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We’ve been hearing and seeing slow responses to federal appointments for a while now, whether it’s been around the slow pace of judicial appointments that had the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Canada reaching out to the prime minister to make a plea to faster action, or if it’s been the neglect of filling seats in the Senate that has reached Harper-esque levels. It turns out that the problem is much worse and more widespread across all federal Governor-in-Council appointments—that nearly one quarter of those positions are either vacant, or are staffed by members who are beyond the expiration of their terms and who are on some kind of extension. This is very, very bad for the governance of our country.

With some of these positions, there is a demonstrably false narrative circulating that Trudeau has been refusing to make appointments, such as with the Conflict of Interest and Ethics Commissioner. In that particular case, and only that particular case, the problem is not the government, but rather the Parliament of Canada Act which specifies that such a position must be held by someone who is either a former judge or head of a tribunal, board or commission, and though it’s not in the legislation, they would also need to be bilingual. The problem there is that MPs (and the blame lies principally with the Conservatives and former NDP MP Pat Martin) who wrote these requirements as part of the Federal Accountability Act back in 2006 made that qualification so restrictive in a fit of moral superiority they believed that they would attract the “best of the best” to this position. What happened instead is that because they made it too narrow, they created a situation where the people they had in mind for the job would have no interest in it. There was a reason why the first Commissioner under this regime, Mary Dawson, had to have her term extended several times, and the fact that Mario Dion was pretty much the only choice to replace her, as there were really no other applicants.

This particular appointment aside, there are a few problems with how this government has been operating when it comes to its constitutional obligations to make these appointments. On the operational side, they have lacked the general bandwidth and capacity to deal with these issues as a result of a combined lack of attention by several of the ministers involved, as well as their key staff, and this gets compounded by the bottlenecking that happens within PMO when these decisions go for approval. The figures that the CBC compiled have shown some wild disparities between departments when it comes to the number of vacancies, with Transport Canada being among the worst (where the appointments are around positions like board members for port authorities), while Employment had one of the lowest rates (with appointments to bodies like the Social Services Tribunal). Knowing the ministers involved, this isn’t a surprise—Omar Alghabra was more focused on the political ramifications of his files and how to leverage those, while Carla Qualtrough is a no-nonsense minister who can manage complex files and communicate with frank effectiveness.

The bottlenecking in PMO is a known problem that the prime minister refuses to do anything about, because he won’t expand the circle of trust when it comes to signing off on decisions. That means that virtually everything funnels through to his chief of staff, Katie Telford, and her deputies, and none of them want to relinquish any of their power, even when we can see that the concentration of that power leads to decisions being delayed until the last minute, an inability to plan or get ahead of issues, and the kind of problems that are seen here with this lack of action on key appointments that should be made. It’s a problem which the Auditor General has been calling out for years and which they still haven’t managed to speed up or solve.

Outside of the operational problems are the cultural ones within this government, and that has to do with their desire to make more diverse appointments across the board. This is a good thing overall—there is no shortage of studies that prove that more diverse decision-makers leads to reduced risk and better outcomes, whether in the corporate board room or in a myriad of other situations. The problem is that this government hasn’t paid attention to their own rhetoric about issues like systemic racism or structural biases against gender, ethnicity, disability, or any other kind of diversity. As much as this government likes to pay lip service to things like Gender-Based Analysis-Plus, which should mean that they take an intersectional look at the problems they are trying to solve, their usual pattern is to simply mention the words, but not do the work behind it. These appointments are little different.

Because this government is committed to conducting its appointments by self-nomination (meaning people need to apply instead of being sought out), they have put almost no effort into ensuring that the kinds of diverse talent that they want to apply will actually do so. This government seems to think that by simply saying “Hey, we’re appointing diverse candidates!” that all kinds of women, people of colour and LGBTQ+ candidates will rush to apply, and that there will be such a glut that they will have to fight them off. That’s not the case, and when they get a bunch of applications by middle-aged straight white guys and very few from anyone else, they still haven’t stopped to consider how to change their approach to better attract those candidates. Hell, even as a party, the Liberals got the memo that women and minorities need to be asked several times before they would even consider running for a nomination—so why can’t they do that for these federal appointments? It boggles the mind that they have stubbornly refused to put two-and-two together.

