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There comes a time in every government's life when you pretend you didn't know just how badly the bunch of crooks who came before you screwed things up and you use that to justify doing all sorts of unpopular stuff.  We should know: we did it when we came into office in 2003.

Oh sure, we acted all mad when we uncovered a hidden $5.6B deficit, but you wouldn't believe how useful it was in justifying our own spending and raising taxes.  If we wanted to pretend that we were actually good fiscal managers, we could magic it away for a while before we brought it back.  What we're saying is: crippling debt can be a good thing, if you know how to use it properly.

And now that *we* are the bunch of crooks that got kicked out of government, and now that the PC's have uncovered how bad the deficit actually is, and since Premier Fug Dord wants to regain that honeymoon that he obviously cares SOOOOO much about maintaining, might we humbly suggest that he do what we did 15 years ago and use this as an opportunity to show that he is REALLY "For The People" by appropriating more of their money through new taxes?  Especially since this is still kind of the same deficit that PC Party left back in 2003, when you make the almost-conscious decision to look at it that way?

You have to ask yourself (and Doug definitely needs to ask himself): What kind of Premier does Doug want to be remembered as?  Does he want to be the subject of endless notwithstanding clause jokes for four years, and blamed for everything that is going to go wrong for Andrew Scheer in "vote rich Ontario" for the next year?  Or does he want to be known as the man who heroically slew the deficit and balanced the books, like a good widdle Conservative?  Whooooo's a good widdle Conservative???!  Yessss, Douggie-wouggie wants to be a good widdle Conservative, yes he does!!

Remember, Doug: You and your party didn't campaign on revealing the extent of the deficit.  (If you had, you would have been Tim Hudak.)  So how can we trust you when you say the deficit is $15 billion?  After all, we're the ones who hid it, which is why we're the only ones you can trust!

And now you're telling everyone that your precious line-by-line audit is giving you cover to sell the LCBO?  Oh, Doug, Doug, Doug.  Don't you know how easy it is for us to convince people that selling the LCBO will actually decrease government revenue?  We can, and have, with a straight face, said that a carbon tax would put more money in people's pockets, and got John Ivison to call it a "game changer."  We can, and have, told people that "everyone already knew" about how bad the deficit really was after telling people it wasn't as bad as your party made it out to be.

The truth is, Doug, that you don't understand how this game is played.  We do, because we make the rules and keep making them up as we go along.  We've already gotten you to denounce Faith Goldy's words, if not her as a person, so why not just cut the crap and start raising taxes?  Why continue with this charade of pretending that you can govern in any way other than our way of governing?  Why #Resist when we are the ones doing the #Resisting?

By the time we're through with you, Mr. Doug, you'll be marching in Pride Parades, talking about "investing in infrastructure", and buying labour peace, just like everyone else.  Nobody gets to violate the norms of Canadian society and get away with it, unless we say so.  We think you know it just as much as we do.  We know a significant chunk of your party already knows it.  But we understand if you have to learn the hard way, just like Stephen Harper did, and just like Mike Harris did, and just like your dearly departed brother did.  It's even OK if you don't ever say so publicly.

Photo Credit: Jeff Burney, Loonie Politics

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Samara Canada recently released another survey of MPs from the current parliament, asking their thoughts on the state of debates in the House of Commons.  It should be little surprise that many MPs are dissatisfied with the state of things, and are torn on how to fix things.  But as with so many of these kinds of discussions, so much of what MPs are dissatisfied with are things that are already within their control and that they simply either don't know that they have the power to change, or they simply choose not to while still grousing about it and blaming "the party" that they nevertheless act out of loyalty to.

