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On Friday, the Supreme Court of Canada ruled that it was unconstitutional for Canadian expats to be denied the right to vote under previous elections laws in Canada something that had not been rigorously enforced until the previous Conservative government decided to crack down.  While the current government did away with that restriction weeks ago with the passage of Bill C-76, the Elections Modernization Act, the legal test had not yet been met.  In a 5-2 decision, the Supreme Court declared that such restrictions offended the Charter right to vote though I personally found the dissenting judges' argument to be much more compelling, and indeed civically literate.  With this right to vote for expats now affirmed, however, the question has been raised as to whether Canada should reserve seats in Parliament specifically for expats, as a handful of other countries do.  I remain unconvinced.

For starters, what troubled me about the majority decision by the Supreme Court on Friday was the fact that they shrugged off the constituency aspect of our electoral system, when it's at the heart of how representation happens in Canada.  The very basis of our representative democracy is that we elect local MPs, who then form a parliament, from which a government is drawn.  It's not mere convenience to organize parliaments in this way, nor is it simply a means of allocating seats it's part of the fundamental structure of the Westminster system.  The relationship between constituents and MPs ensures both representation and accountability, so it's a bit distressing that five judges on the highest court in the country dismissed it as an unimportant consideration.  Indeed, if some of those arguing the case at the Supreme Court most especially the federal Crown had done a better job, they would have argued that what was at stake was not so much the connection of expats to the country, but rather to the constituency.  They didn't, which is disappointing.

So, if we are guaranteeing expats the right to vote, what does that mean?  While I don't doubt that some longer-term expats do follow the news in Canada, it's unlikely that they follow it to the constituency level, which is in part why Friday's decision is perplexing to me.  Because no matter what people walk into the voting booth have in mind, be it a vote for the party or the leader, the truth of the matter is that they are nevertheless voting for the local candidates it's their names on the ballots, not the leaders (except for those in the riding in which the leader is running as an MP).  Do long-term expats, who haven't resided in the constituency for more than five years (the cut-off point in the previous legislation), have a sense of who those candidates in the riding are, or what the local issues they are proposing to address are?  Almost certainly not.

This has led some to propose the notion of overseas constituencies for our Parliament, much as certain other counties do.  By my count, there are some fourteen countries who use overseas constituencies, most notably France, Italy, and Portugal but notably, no Westminster democracies.  The general rationale for these seats is to reinforce expats' links to their home country's political community, and to promote legislative agendas and direct intervention from an overseas viewpoint in the debates and political decision-making process.  While France reserves their expat seats in their Senate, Italy ensures a number in their House of Representatives, allocated by four electoral districts abroad (Europe, South America, North and Central America, and Africa, Asia, Oceania and Antarctica), as well as a smaller number in their Senate.

Clearly, the idea of doing so in Canada would be fraught with great deal of difficulty to even contemplate, let alone implement.  The biggest reason is the fact that under the constitution, seats are allocated by province, so the creation of new seats for expats would have to be either tied to a province's representation, or it would require a constitutional amendment to create a number of seats that aren't tied to provinces to represent these expats.  Add to that, determining just how many of these seats to add would be fraught politically, given the variation in riding sizes that exist currently PEI being somewhat over-represented thanks to the constitutional guarantee of four seats (the number of seats they have in the Senate, which they cannot be below), the territories also over-represented in terms of population with accommodations made for vast geography, while Ontario is under-represented, and would have been ever more so had the Harper government carried through with their initial redistribution plans.  With an estimated 2.8 million Canadians abroad, that's about the combined populations of Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Newfoundland and Labrador.  Should we guarantee them a commensurate 35 seats?

I would also have to ask just why these MPs would exist.  What would they be arguing on behalf of their expat constituents?  While yes, some of them do still pay Canadian taxes, and Canadian law does apply to them in some regards, on what basis would their MPs be representing them?  What kinds of interests would they be bringing to Parliament?  Would they need constituency offices abroad?  Would they become responsible for consular matters at the expense of the department of foreign affairs and the professional diplomats employed there?  But more importantly, would the Canadian traditions around regional representation need to expand in order to include MPs for expat communities within Cabinet?  And would we need to create expat Senate seats to go along with them?

