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Bright, capable people are running, but none have produced exceptional policy platforms or possess fundamental leadership qualities

TORONTO, Ont. /Troy Media/ You'll find my endorsement for the next leader of the Conservative Party of Canada at the end of this column.

However, I can't stress enough how close I came to selecting no one.

Late last year, I announced I would endorse one of the 14 Tory leadership candidates in early 2017.  Although I've not held a party card in years, it's no secret that I support the Conservatives.  My long-standing role as a right-leaning political pundit, as well as being a former Stephen Harper speechwriter, makes my choice, to some extent, relevant.

There were party activists (and others) who privately didn't understand why I was taking my sweet time making a decision.  Was I stalling, waiting for someone to push ahead so I didn't look terribly foolish?

No, not at all.

To put it bluntly, I wasn't overly impressed by any of the candidates.

It's not that there aren't bright, capable people running for this position.  There are.  Unfortunately, none of them have produced exceptional policy platforms, or possess the fundamental leadership qualities, to inspire a nation of people to vote for them.

Not at present, anyway.

So it would have been easier for me to write that no Tory candidate was ready to walk in Harper's large footsteps, choose none of the above and wish the party well.

That's not the approach I wanted to take.  I like to be a man of my word and I preferred to formally endorse someone.

So I tweaked my criteria.  Usually, it's a combination of who is ready for the role and who has the best chance to grow into this important position over the next one or two federal elections.  For this leadership race, the second component would be the only thing that mattered to me.

With this in mind, here are my thoughts:

Several leadership candidates, including Kellie Leitch and Kevin O'Leary, aren't suitable for this position.  Both have, or had, talented people working for them behind the scenes.  But as I've written and said in the past, these two could cause huge problems in terms of promoting small "c" conservative values and the perception of inclusiveness in the party and country.

The Tories are obviously free to pick them.  That being said, the risks seem much greater than the rewards.

I also wouldn't immediately coalesce around either Leitch or O'Leary as the next federal Tory leader.

This doesn't mean I'm going to abandon the Tories and/or the Canadian conservative political movement.  I only vote for right-leaning parties, leaders and politicians.

It also doesn't mean that I wouldn't support their leadership at a later date, either.  But based on my repeated criticism of both, I wouldn't join in on the celebration anytime soon.

And a word of warning to Tory grassroots members: more than a few Canadian conservatives seem to feel the same way.  I'd choose wisely.

If the federal Tories opt for one of Maxime Bernier, Lisa Raitt or Andrew Scheer, they'll be on a respectable path to eventually defeat Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and the Liberals.  It may take some time, but all three have the intelligence, gravitas and ability to become a national leader and gradually re-energize the Tory base.

There can only be one endorsement, however.

My choice is Scheer.

The 37-year-old Tory MP has represented the riding of Regina-Qu'Appelle since 2004.  He's served as Opposition House leader (under interim Conservative Leader Rona Ambrose), deputy Speaker of the House, and Speaker of the House.  He's bilingual, experienced, a thoughtful speaker and thinker, and a political bridge-builder by nature.

That's the political direction I recommend for the Tories moving forward.  While it's not exactly a ringing endorsement, it's certainly a hopeful one.

Troy Media columnist and political commentator Michael Taube was a speechwriter for former prime minister Stephen Harper.

© 2017 Distributed by Troy Media

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


We haven't heard much from the PC Party of Ontario recently, save for Patrick Brown's decision to support the Ontario Liberals' motion condemning Islamophobia and his scoring some easy points off the government when it came to calling them out over disconnecting some Ontario residents' hydro in the dead of winter.

Supporting Wynne's anti-Islamophobia motion may have been the last straw for some as far as Brown was concerned, but all in all, his choice to go along to get along rated relatively low on the PCPO botch-o-meter.  There was nothing to be gained from getting involved in a battle over semantics with the Liberals while a similar fight is taking place at the federal level and crowding out provincial politics in general.

This calm spot, and others like it, is a time when the PCPO can repair the damage caused by their previous missteps.  Unfortunately, they're so battle weary and the party's top brass is so completely committed to maintaining a low profile that they never do take advantage of the lack of scrutiny.  They just cruise along in their comfort zone, blithely ignoring signals from the membership and the media, pretending everything is A-OK.

At the best of times, the PCPO is actively disdainful of their membership.  As I've said previously, despite the fact that the party's decisions to immolate themselves in the midst of previous election campaigns and by-elections always came from the very top, it's the rank-and-file who gets the blame each time for "distracting" the party.  So, you can count on any advice offered up from below to be acknowledged with a smile and ignored.

It's too bad, because the reason why the base is so restive and angry is because they don't feel like they're being listened to.  If the top brass actually heard out the members until they stopped yelling, things might improve.  Sadly, the PCPO brain trust has come up with some of the most creative excuses and spin I've ever seen and heard for not taking this step.