What I found least surprising of all was the fact that MPs find private discussions the most meaningful.  This includes debate behind caucus doors, direct conversations with ministers and party leaders, and least meaningful were Question Period and debates in the House of Commons.  This shouldn't be surprising because public "debate" is now scripted and performative, and is orchestrated by the leaders' offices.  Virtually none of it is genuine but this is something that MPs absolutely have the power to change.  They could ask questions that they wrote on topics that they are interested in if they really pressed their leader on it.  They could contribute to debate on a bill by doing their own independent research and coming up with their own points, and by not reading a script if they really wanted to.  The problem is that most don't want to, and I've heard directly from some MPs that they have no incentive to it's not rewarded, and they would rather use the time and energy on something like committee work, which again, more MPs felt was more meaningful.  This is a Very Bad Thing for our democracy, and it's something we need to get MPs to care about but that also means restoring older rules in the Chamber around banning scripts and doing away with the time limits that are being used to fill time rather than make their points and sit down.

Added to this in the survey was a general unhappiness among MPs as to the time and resources that they have available for the scrutiny role that they play when it comes to legislation and finances, like the Estimates which is the existential purpose of our Parliament.  And while I can understand that there is some frustration, I would be remiss if I didn't point out that this is the fault of MPs who have decided that they would rather spend their budgets and staff allocations on doing constituency work  which is not actually part of their constitutional role.  They created a crisis in terms of the amount of work that their offices take on, and for them to moan that they don't have the resources to do their actual jobs is a bit rich, or at the very least, lacking in some very basic self-awareness.

Not surprisingly, MPs were also unhappy with the state of collaboration across party lines, but this again goes back to some basic truths about MPs that they often don't wish to confront, which is that the vast majority of MPs don't believe that they are very partisan, but that everyone else around them is.  It's the same as MPs who insist that they don't heckle even if you point of when they do which they dismiss as one-offs.  MPs say they want greater collaboration, and yet engage in partisan gamesmanship and points-scoring at most available opportunities, and worse yet, when some MPs show a willingness to act collaboratively, more often than not they are taken advantage of by their opponents who will manipulate them into voting against their own interests, which only increases the cynicism and distrust across party lines.

The Samara report included surveys on several reforms, and while I'm glad that MPs were opposed to things like ensuring a supermajority vote for a prorogation (which is a boneheaded suggestion given that you can trigger a loss of confidence with a simple majority), and the creation of a second debating chamber, they were also not in favour of things that might be in their own interest, like letting the Speaker independently decide who gets to deliver a Members' Statement on any given day, or having MPs pick committee members by secret ballot, despite the fact that statement spots and committee assignments can be used as disciplinary tools.

As for reforms that MPs do favour, I'm less enthused by the list because some of them are blatantly self-serving like changing the lottery system that determines the order of precedence for private members' business while others are complicated by the fact that MPs themselves have created the system as it exists and haven't made any moves to change it like the rules around the cameras in the chamber focusing only on the person speaking while forbidding wide shots or reactions.  Likewise, favouring the elimination of Friday sittings was complicated by the fact that they couldn't decide on how to implement it, and trying to redistribute the sitting hours would mean having to sit later in the evening on the remaining days something MPs already opted to do away with in order to be more "family friendly."  Having committee chairs elected by secret ballot was about the only useful suggestion, for what it's worth.

As with most reform discussions, so many things sound better in theory without having to think about the consequences.  MPs like to complain about things that are within their power to change, but that they rarely act on because doing so would mean acting in a manner that may have their loyalty questioned, which is one of those dynamics that these kinds of discussions rarely capture.  MPs could act more independently, but have decided that being a team player is how they want to behave in Parliament, and until we can have that discussion in an earnest manner, most of these reform discussions are simply academic.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


I keep finding myself absentmindedly doing mental accounting whenever I pass a subway station in Toronto or one of those rather stately old Toronto Hydro buildings.  Maybe it's because earlier in my career I worked at an advertising agency or maybe it's because one of my clients is now a property developer.

Either way, I keep finding myself thinking about the value in the government's real estate portfolio.

As Premier Doug Ford continues to try to go line by line through the province's books to find waste, I can't help but wonder if the real benefit to the province's bottom line is actually in real estate asset optimisation.

According to government reports, the province alone owns some 4,300 buildings and just under 130,400 acres of land.

