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The sordid tale of Senator Don Meredith and the release of the Senate Ethics Officer's report into his conduct has prompted universal condemnation and calls from all sides for his resignation.  But with Meredith unwilling to leave of his own accord, we are about to see a test of the Senate's ability to police itself.

Despite what you may hear from a number of pundits and TV hosts, the Senate has a clear ability to police itself.  Just because the kinds of ethics breaches that the SEO has found are not enumerated in Section 31 of the Constitution with regards to an automatic expulsion order from the Senate things like bankruptcy or being convicted of a felony the Senate has parliamentary privileges that don't fall under that section.  Why is this important?  Because Parliament is a self-governing institution, and it needs the ability to police itself.  While the Auditor General may have been horrified by the fact that the Senate makes its own rules, that's actually a feature and not a bug when it comes to the practice of Responsible Government.

The ability for a body that has institutional independence to police its own is well established.  We see it with judges and the Canadian Judicial Council, as the recent brouhaha around Justice Robin Camp (of the infamous "knees together" comment) proved when they recommended his removal from the bench.  Camp had enough wherewithal to resign before Parliament could vote to remove him.  The House of Commons has expelled its own members on several occasions (though few in recent memory), though there was talk about the possibility of needing to do so recently when the revelations about Dean Del Mastro's illegal campaign activities came to light before he too resigned.

While the bar for the Senate expelling one of its own members is high, it is so necessarily.  After all, the institution is designed to be a permanent institution of parliament (in contrast to the House of Commons constant changing makeup) that must act as a check on the government of the day without being easily removed.  After all, if a sitting Prime Minister with a majority could remove senators, then there would be nothing to stop him or her when things go badly.  But the bar is not impossible, and we are about to test it.

Oh, but the more obtuse pundits and talking heads will insist the Senate has never expelled its members before!  What about Andrew Thompson?  Or Raymond Lavigne?  The difference, of course is that those men had just enough shame left in them to resign when they ran out of options before the Senate decided to oust them for their sins.  Meredith, however, seems to be absent that sense of shame, and refuses to be moved, but the Senate is also a different place than it was then.  A bit battered after years of scandal and overwrought denunciations, particularly in the wake of the ClusterDuff affair, its denizens, many of them new without any particular sense of partisan loyalty to the prime minister that appointed them, have far less patience for the peccadillos of their fellows.

This entire situation is also different from what happened with Senators Mike Duffy, Pamela Wallin and Patrick Brazeau.  In that case, their suspensions were handled in a ham-fisted manner, dictated by a prime minister who controlled his Senate majority caucus, and who wanted the story out of the headlines.  His proxies bullied the suspension motions through without due process, and that left a bad taste in the mouths of a lot of senators on both sides of the chamber.  What happens with Meredith this time around will need to avoid those same pitfalls of process.

But process is also what the Senate has the benefit of.  New rules and processes have been put into place over the last number of years as part of their internal reforms that most people haven't paid attention to.  Ethics rules that Meredith is subject to will mean that there are grounds to oust him according to the parliamentary privileges of the chamber now that they have the report of the SEO that he has contravened them.  But it also means that the Senate and in particular the pundit class are going to need to have enough patience to go through all of the proper steps, and that no one jumps the gun to move a motion on the floor of the chamber to try and oust him immediately in order to silence the critics.

If there is any danger, I think that is the one that senators need to beware of.  Yes, this latest incident has again given voice to those same rabble-rousers who constantly call for the chamber's wholesale reform or abolition, damn the broader consequences to our parliamentary institutions as a whole.  Wanting to silence the critics during the ClusterDuff affair meant that they were ham-fisted and opened themselves up to bigger problems because they contravened the rules of natural justice during those suspension motions.  Going in haste to silence the mob will only end badly for all involved, but that's going to mean needing to ignore some of those same howling voices in the meantime.

The other complicating factor is that Meredith has gone on sick leave since the SEO's report came to light, and that could delay any action that the Senate's ethics committee or the chamber as a whole could take if they want to respect the rules of natural justice and denying Meredith his say in his own defence.  But delay though he might, he can't stay on sick leave forever, and will eventually need to face his peers, whose resolve will likely have hardened by that point.  He can threaten a court challenge, but the courts are loath to interfere with parliamentary privilege.  It's possible he may find a shred of shame and still resign honourably, but I suspect we will soon find ourselves with a precedent for expulsion.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


I want to tell you about the governor of a large industrial state.  He's a Democrat, elected as the third term of a moderate Democrat in an historically Republican state.  His state was hit hard by the Great Recession, but today the state's economic growth is leading the country, and he aims to balance the budget this spring.  Some estimates actually suggest his state's economic growth will lead the entire G7.  He's had seven months of strong job creation, mostly full-time and high-income jobs.  Part of this growth is due to his massive investments in infrastructure, particularly transit in the state's biggest city and suburban region.  This autumn, he's bringing in free tuition, in addition to building and rebuilding hundreds of new schools and improving hospitals.  He also reached a deal to dramatically enhance people's pensions.  It's an impressive record.