After listening to members complain about the party for years, I've done the work of curating those comments into 5 simple suggestions that really aren't that hard to implement:

Stop pretending nobody is watching you, or is too mad at the Liberals to notice your screw-ups

The Liberals are sure good at pointing out that conservatives are being a bunch of big fat hypocrites, aren't they?  We recently saw this at the federal level, where the Liberals discovered that Rona Ambrose was criticizing Justin Trudeau for vacationing on the Aga Khan's private island while she herself was lounging on an oil billionaire's yacht.  Whoops!

Even if Team Blue manages to squiggle out of these embarrassing scrapes, as Ambrose did, the fact is that she thought nobody would notice or care.  And if the PCPO falls into that trap, they will end up swinging and missing like the CPC did.

It's getting near budget time, for example, and the PCPO will begin their annual litany of complaints over overspending.  Fair game, but has anyone checked if the party's MPP's voted themselves another pay raise recently?

Hear out your worst critics instead of assuming they'll never listen to you

I never understood the CPC's strategy of using criticisms from the so-called "far-right" to burnish their own supposedly moderate credentials, especially since the architect of this theory, Tom Flanagan, eventually found himself under the wheels of the bus.

Patrick Brown is playing his own version of this game.  You see, he tried listening to those awful so-cons and the Rebel crew and all he got for it was more trouble, so he now has an excuse to ignore them.

As we saw with the Oosterhoof debacle, however, shoving the more radical elements of the party into the closet works in the short term but creates problems in the long term, because- as I said earlier- ignoring people makes them angrier.  Like it or not, Brown will have to deal with attacks from the so-cons and he'll have to push back against them, or lose the argument by default.

Call people back

I don't really need to explain this one too much, do I?  The PCPO has admittedly gotten a little better on this front since the Hudak regime, but it's still not where it needs to be.

"I'm busy" isn't an excuse for not welcoming new party members or potential nomination candidates with open arms.  We're all busy, and not everyone knows as much as the insiders.  Regardless of what someone has said or done in the past, or even if they were a Liberal yesterday, they still deserve a fair kick at the can.  We may not like it, but that's the process.

This seems as good of a time as any to remind various party stalwarts that complaining on Facebook about someone's lack of credentials makes you look defensive and scared, and that you care more about protecting your spot than sharing it with others.

Bozo eruptions don't lose elections- freakouts over bozo eruptions do

An astonishing number of PCPO activists believe they can go an entire election without something bad or controversial happening to the party.  As if the Liberals will just wear their shame into defeat.

Even if this has actually happened in the past with the short-lived Peterson government, it's unlikely that Kathleen Wynne will just go quietly into the night.  If nothing else, past behaviour will predict future behaviour.

So can we please stop panicking over every little wheel wobble?  Can't we just assume that the left will attack us no matter what we do, and deal with the issue decisively instead of pretending like it doesn't bother us?

Try being authentic for a change

As I said at the beginning of this article, not attacking the Liberals when there is nothing to be gained from it makes sense.  The problem is that Brown's PCPO refuses to attack when it's needed, which is in response to Liberal attacks.

During the John Tory years the same mistake was made.  The party calculated that butter would not melt in Tory's mouth, and that any attacks on the man would make the attacker look unhinged and ridiculous.  Maybe so, but the attacks clearly stung Tory, and worse yet, he never responded until it was too late.  So much for Tory the Unassailable.

In the Hudak years, not much was made of Tim's character because the party seemed to have learned that making your leader out to be a moral exemplar created a ridiculously high bar, but they forgot to give Tim a coherent personality to speak of.  Depending on the day of the week you would get Fake Smile Tim or Angry Tim, and you never got Responds To Liberal Attacks Effectively Tim.  If you look at Hudak's relaxed and personable personal conduct since leaving the PCPO, you see just how much of a put-on his acts were.

Now with Brown as leader the party has continued to divert attention away from his personal life, putting out inspiring stories about overcoming stutters and writing to Brian Mulroney about acid rain.  All very heartwarming, but how does this make Brown the kind of guy you can relate to?  Can he tell a joke?  Did he ever get pulled over for speeding?  If you prick him, will he bleed?

Patrick Brown could and should be allowed to relax and have fun every so often.  The fact that the party can't let him do that shows how scared they really are.  But what would you expect from a party who claims that they are constantly blindsided by attacks that everyone else could see coming a mile away?

Written by Josh Lieblein

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


As the rise in irregular asylum seekers crossing into Canada continues to dominate the news cycle, we've also seen a great deal of rhetoric also crossing over from south of the border, on both sides of the political spectrum.  Talk about "illegals" and "sanctuary cities" coming from either side of the debate are bringing a strange American tenor to the debate in Canada, and it's colouring the way we should be approaching the issue.

