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With four more appointments announced this week, it looks like the Senate will be at full strength for the first time in eight years.  Never mind that it's shameful that successive prime ministers have thought it perfectly acceptable to deny Canadians their due representation in the Upper Chamber, whether out of a preening sense of fiscal probity, ideological intransigence, or a fit of pique, the fact that the chamber is not only back up to its full complement of 105 senators, the majority of them sitting as independents, means some more changes on the horizon, not necessarily for the better.

Of the four new appointments made this week, two of them had Liberal Party pasts one a former Liberal candidate, another the former Liberal premier of Yukon.  And this should actually be something that should be treated as just fine it's important to have Canadians with political experience in the Senate, not only because of the institutional memory function of the Senate, but also to keep a sense of grounding among its membership as to the realities of electoral politics.

Not to put too fine of a point on it, one of the biggest dangers that the Senate faces right now, with the kinds of appointments that have been made, and with the "leadership" being provided by the likes of the Government Leader in the Senate err, "government representative," Senator Peter Harder, is that there is a desire to see it operating like a debating society than a legislative chamber.  We're already getting some inklings of this with the fact that with many of the bills on the Order Paper, there is less of a focused attention to the needs of speaking to a bill's strengths and flaws than there is of giving self-congratulatory speeches, often about how it's great that the senators rising to speak are independent and not whipped (overplaying how much whipping was an actual occurrence in the Senate beforehand), but the substance is not always addressed.  Read enough of these speeches while researching a bill, and you start to get a picture formed as to where things may end up.

Of course, where this turns into a bit of a sideshow is where people see the partisan backgrounds of these appointees backgrounds which are not mentioned in the bios provided by the PMO when the appointment is announced and the peanut gallery immediately starts with the snide remarks about how "independent" these senators really will be.  They have a point the prime minister did a big song and dance about how independent he wanted the Senate to be, and it does look mighty suspicious that former Liberals are still being appointed (though a former Ontario NDP cabinet minister, Frances Lankin, was among the first appointees under Trudeau, and former PEI PC candidate Diane Griffin was another early appointee).  That almost no one else with a Conservative past has made the grade does start to look like a problem if the door is open to former partisans.

Granted, the fact that he's a prime minister looking to get his agenda through Parliament means that he's likely to appoint more ideological fellow travellers, even if they're not declared partisans, should be a given, but it should at least be stated openly.  But this runs into the phenomenon that Paul Wells likes to point out that Liberals don't think that they're partisan, hence why more of their own past partisans will wind up winning spots in their arm's length, "non-partisan" processes.  Of course, it would be even better if Justin Trudeau actually appointed a number of actual Liberals to the Senate to better balance the numbers, along with a strong crossbench contingent, but that would go against his current branding exercise.

As for these new appointees, if they do join the Independent Senators Group (as they are likely to), their charter forbids any kind of partisan activity beyond holding a party membership (which must be declared in writing to the group), so that brand identity of independence is maintained with a level of control that exceeds that of actual partisan caucuses.  But the dynamics within the ISG are, by all accounts, strange, and it remains to see how long the group can remain coherent at least, once they get the rule changes they're looking for through.

Those rule changes are considered the ISG's highest priority, and they have started agitating the government for changes to the Parliament of Canada Act in order to get them through, and there is a great deal of concern that the government may try to put them through as part of a budget implementation bill without sufficient consultation with the Senate (though there is also some trepidation as to whether these changes would even be constitutional without the input of the provinces).  But now that the ISG has an absolute majority in the chamber, they can start the process of rewriting other Senate rules to their benefit which could do lasting damage to the Chamber and its operations for a generation to come, particularly because they don't know enough about how the Chamber is supposed to function and some of that is a wilful ignorance because they frequently reject that advice as being "partisan" and therefore bad because of where it comes from.

