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Last week, the Parliamentary Budget Officer released a report that looked into the costs of federal carbon price backstop, and the rebates that Canadians would be receiving.  It should not have been unexpected that he found that hey, the federal government has actually been pretty accurate in how they've described the system, and for those provinces subject to the federal carbon price because their provincial governments haven't instituted an equivalent carbon price of their own that the rebates they will be getting through their tax returns will be worth more than the majority of them will be paying into the system.  A lot of time and careful planning went into the federal system.  But as credible as the PBO's analysis has been, it hasn't stopped the lies about said carbon price from its opponents.

Within hours of the report being released, Conservative leader Andrew Scheer was already shitposting over Twitter that the report "confirmed" that families and small businesses will be paying the brunt of the price, citing the figure that 92 percent of the carbon tax revenue comes from people (insert Solent Green "it's people!" wail here), while only 8 percent comes from "Canada's worst polluters."  And sure, the report says this, but it also talks about the Output Based Pricing System that large companies are subjected to (which is a separate carbon pricing system that deals with benchmarks), and it most especially excludes the rebates going back to households.  Scheer can insist that he's not lying, but he's certainly not telling the truth by omitting all of the relevant facts that put his claim into context.

Saskatchewan Premier Scott Moe, meanwhile, insisted that the report was obviously wrong because it didn't deal with the indirect costs of the carbon price how much it will affect things like groceries or merchandise that gets trucked around, and so on.  Err, except the PBO did look at that, and used Statistics Canada data to look at input and output costs, and figured out how those incremental costs would increase and lo, 80 percent of Canadian households still came out better ahead with the tax and rebate, and the PBO, Yves Giroux, clapped back at Moe over Twitter that Moe obviously hadn't read the report.

But with both Scheer and Moe's reactions to the report and many a Conservative were all over Twitter making the same false argument as Moe the truth almost doesn't matter because they're in the business of selling a narrative.  That narrative is part of the populist construction that the government is putting "real people" (as Scheer's shitpost so clearly demonstrates) as those being put upon, while the elites (which include oil company CEOs who advocate for carbon pricing) don't care because they can afford these increases.  Even when confronted with facts proper economic analysis from a non-partisan Officer of Parliament they simply ignore the conclusion and cherry pick the one or two lines that support their position, no matter that they were actually disproven, but they can still insist that the PBO said those cherry-picked lines, so therefore it's true.

Why we need to be especially on guard for this kind of narrative construction is to look at what happened in the Alberta election, where a diet of lies and snake oil had an angry population put its trust into promises that Jason Kenney has no hope of being able to deliver on, only for him to start playing statesman and putting on the air of sounding reasonable the moment he won the election.  He'll never be able to deliver on his threat to "turn off the taps" to BC, because it's blatantly unconstitutional for him to do so, and if he legislates that the oil companies all curtail their production for that purpose alone (though good luck trying to legislate a curtailment that only affects a single pipeline), he'll find the industry ready to revolt after they are already sore from the curtailment that Notley instituted in order to get the massive price differential to narrow.

That we are less than six months away from the next federal election has me particularly concerned that Scheer will try and adopt Kenney's tactics make people angry, particularly through the lies and false constructions, and then sell them on snake oil promises that he can't actually deliver on.  Not to say that the Liberals are perfect or indeed blameless their singular inability to manage issues or to communicate their way out of a wet paper bag has left them extremely vulnerable to someone who has abandoned all scruples when it comes to using the truth.  But in paying attention to some the things that Scheer has been saying and promising lately, one gets that sense that he is taking from the playbooks of Kenney, and to a lesser extent the Trump campaign (though your mileage may vary on trying to look at how the differences present themselves).  It started with the insistence that Scheer could somehow have gotten a better deal on the New NAFTA from Trump and gotten him to lift those steel and aluminium tariffs when everyone else failed, to promises that he'll totally have a better environmental plan that won't cost people anything (never mind that hidden costs are still costs), to this week's insistence that he could be tough in the face of Chinese aggression in Canada.  It's laughable on the face of it, but people will believe it in spite of facts to the contrary.