Now, he's had his share of irritants.  His predecessor left a scandal or two that still grate voters.  It's hard to separate the one administration from the other in voters' minds.  There's a sense, rightly or wrongly, his policies are better for the state's urban and suburban regions, leaving rural voters feeling left behind.  And he's made his share of mistakes, including only acting belatedly on campaign finance reform, albeit that when he did act, it was with a vengeance, bringing in some of the country's toughest new rules.

But the main irritant is the price of utilities, which has more than doubled on his watch and his predecessor's.  In response, he cut taxes on bills and then, when that wasn't enough to cool consumer rage, he rejigged the financing of infrastructure, to lower costs upfront but pay more over a longer period.  He gets that this one issue is killing him, and has to cauterise the wound.

A year before the election, his Republican opponent is fairly glib, routinely sprinkling speeches with falsehoods and half-truths.  But his rival is hard working, and thinks he can coast into the Governor's Mansion.

Now, what if I told you this Democratic governor was also gay.  And he's actually a woman.  And she's a Canadian premier.  Named Kathleen Wynne.

Forgive the hypothetical counterfactuals; I wanted to demonstrate a peculiarity of Ontario politics.  Premier Wynne's rather positive record is buried under the weight of the high cost of electricity and McGuinty-era scandals.  By most objective metrics, she's been a successful premier, but you wouldn't know it from the vitriol and the polling.  Liberal internal polling says Wynne's policies are nearly universally popular, when presented in isolation from the Premier or her government.

Lest you think I'm just being a Wynne fanboy, I'm not the only one questioning this disconnect.  Steve Paikin wrote a similar blog to this one last December.  He asks, "How did Wynne go from inheriting a political mess from her predecessor, to outshining both her rivals during the 2014 election campaign and winning close to 40 per cent of the vote, to being dismissed by so many as a lost cause two and a half years later?"

Paikin suggests a way through this unpopularity for Wynne: "watch for Wynne to try to reconnect with the issues that animated her entry into politics in the first place: educational opportunities and social justice".  I agree with Paikin's prescription, but I'd add in an additional ingredient to make a full reelection plan: populism.

In today's charged political environment, populism has a very negative hue; it's associated with the far right or far left.  Former president Barack Obama objected to the way the press is misdefining populism as just nativism or xenophobia at a press conference last spring in Ottawa.  He ranted, "Maybe somebody can pull up in the dictionary quickly the phrase 'populism' but I'm not prepared to concede the notion that some of the rhetoric that's been popping up is populist", before going on to say that the true measure of populism is through policy changes to stand up for the little guy against powerful interests.  Former UK Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg makes a similar argument, suggesting the real utility of populism is to channel reforms to helping those striving to better their lot in life.

Put together with Paikin's notion that Wynne should focus on educational opportunities, there's the beginning of a playbook for Wynne to get back in the public's good graces.  It's against the conservative media's narrative, but Wynne has the ammunition to make a case her government has actually saved Ontario families pocketbook pain, the high hydro rates notwithstanding.  And she did this through making education more affordable, at all stages of life.

Her free tuition plan for low- and middle-class students is the start of a strong story about investing in the future economy.  Add in the costs saved for young parents through full-day kindergarten and her pledge of 100,000 new childcare spaces, and that's families at both stages of raising kids seeing meaningful pocketbook relief in the name of ensuring everyone gets a solid education and a fair shake.  More reliable transit, it can be argued, saves those same middle-class parents time and money.  Wynne's leadership on pension enhancements is an under-celebrated victory for all generations.

There's more that could be done, including targeting older millennials by offering debt reductions on their student loans, given that their younger siblings will now benefit from free tuition.  She should also find some pocketbook relief for that most reliable of voters — grandma and grandpa.

But, there's a story to tell here: we will lower the costs and the barriers for you to get the education you need to get ahead, from childcare to grad school.  It's a story the former school trustee and education minister is ideal to tell.

Photo Credit: Loonie Politics

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.