario has a world-class education system, a legacy of Dalton McGuinty and Kathleen Wynne repairing the damage Mike Harris caused to the system Bill Davis built.

But, as terrible as Harris was as much as we are still living with the consequences of what he did Harris at least had an agenda.  Ford seems more like a toddler having a tantrum, breaking things without thought to a long-term plan.

Again, as Regg Cohn astutely wrote, the "Conservative government began all this without an end game, not knowing where they'd end up or how to get there.  The premier merely assumed he'd get public support for his provocative campaign of union-bashing and teacher-trashing.  Ford was doubly wrong — about his own popularity and public attitudes toward teachers.  In fact, the public opposes bigger class sizes and mandatory online learning."

Ford's team were supposed to be past this "shoot first" strategy of breaking things without an end game.  Instead, Ford seems more interested in picking fights rather than running a competent government — and his own popularity is a casualty in his "bull in a china shop" approach.

Whatever happened to "first, do no harm"?

What we're left with is déjà vu all over again: year two of Ford's premiership is off to the same start as year one, with chaos and anger, all of his own making.

On Friday night I was at the Ontario Liberal convention, as we celebrated the deliberative, smart, prepared, conscientious leadership of former Premier Kathleen Wynne.

The Joni Mitchell song that played in her tribute video said it all:

"Don't it always seem to go
That you don't know what you've got
'Till it's gone."

Photo Credit: CTV News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


The situation for the Alberta government is about as grim as it can get at the moment.

Thanks to a global economic Covid-19 driven meltdown and a baffling oil price war being waged by Saudi Arabia and Russia, private and public income is nose diving into the uncharted depths.

And unlike the simmering dissatisfaction of the past couple of tough economic years, there isn't an outlet in bluster-filled blaming.  A pandemic and the Saudi decision to open its oil taps even as demand sinks just can't be laid at the feet of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau or foreign-funded environmentalists.

Premier Jason Kenney must step out of his combative comfort zone and offer hope at home and find aid in unlikely quarters.

His Monday press conference addressing the current crisis was a bit of a mix in terms of tone and inspiration.

Falling back on his propensity to appoint blue-ribbon panels to address every eventuality, Kenney announced hard-line Alberta economist Jack Mintz will head up a panel to deal the economic emergency.

Caught by the energy price meltdown at the worst possible time in the budget cycle, Kenney seemed slightly at a loss.  While the opposition is calling for the government to withdraw its recently dropped budget and go back to the drawing board, Kenney says the budget as it stands will be passed, but there may be a later fiscal update as the longer term impacts of disease and energy industry collapses becomes evident.

Although he is calling for partisan politics to be put aside through the crisis, he still hauled out some of the rhetoric of western alienation.  He is headed to Ottawa this week to discuss measures needed on the part of the federal government to save his province.

"Albertans have been good to the rest of Canada.  It's time to see the rest of Canada return the favour."

But the premier's tone was more measured and sober than usual.  And it's evident he knows extraordinary times call for a shift in the province's usual politics.

Asked about his hopes for Ottawa's help in the light of tensions with the federal government, Kenney said he has had good discussions with Deputy Prime Minister Chrystia Freeland.

Alberta is hoping for a number of federal measures, including possible stepping up of federal infrastructure funding in the province, some investment stimulus policies, more money to reclaim orphan oil wells and a removal of the cap on fiscal stabilization transfers.

These are big asks, especially when the federal government is dealing with the wider national implications of the Covid-19 outbreak.

Kenney also talked about more infrastructure funding on the part of the province to spur job creation, even if that required government borrowing a huge shift for a premier determined to reduce Alberta's debt.

"All options will be on the table. I repeat: all options will be on the table to do everything that we can within our capacity to help protect jobs and Albertans," he said.

And he admits the situation may be dire enough that he won't be able to achieve the central core of his 2019 election platform a return to a balanced budget by 2023.

That's the indicator that Kenney is truly in crisis mode.  Coming up with short term aid to keep oil industry employers afloat and the province's fiscal health from completely collapsing is now at the top of the agenda.

At some point, however, the wider discussion of how to protect Alberta's economy from future shocks of this nature must be addressed.  Kenney talked Monday about a few measures and job creation initiatives but he didn't focus much on the real issue — Alberta has to work much harder on diversifying its economy.

Above and beyond questions of pipelines and project approvals, this week has underscored the fundamental flaw — the province is too vulnerable to global energy sector forces well beyond its control.

Photo Credit: CBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Ontario Liberals, temporarily condemned to the political wilderness, are betting that blandness is the antidote to recklessness.  But is the Grit brand robust enough to overcome its new leader's lingering ethical issues, arguably the Achilles' heel of the party?  And can the electorate really be swayed by a dull-as-dishwater option in a race with three genuine choices?