All of this leaves the public in a particularly vulnerable place.  The media did a fairly terrible job of explaining or framing the PBO's report, just as they have tended to let Scheer get away with his lies by simply employing the both-sides construction rather than calling out falsehoods for what they are.  When you saw them repeating Kenney's claims in the Alberta election as being plausible when they weren't (for example, that the federal government didn't invoke Section 92(10)(c) of the Constitution was treated as though it was a Thing and not a magic wand that doesn't actually exist), they give weight to the lies.  And unless the media at large shapes up its coverage in this election, we're going to have a real problem in sorting fact from fiction, and what promises are snake oil from those that are legitimate.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Those who do not study history are doomed to have Santayana's aphorism quoted at them constantly.  So maybe they'll crack a book just to make it stop.  For instance "100 Ways to Recognize an Aggressive Totalitarian State: Chinese edition".

In case you haven't read it, because I just made it up, let me cite a few key ones.  The weird yelling guy with a moustache thing has rather gone out of favour since 1953.  But the weird yelling has not.  What effect they expect it to have on us is not clear, though a mixture of amusement and alarm would be appropriate.  Whether the perpetrators think they have to rave theatrically to persuade their colleagues that they have not gone soft or seen through the tissue of lies, or whether they have gone so hard they think they're winning friends and influencing people, is unclear.  But you could ask the Chinese Politburo.

See, last week U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo made a public statement in favour of due process for two Canadians arrested in China, and rejecting any link between their cases and Huawei executive Meng Wanzhou, arrested in Canada and awaiting extradition to the United States.  "These are fundamentally different matters than the Canadian decision to use their due process and the rule of law to behave in a way that's deeply consistent with the way decent nations work," he said.  "They [the Chinese government] want to talk about these two as if they are equivalent, as if they were morally similar, which they fundamentally are not."

You might agree or, I suppose, disagree.  But his comments were clearly delivered in English, literally and figuratively: They obeyed not just the rules of grammar and vocabulary, but of rational persuasive discourse.

Now here is the response the Chinese tyrants "fired back", as the National Post put it.  According to an English-language transcript posted on line, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Geng Shuang said "The U. S. and Canada are singing a duet aimed at confusing right and wrong in a political farce."

Misfired back might be more exact.  This outburst recalls Radio Moscow in what passed for its heyday, prose so purple you can't tell if it's parody by secret dissidents or sincere ideological dementia.  And you certainly can't parody it.  The "duet" business was bad enough.  But the master touch, or final descent into absurdity, was stuffing in the "political farce", mixing the metaphor and overloading the camel.

No matter how angry they get, say when Charles de Gaulle kicked NATO out of France in 1966, democratic politicians don't speak in this hallucinatory style.  Not even Donald Trump unsupervised on Twitter.  But the Nazis and Soviets churned it out as though it was a key Five Year Plan production target.  (OK, the Nazis didn't have a Five Year Plan.  They had a Four Year Plan.  But then a key slogan of the first Soviet Five-Year Plan was 2+2=5, another obvious warning sign.  Like the German plan not ending after four years.)  And the Chinese government talks this way by choice also.

Another related warning sign is the telling of blatant lies with a blank look.  Here, clearly, the intent is not to deceive.  On the contrary, it is to force you to lick their boots and praise the flavour.  Which again involves forcing language to do the opposite of the purpose for which it was created, with a demented indifference to the process or effect.

Take Huawei… please.  It is frankly incredible that we are even considering allowing it to worm its way into the backbone of Canada's next-generation 5G communications infrastructure, and ominous that the PM has apparently delayed the decision past the next election.  But we are debating it, as open societies do, including a recent written exchange between Brian Lee Crowley of the Macdonald Laurier Institute and former Canadian Alliance leader and Alberta Treasurer Stockwell Day in the Toronto Star, followed by an online poll.  Which Brian's argument was winning quite handily until Huawei mobilized its online support internationally and votes came flooding in for the "No" side.  It's petty.  But revealingly petty.  And cynical, manipulative, shallow, bullying and obnoxious.

Then there's a surreal episode involving the Confucius Institute, a tentacle of the Chinese state masquerading as this nicey-nicey organization that promotes Chinese language, culture and cultural understanding abroad.  It's increasingly being removed from educational systems because of what it really is.  And thus New Brunswick's education minister recently had a visit from the Chinese consul-general in Montreal, China's top diplomat in eastern Canada, telling him insistently and incoherently that as the Institute was unrelated to the Chinese government, an agent of that government was barging in to threaten that if it were booted from the provincial school system, that government would make bad things happen to the province's trade with China.

To its credit, the New Brunswick government gave the Institute the shoe leather escort anyway.  And Huawei should get the same.  It's not just that it's an alarming tool of Chinese geopolitical ambition with an opaque ownership structure that leads back to the Politburo as everything does in China.  It's that it's an alarming symptom of Chinese geopolitical ambition, because we're all meant to pretend we don't know what it really is.  And when they say "Open wide, you running dogs" and try to stuff down some lies then extract a smile, or sing farcical duets of Orwellian prose, you know what you're facing.