I will start by saying that the rhetoric hasn't gone full nativist, but it's certainly present on both sides the right concerned about who is getting into the country in this manner, the left looking to push back against the Trumpocalypse to the south of us and trying to assert some kind of moral authority over what they see as racism and xenophobia dictating policy in that country, and trying to use this stance of welcoming refugees as a bulwark against the outside influence of this creeping protectionist sentiment.  What doesn't help is when each adopts American lingo to bolster their sides.

On the right, we have Conservative MPs and leadership candidates railing about "illegals," even though any refugee expert will tell you that while the border crossings may be illegal per se, those claimants are not actually illegal but irregular.  And because the crossings are illegal, those arrivals are usually arrested and sent to some form of detention until they can be processed, but given that there is no actual prescribed punishment for the irregular crossings, it's hard for them to articulate how the law needs to be enforced and witness eruptions like Tony Clement hanging up on a CBC Radio show when they pressed him on the topic.

On the left, we get imported terms like "sanctuary cities," which doesn't really fit into how our own governmental structures work.  Because refugees largely fall under federal jurisdiction, it's hard to see how municipalities making these declarations are actually doing something substantial for these asylum seekers.  This imported term, like the use of "illegals," is one that has more to do with the American issue around undocumented workers, mostly coming from Mexico, and crackdowns on them, which is not the issue that we're having in Canada.  Using this kind of language when it comes to the problem of irregular arrivals of asylum seekers just muddies the water, and smacks of a kind of me too-ism in the political discourse.

The issue of irregular arrivals is a complex one, and it's one that governments of all stripes have wrestled with for years.  The previous government took a very hard-line approach, treating refugee claimants from some countries as automatically bogus and trying to clamp down on them in a myriad of ways, from attempts to close any of the loopholes in the Safe Third Country Agreement with the United States (an effort the Obama administration rebuffed), to imposing visa restrictions on countries like Mexico and Romania, to overhauling the entire immigration and refugee system in order to speed through the processing of claimants from supposed "safe" countries that were determined politically.  Never mind that significant percentages of claimants were found to have valid claims, yet the new system was designed to make it more difficult for them to make claims by denying them time to adequately prepare.

The rhetoric of the Conservative years, that their party and its leadership candidates are still expressing today as part of this new situation, is that of a hierarchy of "good" and "bad" refugee claimants, and that any irregular arrival must be bogus or the work of human smugglers trying to scam our welfare system.  This new increase in irregular arrivals has been couched in new and perfectly legitimate concerns that they're risking their safety to cross in frigid weather while being unprepared to do so (witness the two who lost their fingers to frostbite), but it's still tinged with this same "good" versus "bad" notion.  "Good" refugees wait in camps, and generally tend to be from populations that the government can derive some kind of political benefit from (such as Iraqi Christians during the Conservative years), while "bad" claimants are termed "queue-jumpers" in an attempt to delegitimize their own desperation and plight never mind that there isn't actually a refugee queue, but rather a process to be followed.

Part of the problem with importing this rhetoric is that it lacks the perspective of the Canadian situation.  We don't have millions of undocumented workers coming over the Mexican border.  We don't have millions of refugees coming from places like Syria and Libya arriving in boats and travelling overland to reach our borders.  We are pretty isolated and difficult for any asylum seeker to reach, but you wouldn't know it based on the rhetoric that we've been hearing.  The numbers we're seeing even this recent spike in arrivals is miniscule compared to what other countries are seeing, and it makes it hard to justify any kind of panic.  We're also not placing it in the global context of being in the largest refugee crisis since the Second World War, and that has a lot more to do with why we're seeing more people trying to reach our borders than the simple irrational panic of what is going on with Donald Trump's executive orders and travel bans.

Complicated situations and this rash of irregular arrivals is just that don't make for simple solutions.  It's not enough to simply call for loopholes to be closed and irregular arrivals to be sent immediately back to the United States because we have signed onto international commitments, and we have basic humanitarian obligations, and that's why it's for the best that the current government is taking it slowly and not making any rash moves.  While the situation is likely to escalate as the weather gets warmer, we need to stay clear-eyed about this.  Simply repeating Americanisms as though our situation were at all comparable won't help the debate in any way.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


On Wednesday of the new spring session at Queen's Park, the Liberals attempted to stanch some of the political bleeding of steadily rising hydro prices by unanimously passing Bill 95, the Protecting Vulnerable Consumers Act.

This new legislation amended the Ontario Energy Board Act, giving the Ontario Energy Board (OEB) the new authority to demand Local Distribution Companies (LDCs) not disconnect Ontarians in arrears for their hydro bills.

The wording of Bill 95 was unclear on many of the details, but the OEB by Thursday afternoon explained how it was going to proceed with the new law, announcing a ban on all disconnections and installation of load limiting devices until April 30.  The LDCs were also ordered to uninstall all load limiting devices and reconnect all households currently without power, while also having to waive any costs incurred in the process.

