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Central Canadian politicians just can't resist poking the western bear.

"There is no social acceptability for a pipeline that would pass through Quebec territory," said Quebec Premier François Legault at the recent first ministers meeting.

"Moving on equalization may well be a possibility at the next time we renew it, which will be in four years," said federal Finance Minister Bill Morneau, rather offhandedly, at a federal-provincial finance meeting days later.

Pin pulled, grenade tossed.

The Quebec premier's adamant stand blocking any revival of the Energy East pipeline in the context of Quebec getting an additional $1.4 billion, for a total of $13.1 billion, in equalization payments this year, was gleefully jumped on by Alberta's United Conservative Party Leader Jason Kenney.

Alberta's long standing status as a major contributor to equalization and Quebec's status as a beneficiary is an easy grievance to exploit.  Morneau made it worse by reiterating his plan to leave the current equalization formula in place for four years.

And Legault upped the ante with his dismissive remarks about oil and pipelines, the very pumping heart of the Alberta economy.

"So after unilaterally cancelling this year's planned equalization talks, Justin Trudeau's finance minister says the issue can be revisited — in FOUR YEARS.  Meanwhile, suffering Alberta continues to transfer wealth to a province blocking the source of our wealth.  Truly outrageous," Kenney tweeted.

He even videoed a YouTube diatribe on the issue while wiling away some time in the Regina airport between meetings with Conservative premiers in Saskatchewan and Manitoba.

There's no doubt the UCP base is riled up about equalization.  It's a 'we give, they take' sort of argument.

The background and details are considerably more complex.  Equalization payments are enshrined in the constitution as a means to give provincial governments "sufficient revenues to provide reasonably comparable levels of public services at reasonably comparable levels of taxation."  That way all Canadians can enjoy the same level of services in theory.

Motherhood and apple pie as that may sound, the detail of how the contributor/recipient numbers are calculated has become complex and, according to opponents, particularly in contributing jurisdictions like Alberta, unfair.

Kenney's campaign has several logical holes in it.  The current formula isn't working, particularly while Alberta suffers through the present oil price crash and resulting economic woes, he argues.  He doesn't mention that the formula was actually devised by the Stephen Harper government, of which he was a prominent member.

Kenney argues that Quebec's government is currently running a hefty surplus, while Alberta's finances are deeply in the red.  It's not much of a deep dive to point out, however, that Quebec also has a provincial sales tax just shy of 10 per cent while Alberta has none.

The Alberta NDP has surrendered on the equalization issue, says Kenney.  In fact, Premier Rachel Notley and Finance Minister Joe Ceci have both protested the current formula.  Notley says the current formula disadvantages Alberta and Ceci says he brings it up every chance he gets in pan-Canadian finance minister meetings.

Kenney says he would hold a provincial referendum on the issue to ensure that non-renewable resource revenue is removed from the equalization formula.  What that would accomplish, beyond a statement of protest, is murky.  Equalization is a federal program funded by federal taxes.  There is no big bag of equalization money that the Alberta government can refuse to send to Ottawa.

And even the most outraged Albertan probably isn't going to try withholding his or her income tax payment as a protest.

But all that is detail.  Kenney is counting on a longstanding Alberta tradition of fighting elections based on opposition to Ottawa and central Canada.  Standing strong against easterners who would steal Alberta's wealth is a refrain echoing from the pre 1970s' Social Credit through the Lougheed and Klein Progressive Conservatives to today's UCP.

Every possible chance, Kenney connects Notley to Trudeau in his political rhetoric, even when the two increasingly have little common political ground.

And now that Legault has interpolated himself into a pipeline debate, Quebec also makes a convenient target.

Alberta has increasingly been at odds with other provinces (B.C. on pipelines and Ontario on beer) and Ottawa for the past two years.  Those divisions are only growing wider as the stakes get higher during the election campaign period.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Yesterday news broke of who funded right-of-centre third-party advertiser Ontario Proud during the last provincial election.  The outrage from many political observers on the revelation that most of its funding came from housing developers is misplaced and ironic.

There has been an intense interest from left-wing media in the popular Facebook group — currently at over 427,000 followers — because of its effectiveness in making attack memes and videos ridiculing left-wing politicians (e.g. PM Justin Trudeau, Ontario NDP leader Andrea Horwath and former Premier Kathleen Wynne) and policies that go viral on the social media platform.  Ontario Proud has successfully built itself a bully pulpit where it can reach a great many Canadians in its objective of ridiculing the left's agenda and its flag bearers.

Yesterday I filed a report with CANADALAND on Ontario Proud's donor list in which my editor and I looked at how founder Jeff Ballingall's previous claims to myself and others that the organization is a grassroots organization turned out to be a stretch.  Certainly, the organization has had hundreds of individuals contribute micro-donations and when Ballingall told me that typically people give "$100 or $200, $300" it was prior to the donations that were contributed during the election and had to be disclosed with Elections Ontario.  The response was swift on social media, however, with many individuals denouncing the organization as a front for the PCs and as a "hate" organization.  Yet, as many were blasting Ontario Proud, the rest of the third-party advertisers, namely unions that in the previous election spent 94 per cent of all third-party advertising and still outspent Ontario Proud this year have thus far gotten a pass.

Certainly Ontario Proud deserves scrutiny, especially now that it and its donors helped get Premier Doug Ford into power.  There's added public interest because the premier is apparently looking to unbuckle the Greenbelt, in spite of his repeated denials, to developers.  And I can understand how many Ontarians on the left would be offended by OP's content, which pushes against illegal migration and government spending.

But where is the perspective?  I, like many Ontarians, am against urban sprawl and think we should focus on urban intensification in places like Toronto, where people are already way too spread out.