The problem with all of these questions is that when you consider most of the arguments made at the Supreme Court, they largely ignore any practical considerations about the actual exercise of democracy in favour of feeling good about voting and that's why I have a hard time taking any suggestions about creating expat seats seriously.  Democracy serves a purpose, and we need to take that purpose seriously.  If we're only creating seats in order to make expats feel warm and fuzzy about Canada, what does that say about how seriously we're treating what they're actually voting for?

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


This week, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau made an utterly perplexing cabinet shuffle.

He demoted the country's first Indigenous attorney general, at a time when his promises of a nation-to-nation, reconciled relationship are already feeling a bit hollow.  He moved one of his two most capable ministers from the Indigenous file, where she was just beginning to make progress, and replaced her with a former television host who was one of his wedding groomsmen.  To wrap things up, he promoted a no-name backbencher from Nova Scotia to a position called "Rural Economic Development Minister", with no word whether this means his actual "Economic Development Minister" now needs to add the word "Urban" to his business cards.

Meanwhile, despite a finance minister who struggles to communicate his basic files, some obvious talent languishing on the backbench and an increasing sense that his reelection is far from assured, Trudeau seems to be opting for a "stay the course" narrative, one that looks more like obstinance than resolve.

Indeed, Maclean's columnist Paul Wells was blistering in his assessment of the shuffle, referring to "the administrative bottlenecks, odd fondness for bad communications and preening moral self-regard that have come to characterize his government".  He argued, "It's hard to budge the trajectory of state from even a post as exalted as a seat at the federal cabinet table.  And harder if the government is, as is becoming increasingly obvious to all observers, chronically stage-managed by a tiny cadre of out-of-their-league staffers."

Wells's attacks on Trudeau's staff — and, it should be said, principal secretary Gerry Butts in particular — seem designed to blow open the notion that folks on the Hill are beginning to bristle at a centralized PMO, especially when Trudeau promised a return to "cabinet government" following the centralization of the Harper era in the hands of the former PM's own cadre of staffers.

Yet, from Trudeau the Elder in Canada to Thatcher and Blair in Britain, centralisation in the PMO seems to be the name of the game, with cabinet and backbenchers alike needing to clear their lines through a central office.  There's an element, of course, to which such coordination is vital and irreplaceable.  But we are overdue in this country for an evaluation of how our parliamentary system and cabinet governance interacts with the modern-day pull for an "executive prime minister".

Wells actually makes something of an attempt to forge a solution from this perplexing shuffle, arguing, "Philpott has, or might soon be given, a mandate to rationalize government operations across the board, to improve workflow and deliver more autonomy to ministers' offices and to the public service… In this vision, Philpott would become an executive deputy Prime Minister without the title, the most powerful treasury board president since Marcel Massé."

To paraphrase a Coen brothers' flick: would that it were so simple.

For even as Trudeau has elevated Dr Philpott — who, along with Foreign Minister Chrystia Freehand is his most capable minister — he has done so at the expense of the Indigenous file, where her steady hand and compassionate approach was beginning to make progress.

In so doing, he's replaced her by elevating a more junior minister and close friend to the PM who has thus far failed to distinguish himself, to put it mildly.  (There are one or two people in the cabinet who detractors might argue are there simply because they're buddies with the right person in the PMO, for that matter.)

And, to add in insult to injury, Trudeau's interference with the Indigenous file comes the same day he demotes the country's first Indigenous attorney general.  In a statement, Minister Judy Wilson-Raybould did not seem to take kindly to a move from one of the government's most senior ministries to a job that has "Associate Minister" in the title (whatever that means).

Neither did Indigenous voices across the country, notably The Star's much-celebrated Tanya Malaga, who argued the PM is sending the wrong signal with these moves, "one that caused eyebrows across the country to lift."

Eyebrow lifting across the country is an odd way to enter an election year.  Then again, to quote another Coen brothers' flick, "Yeah, well, that's just, like, your opinion, man."

Photo Credit: Zoomer Radio

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.