The OEB's order also divulged that there are about 930 households disconnected and 3,000 households with load limiting devices currently.  These numbers are substantially lower than the oft-cited-by-the-opposition estimate of 60,000 Ontarian households disconnected last year, but many of those households were likely reconnected in the interim, after spending days/weeks/months without power in the frigid winter months.

Although both opposition parties welcomed the Liberal government's action, they still claimed it was a case of too little, too late.

"Why didn't they time-allocate this bill leading into the Christmas break, well before these winter disconnects would've occurred?  Unfortunately there have been thousands of people who have had their power disconnected over this past winter and this all could've been avoided had the government been serious about this back in the fall," said Progressive Conservative MPP and Energy Critic Todd Smith after question period.

"This kind of change has been a long time coming.  People are stuck … They're in a situation where they have to make choices they shouldn't have to make.  Paying their hydro bill or putting food on the table.  Paying their hydro bill or paying for childcare," said NDP Leader Andrea Horwath.

Despite the temporary relief for struggling low-income households unable to pay their hydro bills, the rates continue to steadily climb, making hydro more and more unaffordable for many households.

Premier Kathleen Wynne admitted this week that her government's removal of the 8 per cent provincial portion of the HST on hydro wasn't enough, and promises more relief for ratepayers in the upcoming budget.

However, this week The Canadian Press reported the federal government is in discussions with the Ontario government about the payment of $25 million in damages and $3 million in legal fees a NAFTA tribunal awarded Windstream Energy, after the wind power company sued the federal government because the provincial government put a moratorium on offshore wind development, breaching the three parties' contract.  The Liberal government will also be mired in the rehashing of the gas plant scandal in September, when two former Liberal staffers from former premier Dalton McGuinty's tenure go to trial for breach of trust and mischief.  And finally, the Liberal's partial privatization of Hydro One and the rapid increase in electricity costs will make this a lightning rod issue for the opposition parties and emotionally charged issue for voters in the runup to the 2018 election.

Written by Graeme C. Gordon

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


The former PM likely used his association with Trump to get the president's ear, work a little magic and ensure Trump's meeting with Trudeau went smoothly

TORONTO, Ont. /Troy Media/ Last week's meeting between Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and U.S. President Donald Trump was a success.  Relations between our two countries remains solid, thanks to the hard work of political staffers and willingness of both leaders to work together.

Yet there are often unsung heroes involved in the fine art of international diplomacy.  Their direct or indirect influence can help improve situations, ease tensions and build relations between two nations.

Brian Mulroney could very well be that unsung hero.

Hold on.  What role could a former Conservative prime minister have played in negotiations between a Liberal prime minister and a non-ideological Republican president?

Mulroney has known Trump for more than 25 years.  In an interview with Policy Magazine for the January-February 2017 issue, he acknowledged that "what you see with Donald is what you get."  He respected the fact that Trump "is a guy who basically on his own built an empire worth somewhere between $5 and $10 billion," and has five children who are "all hugely successful on their own."

In his view, "if a guy can do that, he has something going for him and if you add to that the fact that for the first time in American history a guy came in off the street with no elected experience, no service as a military general, wins the nomination against 16 other candidates, and then wins the general election against a candidate with Hillary Clinton's brand recognition, he has a lot going for him, so I think he has a good run at this to be a successful president."

Mulroney has expressed similar confidence in Trudeau.  In a March 2012 CBC interview, he described him as "talented" and a "fine young man" whose "youth is an advantage."

The former PM also pointed out, "People who trivialize his achievements and hold out little hope for his prospects ought to be very careful.  Life doesn't work that way.  And there are always surprises in political life.  And he's capable of delivering a major one if they underestimate him."

With respect to Canada-U.S. relations, Mulroney told Policy Magazine, "I think Mr. Trudeau is going to get along fine with Donald Trump … I think that while, ideologically, they can be worlds apart, there is enough success in pursuing common objectives that I think they are going to find a lot to be happy about."  He said this includes the Keystone XL pipeline, infrastructure projects and the unique economic relationship of the countries.

All of this makes sense.  But where does Mulroney fit into this equation?

Here's a clue.  The Globe and Mail noted on Feb. 19 that Mulroney and Derek Burney, Canada's former ambassador to the U.S., "have acted as informal advisers on how to handle the Republican-led Congress and the Trump White House and cabinet secretaries."  Their vast experience and knowledge in both areas were obvious assets to the Trudeau Liberals.

This arrangement has clearly succeeded.  Trump reportedly told Mulroney at Mar-a-Lago, after the latter sang When Irish Eyes are Smiling at a cancer benefit, that "relationships are just great between Canada and the United States.  Justin had a terrific trip down to Washington."

Hence, Mulroney likely used his association with Trump to get into the president's ear, work a little magic and ensure the first meeting with Trudeau went smoothly.

This surely helps make things easier for Canada in terms of the North American Free Trade Agreement, the successor to the 1987 Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement that Mulroney arranged with then-president Ronald Reagan.  It hopefully prevents potential problems with the auto industry, softwood lumber and foreign policy, too.