Or at least you should.  So open your eyes not your mouths, people.  Don't make me quote Santayana again.

Photo Credit: Jeff Burney, Loonie Politics

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


University of Ottawa political theorist and must-follow #cdnpoli tweeter David Moscrop is worried.  He's worried democracy is fragile, that human beings are overburdened by unbridled and massive information exchanges in our modern digital world, and that shadowy forces are ready to prey on our cognitive overload.

But he's also confident, in a way, that the threats we face are ones we can overcome, if we engage in some good, old-fashioned participatory democracy.

Moscrop wants to know why we make bad decisions — and how we can do better.  In his book Too Dumb for Democracy: Why We Make Bad Political Decisions and How We Can Make Better Ones, he suggests a few culprits, not least of which is our own evolution and brain capacity.  Put simply, he suggests, "our expectations [on citizens in a democracy] have outpaced our cognitive evolution".

In a book that is equal parts jeremiad, prescription for democratic reform and a survey of the intersection of political science, communications theory and our understanding of our cognitive abilities, Moscrop starts with some generosity towards our species.  He argues, "It's not that we lack the capacity to make good political decisions but rather that we do not have the incentives, skills, resources, or opportunities to do so."

Social media, cable news and the rapid, unstoppable flow of information is all more than our brains have really evolved to handle, and we certainly struggle to make rational, informed decisions that follow a sensible process to reach a defendable, explainable conclusion.

Relying on our understanding of the human brain — particularly with reference to the ideas in Nobel laureate Daniel Kahneman's Thinking, Fast and Slow, which suggests our brain has two systems, the fast, instinctive and emotional and the slow, deliberative and rational â€” Moscrop suggests we are prone to make knee-jerk, instinctive and emotional decisions in politics, relying on our biases and fears rather than our more rational modes of thinking, simply because we do not give ourselves enough time to process all the information we're bombarded by, and instead rely on heuristics.

Our heuristics can lead to poor outcomes, which Moscrop defines by arguing, "A bad political decision is one driven by bias, poor or incorrect information, or hidden motives.  It is a decision that is often made on instinct, without research or reflection".  He further concludes, "A bad decision-making process leads to bad outcomes".  We engage in such bad processes when we do not allow ourselves the time needed to more rationally and reflectively make political decisions.

In contrast, "A good political decision is rational (informed, coherent, and consistent) and autonomous (the person knows they made it and can explain their reasoning to you)".  We can explain why we made a good political decision because we've taken the time to reason, to realise why we think what we think; rationalising our way to a decision is not only the means by which we make a decision, but it is also the way in which we guard against being manipulated.

Indeed, Moscrop is particularly concerned with the forces manipulating us to make bad decisions such as President Donald Trump's narrow Electoral College win, aided by Russian troll farms and disinformation campaigns, and the Brexit referendum, which we are now learning had the same shady elements behind it.  He writes, "When that ability [to think for ourselves] is taken away, we are no longer agents or subjects or citizens — we become the tool of others or some shadowy force.  We become objects".

His solution is simple: "To preserve ourselves, we must preserve democracy.  To preserve democracy, we must make it just, inclusive and participatory" and "we should double down on democracy and get ourselves out of this mess.  That process starts with knowing ourselves."

Whether through more forms of civic engagement such as citizens' assemblies or participatory budgeting debates or even town halls, he asserts "To resist democratic decline and collapse, we need to take a greater role in self-government".  He's not wrong — but it's easier said than done.

But, we have to try, because there are "cracks in the foundation of liberal democracy", he argues, and "if trust continues to decline, if citizens continue to ignore their democratic duty, and if a crisis or series of crises suddenly strikes — mass migration due to climate change, weather disasters, an epidemic, a massive war, a nuclear event — democratic systems could soon find themselves disintegrating".

The conscious effort to make better political decisions is itself a part of the solution, as it focuses our minds onto a good process, one that inherently guards us against being manipulated and allows for not only a better form of individual, deliberate citizenship but of a stronger, closer civic community itself.  We owe it to ourselves to try.

And try we must, for we face an unprecedented set of "growing threats to democracy [which] remind us that history is not linear and progress is neither inevitable nor irreversible".  It may seem simple, but it will take work, and we should take Moscrop's words to heart: "the cure for the ills of democracy is more democracy".

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.