Trudeau's appointees now have enough clout, and insufficient experience, that they can turn this great experiment of a "non-partisan" chamber into a legislative nightmare for this government and future ones.  Already the lack of proper leadership by those who wield what levers of power there are in the Senate means that the Order Paper is at crisis levels because bills can't get passed with reasonably negotiated timelines.  Clout and insufficient experience can also mean that the ISG might be willing to entertain Senator Harder's terrible idea of a business committee, which would simply time allocate all business and possibly reshape the way debates are managed in order to make them "TV-friendly," as is now being discussed, which is an idea that would start turning the Senate into another House of Commons full of scripted inanities instead of thoughtful discourse.  Now that the ISG has the majority, they need to be very careful not to do harm out of ignorance but that depends on them being willing to listen to advice.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Although largely a result of timing, comparisons between Ontario Premier Doug Ford and U.S. President Donald Trump were inevitable from the start.  Both were elected on a tide of right-wing populism, promising to bring years of corruption and complacency to a halt by draining/stopping the swamp/gravy train.  Both have zero hope of ever gracing the cover of People's Sexiest Man Alive issue.  Both have hair of a color typically unseen outside a urology lab.  Both claim that their wealthy upbringings have had little impact on their characters today.  Both inspire passionate loathing from their "elite" opponents.

But those comparisons are all cosmetic.  In many areas where it really counts, Ford is a vast improvement over Trump.  He works hard, even if his projects aren't as significant as he wants Ontarians to believe they are.  He's not flagrantly racist or xenophobic.  He has no record of sexual misconduct or marital infidelity.  He has punted sexual harassers in his ranks with great speed, instead of making excuses to keep them on staff until they become even more embarrassing or praising them to the skies after their departures.  And as much as he is the strongest personality in Canadian politics today, he takes up only a fraction of the oxygen that Trump can take up in a single tweet.

Nonetheless, in recent weeks, Ford has demonstrated that some similarities between him and Trump are both meaningful and fair to point out:

He is far too willing to interfere in matters best left to designated professionals.

Thankfully, Ford will probably never have to deal with the extradition of a Chinese tech executive accused of violating sanctions.  But he has proven to be less than trustworthy in cross-border business decisions, most notably the sale of Spokane-based utility company Avista Corp. to Ontario's Hydro One, announced under the previous Liberal government.  After Ford's government forced out former Hydro One CEO Mayo Schmidt, followed by the departure of the company's entire board, Avista became wary enough of their meddling to drop the deal altogether, resulting in $133 million in penalties for Hydro One.

The firing of one CEO, however high his salary, was never destined to provide genuine relief to Ontario ratepayers.  But the Avista debacle indicates that Ford put even less thought into the consequences of Schmidt's turfing than it initially seemed.  Like Trump, currently hoping to use Meng Wanzhou's arrest as leverage in ongoing trade disputes with China, he doesn't realize when he is creating a new problem while trying to solve a current one.

He has an impulse to attack the media when cornered.

There is a subtle difference here, though.  When Trump gets questions about unflattering stories, he dismisses them as "fake."  Ford does not go so far as to cry outright dishonesty we turn to Community and Social Services Minister Lisa MacLeod for that, although she apologized later but he does cry bias, which is only slightly less worrisome.  He did this during the Progressive Conservative leadership race earlier this year, when he declared himself best equipped to "stand up to the media."  He did this after being repeatedly asked about his involvement in a family friend's appointment as commissioner of the Ontario Provincial Police (OPP).  And if he has not ordered Queen's Park staffers to drown out reporters during news conferences, he hasn't discouraged them, either.

Ford's anti-media comments are not so frequent or vitriolic that they will force newspaper offices to hire armed security, or seriously ask if their employees can expect his help if detained overseas.  But no politician has ever looked thicker-skinned after complaining about the media.  The way to avoid pointed questions is to give reporters less to ask about.

He is more concerned with loyalty than competence.

For one, that family friend, whom the Ford government admitted fell short of the professional threshold required for the job.  For another, chief of staff Dean French, who has repeatedly committed a cardinal sin among political staffers: Never become the story.  Whether it's having an Ontario Power Generation staffer terminated, asking the OPP to buy a "camper-type vehicle" for the premier's office and hide the costs, or directing other staff to order police raids on outlaw cannabis stores, Ford refuses to view his top aide as the liability he has become.

Political staffers, as a class, rank somewhere between telemarketers and street preachers on the list of people who deserve respect.  But there is a reason most of them have political backgrounds:  They have a better understanding of boundaries not to be crossed.  French, who hadn't been involved with a campaign for 20 years before joining Ford's, either does not understand or does not care.  Neither does Ford, reportedly too blinded by friendship to correct this mistake.  But at least there's no word of the two of them organizing payoffs for porn stars.

Written by Jess Morgan

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.