We may never know Mulroney's exact role in the lead-up to the Trudeau-Trump meeting. Unsung heroes deserve to maintain some level of anonymity, after all even when they sing for a president.

Photo Credit: Toronto Star

Troy Media columnist and political commentator Michael Taube was a speechwriter for former prime minister Stephen Harper.

© 2017 Distributed by Troy Media

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


As the Conservative leadership race continues to drag on, and with fourteen candidates still in the race, we're getting a sense about the ways in which there has been a kind of debasement of the party in the process.  There are interlopers about, both inside and outside of the gates, and this whole episode is one long reminder of what is truly broken in our political system the way in which we choose our leaders.

First, the interlopers within.  These are the candidates who are not actually sitting members of the party, and it applies both to those former MPs who were defeated, and to outsiders like both Rick Peterson and Kevin O'Leary two businessmen who boast credentials of not being politicians.  "Not being a politician" has been in vogue for a while, but the recent fetish around this, along with "draining the swamp" and the demagoguery around political elites has propelled Donald Trump to the White House in the States, and it's what O'Leary hopes will help win him win the leadership here in Canada.  Never mind that we've proven time and again being a CEO and a political leader are different skillsets which are not interchangeable, and that there are countless examples of those who promised to "run government like a business" utterly bombed.  No, we're still treating this particular slogan like it's a desirable trait.

And then there are the interlopers without.  From the beginning of this race, when Kellie Leitch got out in front with her "Canadian values" trial balloon that blew up in the media, we saw a concerted effort by non-Conservatives to start taking out party memberships in order to keep her away from the levers of power.  The fact that I saw my socialist Green Party-voting ex on social media last weekend talking about how he was voting in the Conservative leadership contest was proof positive to me about how we've reached the point of utter absurdity with this particular phenomenon.  Of course, it's not unique to the Conservatives the fact that the Liberals opened up their leadership contest to "supporters" instead of party members already paved this particular road, before they then decided to blow up their whole membership base entirely with a permanent "supporter" category, while Michael Chong advocates for free party memberships that people simply declare on their tax forms.

But while some people see this particular party interloping as a way to effect change or exert influence, we're still not sure that this would be an effective tactic in the current Conservative race, given the complex math of both the ranked ballot and the point system assigned to each riding that was designed so that more populous ridings in the west didn't swamp the less populous ones on the east coast.  Meanwhile, the curveball in all of this is not only those left-wing interlopers who are trying to keep Kellie Leitch down, but rather who Kevin O'Leary is signing up as new members, given his plan to target Millennials and those who feel disaffected by politics as usual, not to mention the supposed legions of his TV fans.  Depending on how many he can recruit and what their distribution looks like across the country, that could be the bigger disruption.

Which brings me back to the point about this being the truly broken part of our political system.  While the theory behind membership-driven leadership contests is that they're supposed to be "more democratic" and engage the grassroots, all they've really done is concentrate the power in the office of those leaders at the expense of the caucus as well as the grassroots.  Leaders know that they can't realistically be held to account by that membership base, which emboldens them, and we're seeing more and more examples of how these leaders are running against their own caucus, whether it's with candidates like Brad Trost, O'Leary, or Leitch, or the gong show that is Jeremy Corbyn running Labour in the UK, where an energized activist base has installed him there over the wishes of the broader voter base and his caucus in revolt, and the party is rendering itself unelectable.  Insulting the very people you're supposed to be leading in parliament is a strange tactic, and yet some people clearly see it as the path to power.

There is an additional problem with this move to broadening the membership base for leadership contests in that these recruits are not actually filling the roles that party members are supposed to be.  These are not people who are going to riding association meetings, coming up with policy resolutions to vote on to bring to a convention, or helping to actively organize or provide ground-up input into the party the way that our political system is built to.  They're in it for a single ballot to empower a leader with a "democratic legitimacy" that they should have no claim to, in the hope that they will impose a less awful vision on the party that these new members are normally opposed to.  This should be utterly untenable to all involved.

If anything, this should be an object lesson that it's time to wind the clock back on how party leaderships are decided to the way that it was intended to be so that the caucus decides.  It keeps the leaders accountable to the caucus, MPs are re-empowered to both make decisions and to push back against the centralizing efforts by the leader and their offices, and it restores the place of the grassroots in deciding policy and in holding their local MPs to account so that there is a flow from the ground-up and not the top down.  There are no interlopers either among the would-be leaders, or those who hope to frustrate the membership of the party.  It'll be tough to remind people why it needs to be this way, but we can't keep further debasing our system into one of powerful leaders and a caucus of drones.


The reason the Liberal Party's motion on Islamophobia deserves to die has little to do with the motion itself, and what it will or won't legally affect through its status a decree of Parliament, and everything to do with statement on Canadian society it seeks to make.  It's a revealing window into the mindset of Canada's current progressive establishment, and their upside-down understanding of the problems and priorities of the country they seek to govern.