Steven Del Duca was crowned leader of the Ontario Liberals this past Saturday, an inevitable result after Del Duca had won 56 per cent of the party's delegate elections one month earlier.  The Liberals are currently licking their political wounds and plotting an immediate return to power after finishing third in the 2018 provincial election, an ignominious end to a 15-year reign that left the Grits without official party status.

Despite no longer being in power provincially, the Liberal brand remains incredibly strong in Ontario, a region characterized by moderate politics.  Although Conservatives have historically dominated Ontario finishing top in 23 of the last 32 provincial elections, or roughly 72 per cent the Liberals have prevailed through most of this young century.  Less than 17 months after the 2018 provincial election in which the Liberals were decimated, the federal branch of the party won almost two-thirds of Ontario's seats in a national election.  The Progressive Conservative stranglehold on the province has been greatly weakened since former Premier Bill Davis retired in 1985 and the party subsequently pivoted away from the political centre.

In a democracy, every government eventually becomes long in the tooth and succumbs to voter fatigue.  But the electorate tends to have a short memory, and 2018 provincial election served as an emotional release value for Ontario voters, allowing them to forgive and forget many of the indiscretions that accumulated under two Liberal premiers.  With Progressive Conservative Premier Doug Ford plummeting in public opinion polls, many observers expect the Liberals to make a quick return to power at Queen's Park.

But before we organize the Liberal parade route, it's worth asking a question: what would happen if the Liberals were to present Kathleen Wynne as their leader again in the 2022 election?  Voters are quick to pardon political parties for past missteps provided they offer a fresh face and a new vision.  But what if a leader who was previously run out of town by an angry electorate remained in charge of their party?  Would negative emotions from the past come swelling back and give voters pause about replacing Doug Ford as premier?

Such a scenario may be far-fetched, but what would happen if the Liberals instead offered a fairly senior lieutenant from the Wynne era as their new leader especially a person plagued by several scandals and who failed to earn re-election in his riding during the 2018 collapse?  This is precisely the situation with new Ontario Liberal leader Steven Del Duca.

Might Del Duca's baggage threaten the OLP's chances at a quick return to power?  Possibly.  The Vaughan native is known for his wonky blandness, and that may prove an alluring alternative to the bull-in-a-china-shop governance style of populist Tory premier Doug Ford.  Just as U.S. presidential contender Joe Biden, characterized by his dullness and middle-of-the-road nature, looks to serve as a comforting alternative to the reckless leadership of Donald Trump, so too may Del Duca's drabness be what Ontario voters gravitate to following the trauma of a Doug Ford reign.

But to his detriment, Del Duca can't help but permeate a whiff of the McGuinty and Wynne eras.  Corruption is the kryptonite of Liberals, and Del Duca's past and present scandals serve as an onerous iron ball he'll have to lug throughout the 2022 election campaign.  Each issue may seem trivial in isolation putting a train station in his riding against expert advice, playing favouritism with labour unions, and circumventing municipal development by-laws on his property but in aggregate, they may be enough to cause Ontario voters concern.

Michael Coteau, who finished second in the recent Ontario Liberal leadership contest, at least had the self-awareness to campaign on making the party embrace "ethical governance."  In contrast, Del Duca offers a dismissive shrug when it comes to the skeletons in his closet, including those still with flesh on the proverbial bones.

To Del Duca's credit, his stubborn insistence on only running in his home constituency of Vaughan—Woodbridge does suggest that he has principles, although shunning a "parachute" seat elsewhere in the province and not having a daily presence in Queen's Park as Liberal leader during the next two years may not be politically astute.

Ultimately, just how terrible Ford's time in power becomes may prove the greatest factor in whether the Liberals are able to sneak back into the corridors of power at first attempt.  But a "we're not as bad as the Tories" campaign will not inspire, and low voter turnout may be an even greater factor in Ontario's 2022 provincial election than a Ford legacy of imprudence.

Combined with the Ontario NDP's seeming phobia of power, as well as a three-way split in public opinion polls, Ontario may be headed for a hung provincial parliament in 2022 unless things change drastically.  That would see two governments lacking a single-party majority in just four elections, a trend that Ontario hasn't witnessed since the late 1970s and 1980s.

Former Ontario Premier Bill Davis, who presided over four parliaments, once remarked that "bland works."  But it remains to be seen whether Del Duca's baggage is too much for even a myopic electorate to ignore.

Either way, unless the next 27 months offer major surprises, Ontario's 2022 election is likely to be a choice between several uninspiring options, lumbering our democratic institutions with further cynicism and fostering an increasingly disillusioned electorate.

Photo Credit: In Brampton

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.