But too much political influence from any special interest will end up hurting everyone, and in the case of developers they are not overrepresented in the political arena at this point in time compared to unions.  Unions have been the dominant third-party voice in this province for decades.  Yes, unions do play an important role fighting for workers' rights, but when they become oversized and too powerful they can squeeze the taxpayer and the province's budget, hinder competitiveness, as well as protect bad employees from deserved consequences.  The crippling debt levels we now face can undoubtedly be linked to these powerful unions' excessive influence over the past Liberal dynasty.

On top of this, the $500,000 Ontario Proud spent this past election pales in comparison to the millions the parties themselves spent (many of it coming from taxpayer subsidies, the Liberals receiving the most from that pot).  Wynne's Liberals also changed the rules on government advertising, allowing them to be partisan, and then proceeded to spend $62 million in the lead-up to the election this year, more than any other year since 2006-2007.  The Wynne government also tipped the scales by hosting town hall events in six Liberal-competitive ridings in the lead-up to the election on taxpayer money.  Also, former Wynne staffers have created a mirror opposite of OP called North99 (I will have a guide with CANADALAND looking at six of these new partisan media outlets coming out imminently), which only received several thousand in the last election but will likely rival Ballingall's Facebook group in the federal election next year.  That's also not factoring in NDP think-tank The Broadbent Institute's brainchild PressProgress, which mercilessly attacks Conservative politicians under the classification of a media outlet, leaving it outside of the restrictions of third-party advertisers.  And then there's the environmental activist organizations that received foreign funding and helped oust Harper, but you don't see the media referencing that when PM Trudeau continues to (purposefully?) fail to get pipelines built.

With all of the outsized outrage directed at Ontario Proud on social media, a closer look at the filings of the other registered third-party advertisers of Ontario's last election is in order.

Written by Graeme C. Gordon

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Look, predicting the future is hard, particularly when things happen that make no goddamned sense.

How was I to know that Patrick Brown would be accused of sexual misconduct, get booted from his job and then caucus and then get elected mayor of… Brampton?  Am I reading that right?  I thought he lived in Barrie.

Anyway, it is once again the time of year where I go over last year's predictions column and see just how right I was the year before.  What follows is part extremely accurate, part total blood bath.  If you'd like, feel free to take a minute or two to refresh yourself on what I said with full confidence would happen in 2018 from my January vantage point, you can find last year's column here.

With that out of the way, let's begin with the biggest errors.

I want to apologize to readers off the top about the water jetpacks.  They do not seem to have really changed price.  This is my goof, and I'm incredibly embarrassed.  If you held out all year hoping for this to come true, I'm sorry to have ruined the mild and probably fleeting thrill of flying on blast of lake water.

There was also the previously mentioned matter of Brown and the premiership.  Last year, I said I figured Kathleen Wynne would hang on as premier because Brown's brand of leadership wasn't really going to fly with Ontarians.  Which was kind of correct, I guess?  Brown isn't premier!  So there's that.  But Wynne is most certainly not premier.  You win some, and you lose some that you fortunately did not put any actual money on.

Andrew Scheer was never fired from a cannon over the St. Lawrence, and found himself at no point embroiled in some made-in-America popcorn scandal.  This was an insane thing for me to predict, and while I should probably regret the error, I do not.

Kevin O'Leary is unfortunately still with us.  He's even being invited along to live streams by the actual winner of the Conservative leadership race, to boost Scheer's popularity, I guess?  Not sure I follow the logic, but anyway.  O'Leary is also suing Elections Canada because he's a big dumb baby who can't figure out how to pay off his campaign debts.  There's a reason we don't let rich people pay all of their expenses out of pocket.  It's to prevent ding-dongs like O'Leary from running without any actual support.  Alas, he ran.  And now he's taking out his inability to play by the rules on the rules, not his ineptness.  Seems he'll be around a while longer.

But enough about how wrong and terrible I am, let's talk about the good stuff.  The stuff that shows what a big, appropriately moistened brain — not too wet, not too dry, just right! — I've got.  Let's focus on what a brilliant visionary I am in my ability to predict the sweep of events, and my stunning grasp of the future.

Elizabeth May almost certainly has been made humanity's representative in an extra-dimensional senate by a bunch of aliens.  We just don't know about it because they don't want us to know about it.  Wake up people!

Now, the prime minister did not end up in a nude kite surfing pyramid thing with Richard Branson.  But!  Justin Trudeau did find himself in vacation/travel brouhaha when his tour of India lurched from one disaster to another.  Costumes, check!  Convicted failed assassin, you bet that's a check!  I said things would happen in April, but you know what they say, February is the new April.

CBC did not actually premiere a new standalone period detective show.  But what we didn't notice is how quickly the rest of their lineup became period detective shows.  I doubted the cast of Murdoch Mysteries would be a good fit as rotating anchors of The National, but boy was I wrong.  The way they end on a cliffhanger every night?  Magic.  (I'm assuming this is what happened to The National.  I don't actually watch it, but obviously I don't need to.)

Canada still doesn't have jets, the RCMP have charged the Navy's top man over alleged leaking, other ships are over budget, and the one ship that does work and is good will be the only one bought by the government.  Sounds to me like another correct prediction.

Donald Trump is still saying things, and it's still more bananas each day.  Right again.

Finally we come to Québec and the provincial election.  I want to quote myself here for a second: "So, this might be the province's chance to choose the third-party Coalition Avenir Québec, led by François Legault. I think this is finally his year."  If there was a camera for me to mug to right now, you best believe I'd be mugging for it.  That friends, is a correct-as-hell prediction.  Legault is premier!

Well, that's it for recapping last year's predictions.  Next time in this space, I'll give you my vision for 2019.  How will it look?  Probably pretty dire!  But I guess we won't know for sure until I lay it all out.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.