The fact posing the greatest existential threat to multicultural liberalism today is that the massive importation of Islamic persons to Canada through a carelessly generous immigration policy has not yielded the joyous reception that was expected.  Along with a general preference for lower immigration in general, polls consistently reveal Islam to be deeply unpopular.  A 2015 one found the religion's positive approval rating at a mere 15%, while another found 33% of Canadians supporting a ban on Muslim immigration altogether — a faction of the population higher than those who voted Conservative or NDP in the last election.  A survey last summer found 75% of Ontarians believed "Muslim immigrants have fundamentally different values," a statement the Toronto Star tendentiously took as proof of a "wave of Islamophobia."

The great existential threat to pacifist liberal foreign policy, meanwhile, has been the persistent existence of Radical Islamic terrorism, an enemy of the west that is deeply irrational in its hate.  Those who subscribe to fashionable anti-colonial action/reaction theories of foreign policy (in which the crimes of western imperialism spawn understandable backlash from the imperialized) have struggled for years to explain why radical Muslims from privileged backgrounds routinely feel the need to indiscriminately slaughter crowds of civilians — often those of their own nationality and religion — at schools, mosques, gay clubs, and rock concerts.

The conservative conclusion to all this (or perhaps just the "logical" one, since it's shared by a number of atheistic leftists) is that western nations should wage war against Islamic terrorist groups abroad, while exercising temperance and skepticism of Islam at home.  In practical terms, this entails doing at least two things Canada's current government has pointedly refused: bombing ISIS targets in Iraq and Syria, and curtailing Middle Eastern immigration (or at the very least not raising it to unprecedented highs with tens of thousands of fresh refugees every year).

The progressive conclusion, in contrast, has been to create an alternate universe containing problems more consistent with their worldview, then attempting to take credit for solving those.  Since 9/11, this has entailed repeating a steady refrain that our society is in the midst of an "Islamophobia" pandemic — the true crime of terrorism.

Thus, we get Liberal Motion 103, which describes Canada as a dystopia home to an "increasing public climate of hate and fear" born from the unchecked scourge of "Islamophobia" and demands House Heritage Committee craft a strategy to help Ottawa "develop a whole-of-government approach to reducing or eliminating" it.  M-103 also demands the state "take note" of something called petition e-411, a piece of writing that regurgitates the old saw that there exists a vast, almost incomprehensible canyon between Real Islam, the faith that has "contributed, and continue to contribute, to the positive development of human civilization" in "all areas of human endeavors," and that "infinitesimally small number of extremist individuals [who] have conducted terrorist activities while claiming to speak for the religion of Islam," which we should all just get over already, geez.

A parliamentary motion does not need to explicitly suppress speech to chill free expression.  I myself was recently unanimously denounced by Quebec's "national assembly" for writing some honest words about how Quebec society is perceived in the rest of Canada.  The purpose of my denunciation was obviously intimidation: it was a clear statement from the state that that if citizens say certain things there will be consequences, so they'd better not.

Such is the case with M-103.  You can either subscribe to the belief that the vague and broad crime of "Islamophobia" — which the motion, of course, does not even attempt to define — is rampaging across the Canadian countryside, sowing "fear and hatred," or you can be on the side of what the motion calls "systemic racism."  The purpose is quite obviously to intimidate those who may be inclined to think or say that radical Islamic violence has something to do with, you know, Islam, while simultaneously making it part of the official Canadian narrative that hysterical, bigoted fear of Islam has reached peak crisis in a country that can't import Muslim immigrants fast enough.

This is what it looks like to be misruled.

Written by J.J. McCullough

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Well, that took long enough. The phoney war phase of the New Democratic Party leadership race has finally come to an end.

Peter Julian, the B.C. MP and former finance critic, announced this week he's looking to lead the party, and formally kicked off his bid for the leadership.  He's the first one to do it, and it's been a long time coming.

The NDP have been in a bizarre limbo for nearly a year.  It was last April when the party decided to show Tom Mulcair the door at a policy convention in Alberta.  Mulcair has been leading the party since, with no one formally declared to replace him.

Mulcair had gambled that his message of centrist stoicism, coupled with the occasional mention of Tommy Douglas, would be enough to vault the NDP into government.  Sadly for the NDP, a plodding campaign content to play the balanced-budgets game, while waiving dumb "STOP HARPER" stop signs, wasn't what Canadians were looking for.

Mulcair's failure opened the party's perpetual wound: How centrist is too centrist?  There are two typical paths imagined for the NDP: it moves to the centre to try winning government, or it swings to the left as the conscience of the Commons.

Mulcair's party was one driving to the centre of the spectrum.  The glimmer on the horizon of electoral victory made the party too cautious, too soft, too anxious to look competent.  They got beat, badly, when they were outflanked by younger, sunnier, more reckless politician in Justin Trudeau.