Now, some of these buildings are schools and hospitals, but others are field offices, storage and maintenance facilities, and other under-utilised spaces.  In fact, the government estimated it generated roughly $27.5 million in revenue and savings from surplus property sales in 2017.  Turns out it makes sense to sell a property rather than pay its hydro bill — who knew.

Speaking of hydro, I do not want to re-litigate former premier Kathleen Wynne's partial privatization of Hydro One, except to say that the notion of trying to "recycle" an asset to use the funds raised to build new assets sure does beat having to raise taxes.  And, to be fair, former Liberal cabinet minister Brad Duguid did some significant work a few years ago to sell off surplus land, such as the LCBO head offices on the Toronto waterfront.

As Ford embarks on an effort to save the taxpayers' money, the focus so far has been on potential cuts and privatisation.  Yet, as we learnt all too painfully under former premier Mike Harris, slashing spending on public facilities creates a vicious and more expensive circle when repairs are not addressed.

But asset optimisation — not even necessarily asset sales — is an intriguing prospect.

Let's take Toronto itself as an example.  Former CEO of Build Toronto, Lorne Braithwaite, estimated the City holds some $15 billion in real estate assets. Just think if even a small percentage of that real estate could be optimised, whether through development opportunities, more advertising or a combination of both.

There are longstanding but largely untapped plans to, for instance, build condos atop TTC stations.

More granularly, the TTC currently has annual advertising revenue of roughly $28.2 million and rental revenue of $11 million.  That accounts for roughly 5% of the TTC's operating revenue.

Yet, the GO transit system — which has more buses, more stations and is spread out across more municipalities — only raises advertising revenue of roughly $6 million per year and commercial rental revenue of around $4 million.  If the GO transit system could even just go from its current 1% of revenue from advertising and commercial rental to matching the TTC's 5% of revenue, that would generate millions of dollars more for the system.

In other words, somebody should start installing some more billboards at GO stations and wrapping the sides of buses.  That's not even to mention the potential for advertising at storage facilities and maintenance yards.  And the TTC is no real poster child itself compared to other metro systems worldwide: a plan to bring some Starbucks into the stations rather than just some sorry little newsstands could generate decent new revenue.  Union Station's redevelopment is doing a great job bringing in restaurants and stores for commuters to enjoy, and reaping the rental revenue, too (now if only they could finish the renovations in my lifetime).  The City should get serious about building commercial and rental units atop TTC stations, too, at long last.

And it isn't simply about revenue.  Mayor John Tory's "rail deck park" is a type of asset optimisation, proposing to build over the rail lines in the downtown to create new acres of parkland.  And his opponent, the impressive former city planner Jennifer Keesmatt, just this weekend proposed converting City-owned golf courses into public parks, which will disproportionately serve under-serviced priority neighbourhoods.

Similarly, the former Liberal provincial government announced plans to develop four provincially owned surplus properties in Toronto into 2,000 units of housing, including 600 units of affordable housing.  This is the kind of common-sense approach that works.

Likewise, as another smaller example, when I attended Trinity College, students voted to invest $250,000 of student fees to install solar panels on the roof of a College office building.  The City matched the funding with an interest-free loan.  Today, the solar panels generate enough revenue to fund $25,000 per year worth of scholarships.  This is a win-win financially and for the environment.  Imagine scaling up such a project on campuses, hospitals, schools and government buildings across the province.  Now there's an environmental moneymaking plan even the Ford Tories could sure get behind.

Ontario's affable Finance Minister Vic Fedeli recently tweeted a photo of him hauling out all the old landline phones in his Ministry for the recycling bins.  I love that kind of simple "watch the pennies and the dollars will take care of themselves" approach.

But if Premier Ford wants to be serious about Ontario's budgetary problems, he should think more broadly than just cuts.  He should strike a commission of inquiry not into past Liberal accounting disputes, but into investigating, calculating and cataloguing ways the broader public sector — the province, the municipalities, universities, hospitals — can find ways to generate more revenue for the vast real estate assets the public already owns.

That's a smart way to run government like a business. 

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.