Canada had enough of being led by the serious man with the bad ties and opted for something fresh.

Trudeau's particular zing, that careless whiff of glamour, has the unfortunate side effect of letting the NDP pass on confronting the peril they're in.  While the party was able to make clear it didn't want Mulcair, it didn't have to decide whether it wanted his centrist strategy.
The party has demurred from accepting there's something so existential at stake.  Julian's half-hour speech made no mention of the crisis that's facing the NDP.  He laid out proposals for free tuition, better housing, an end to pipelines, and true reconciliation with Canada's indigenous population.  He received the loudest cheers when he talked about Canada's need to speak out against politicians like Donald Trump.

But the broader vision of what the future of the NDP is, of where Julian will cast their lot, was absent.  In setting the tone for his campaign, the candidate put forward some specific policies, but no grand tableau.

This attitude could explain why it's taken so long for someone to pay their $30,000, submit the required signatures, and jump in the race.  The NDP split itself down the middle when it cast aside Mulcair, but offered no replacement when it did.  The party has continually lagged behind the Conservatives and the Liberals in quarterly fundraising figures, and will be led by its zombie leader for another seven months.

Add to that, the one place the party did win provincially is the one place it could never count on federally.  Rachel Notley may have won the premiership in Alberta, but the federal NDP is so anti-energy it would never gain traction in the province.  Speaking at the same convention as Mulcair was ousted, Notley practically begged the party to change its mind and embrace the workers of the oilsands.

What should have been a celebration of Notley's triumph in a deeply conservative province, was yet another awkward tiptoe around a cataclysmic division within the party.

It's a party willing to embrace the cause of manufacturing jobs, but quick to abandon the men and women extracting the natural resources.  The auto worker needs to be championed, but the oilsands miner should be shunned.  That one could not exist without the other is never mentioned.

These paradoxes need to be reconciled eventually.  The NDP cannot be the party of the left, while also trying for the responsible centre forever.  It can't settle its divisions with big orange hugs.

There's a chance this might doom the party to a return to perpetual third-party status.  Maybe the NDP is fated to be the conscience of Parliament once more.  But if they don't bother standing for something, what's the point of existing at all?

The leadership race needs to reckon with what the NDP is.  If they choose to ignore their plight, the choice they'll make is to be irrelevant.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


The Trudeau-Trump relationship could end up being closer to workable (Harper-Obama) than divisive (Diefenbaker-JFK)

TORONTO, Ont. / Troy Media/ It goes without saying that meetings between Canadian prime ministers and U.S. presidents have been historically significant.

Some were positive (Brian Mulroney and Ronald Reagan, Jean Chretien and Bill Clinton), some were negative (John Diefenbaker and John F. Kennedy, Pierre Trudeau and Ronald Reagan), and others went better than expected (Stephen Harper and Barack Obama).

Now that Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and U.S. President Donald Trump have held their first meeting in Washington, what will be the future of Canada-U.S. relations?

Trump has been president for less than a month.  It's been a rollercoaster ride, from arguments with the media over the size of the audience that attended his inauguration to the ongoing legal challenge involving Executive Order 13769, "Protecting the Nation from Foreign Terrorist Entry into the United States."  He's inexperienced and still getting his feet wet in a job that few ever expected him to hold.

Trudeau obviously has more experience in terms of holding political office, yet he doesn't have a reputation of being a strong leader when it comes to international relations and matters of economic importance.  While he's likely more willing to look at briefing notes and listen to advice than his U.S. counterpart, his interpretation of key information is suspect in the minds of many.

What these two people discuss and decide will have a profound impact for years to come.  With roughly $541 billion in trade between Canada and the U.S. on the bargaining table, and the status of NAFTA up in the air, that's more than a little disconcerting.

There's no reason why Trudeau and Trump can't get along.

The president is a more dominant personality than the prime minister, but he's able to work with individuals from different walks of life.  The fact that he's not an ideologue (he's neither a conservative nor Republican) is also intriguing, because his agenda is personal, and not political.

In the long history of Canada-U.S. relations, that's unique.

Meanwhile, the prime minister is more personable than the president, which means he has the ability to read an individual and identify potential pitfalls.  He said in Halifax last month this relationship could be a "challenge" which is true, since Trump is very different than his predecessor, Barack Obama, and Canada's strategy is "to stay true to who we are."

Regardless, Trudeau stated both men "got elected on a commitment to help the middle class and we're going to be able to find common ground on doing the kinds of things that will help ordinary families right across the continent."

There is the common ground.

Trudeau and Trump's first bilateral was, as expected, a pleasant affair.  It was a feeling out process for both leaders, to build rapport and see what ideas and policies they could emphasize.

This could open the door to solid economic relations, rather than constant fears over an icy political relationship and looming trade war.  That's not to say issues concerning Trump's travel ban and renegotiating NAFTA won't cause tensions between the two countries; one hopes they'll find positive ways to work together and minimize the number of political bumps in the road.

If this were to happen, the Trudeau-Trump relationship could end up being closer to workable (Harper-Obama) than divisive (Diefenbaker-JFK).  How many people would have bet on this?

Photo Credit: People

Troy Media columnist and political commentator Michael Taube was a speechwriter for former prime minister Stephen Harper.

© 2017 Distributed by Troy Media


Justin Trudeau finally offered some greater elaboration late last week about why he decided to pull the plug on the electoral reform file, and the plaintive wails from the proponents of electoral reform were fairly predictable.  And despite the protests, I do think that Trudeau made some very salient points about the issues of stability of the country under different electoral rules, and certainly if we were to hold a referendum on the issue, as the Conservatives made a precondition for any movement on the file.

The question Trudeau asked in return to a woman who pressed the point about electoral reform while he was in Nunavut was "Do you think Kellie Leitch should have her own party?"  The usual suspects on social media responded with the same old sarcastic points like "Newsflash! Leitch is already running for the Conservative Party" without actually understanding why it would be a bigger issue for her to have her own party as opposed to leading the Conservative Party of Canada, and yes, there is a difference.

One of the biggest questions about what a move to proportional representation would mean in this country is whether any of our established "big tent" parties largely meaning the Conservatives and the Liberals would actually survive in a system that offers different rewards than the current one does.  In many ways, those "big tents" operate as coalitions already, bringing in different regional concerns and fiscal and social concerns in order to come up with a fairly cohesive policy framework that they can present to the public, and once in government, use that internal coalition to try and distribute the benefits that flow from it in ways that placate the various factions in a way that brings as much peace to the table while allowing that government to maintain the confidence of the Chamber.

The benefits of big tents, as has been long proven over the course of our history, is that it moderates the extremes in our politics.  In order to have a chance at gaining power and holding it, it's pushed our parties to the centre of the spectrum because that's how you win.  Where you straddle those lines is how you get enough seats to form government, especially with an electorate that is not especially tribal in their partisanship so as to create the kinds of permanent cleavages you see in some other countries.  It also moderates the various excesses of regional politics because the math simply isn't there to ignore or inflame regional grievances and gain or keep power in any real sense.

Have we had regional parties before?  Sure.  Have they formed governments or lasted as solid movements beyond a couple of electoral cycles?  No, and that's where a lot of the arguments against the current system start to fall apart.  For everyone who yells about the 1993 election and how the Bloc Québécois were able to become the official opposition while the Reform Party dominated the west, it ignores that the system largely self-corrected within a couple elections.  The Bloc's vote retreated as the protest politics that fuelled it died out, and the Reform Party realized that they couldn't make meaningful gains without being a national party, which eventually allowed for them to merge and create the modern Conservative Party, and it moderated their regional grievance-nursing in the process.  And while these same PR proselytizers insist that FPTP only gains by clustering regional votes and allows for governments to form without seats on some parts of the country (like the Liberals in Alberta or the Conservatives in Quebec), that makes a couple of mistakes in how they're conceptualizing things, namely that those parties don't make efforts to reach out to those regions (and the Liberals have made tremendous gains in Alberta, as the Conservatives have in Quebec), but it also assumes that elections are the only ways in which people get representation, as opposed to how our system actually works toward engagement such as through riding associations that feed people's concerns to their party caucuses in the House.  Your region can still have representation without having a seat in the Commons.

And this is where the fear of fringe parties starts to come in.  Under a PR system, the incentives for big tent parties to moderate extremes in order to win power are thrown out the window.  When the calculation is no longer how do you broaden your appeal to win enough seats to gain power, but rather how do you narrowly target enough voters to gain enough seats to win you leverage in a coalition, then we are likely to start seeing more regional and social cleavages, which would also include things like ethnic or religious parties (something the current system is moderating as there are very real voting blocs out there that respond to these impulses), and single-issue parties that could agitate around things like being anti-abortion or anti-immigration.  We also have a demonstrated history in this country about getting behind cults of personality, as with Rob Ford, and could possibly replicate itself with Kevin O'Leary (or Kellie Leitch, per Trudeau's suggestion).  Break up the Conservative Party into these fragments, and hive off enough Liberal voters into the various camps, and the big tents could find themselves a thing of the past, which is where those smaller, more fringe parties start to hold more sway, and that could be the start of bigger problems.  Not all PR countries are made up of nice left-wing coalitions, and there are enough far-right and populist forces rising in Europe right now to demonstrate the dangers of these fringe voices getting closer to power.

It could be that this may not happen.  We could have coalitions that behave more like big-tent parties and things could stay largely unchanged from they are now.  Or they might not.  Trudeau is not blind to this possibility, and at least has taken the responsibility for making this call, and we shouldn't dismiss this out of hand.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.