While the government told the CBC that of course they plan to fill all of these vacancies, this is one more area where their deliverology is failing them. They need to take this seriously; they need to change up their strategy and actually start sending people into the field and actually nominating people to these positions rather than waiting for applications that will never come. They need to act like grown-ups with eight years of government experience in hand, rather than continuing with these amateur-hour shenanigans that corroding their brand, and their legacy.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


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The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Back when the current government was fresh and new, the word of the day was “deliverology.” Prime minister Justin Trudeau brought over British political advisor Sir Michael Barber to attend three Cabinet retreats in order to help create a culture of focusing on developing priorities and delivering results to Canadians. Those were also the days of “government by Cabinet,” and trusting ministers to run their own portfolios. A Results and Delivery Unit was created within the Privy Council Office and headed by former Ontario deputy minister Matthew Mendelsohn, and a public promise tracker was constantly being updated to show how the government was living up to this deliverology mindset. How things change.

Government by Cabinet fell to the wayside when not every minister proved themselves capable, and Trudeau increasingly relied on a close circle of trusted advisors to approve everything for him, which has led to an increasing number of items being bottlenecked in the approval process, especially as the number of trusted people got smaller when Gerald Butts resigned and so much of that has been left to chief of staff Katie Telford. That promise tracker stopped being updated by in June of 2019, and Mendelsohn left the job early in 2020. And yes, there were things that took the government off-course, whether it was needing to manage the relationship with Donald Trump’s America, and the subsequent renegotiation of NAFTA as part of that, or the issue of the two Michaels being detained in China. And then the pandemic happened, and it too took up a lot of resources and attention of the government, but that shouldn’t have derailed absolutely everything. And yet.

It has not gone unnoticed that this government has a seeming inability to walk and chew gum at the same time, where they can only handle one big file at any time. It probably has a lot to do with the fact that there are so few people in the PMO who are able to approve things because Trudeau’s trusted circle is so small, and there is only capacity to approve things related to one or maybe two major files at a time, and everything else is free to drop off the face of the earth because there appears to be little ability to manage anything else. And I’m not saying that no progress is being made on a number of files, because clearly there has—but it tends to be slow, and never mentioned. Very occasionally a press release will go out, but it mostly gets lost in the shuffle of all of the other events going on, and compounded by a shrinking media footprint that has neither the journalists who can track these things, nor the time to devote to keeping an eye on the things that aren’t the major stories of the day.

Making things even worse are the government’s particular talking points on any of the former priorities that have seen little action. They tend to follow a particular pattern—especially if brought up during Question Period. The minister will stand up, call the issue a priority for the government, proceed to pat themselves on the back for the work they’ve done on the file so far, and end with a slightly insincere remark that they realize that more needs to be done, and that they’re working on it. What makes this all ring hollow, however, is this government’s continued resistance to explaining absolutely anything. A lot of these files are challenging, and yes, hard things are hard, but when being held to account, the government should have an obligation to explain why things are hard, or what the particular challenges are that are causing it to take so much longer to deliver on their promise than hoped. But of course, “when you’re explaining, you’re losing” is the prevailing ethos of this government, so nothing gets explained, nobody can be held to account, and files languish in a mysterious nether-region where they may or may not ever see the light of day again.

While working on another piece this past week, I had occasion to ask Justice Minister David Lametti’s office about the status of a couple of promises that have been made and remain unfulfilled—two of them dating back to the start of this government’s time in office, and one of them made less than a year ago. Unsurprisingly, there has been almost no progress on two of them, and one of them has made some halting movement. The first issue—reforming the Harper-era sex work laws—has seen almost no movement from the government despite this being an early election promise, and the fact that the Commons’ justice committee has done a study calling for changes to the law. Lametti’s office says they’re “looking at the impact of these reforms closely,” and mentioned case law, which is an indication they’re waiting for the courts to once again force their hand. The other issue with no movement was a promise made last summer to consult on banning cosmetic surgery on intersex children (meaning those born with indeterminate genitalia), which should be fairly easy to accomplish, both in terms of consultations and a simple legislative fix. No consultations, no progress. There was some movement on HIV decriminalization, but again, this has been the subject of foot-dragging for years now.

A lot of this shouldn’t be that difficult. There are whole departments that should be able to handle these kinds of things, but that doesn’t seem to be happening. The supposed culture of developing and delivering on priorities seems once again fanciful when it was something that the government was priding itself on in those early years, whereas now we are being inundated with stories about things not working in government, whether it was the passport system, or the backlogs in immigration processing. Yes, they do eventually get fixed with focused time and attention, but should they ever have gotten to that point? Perhaps the government needs to bring Barber back for another Cabinet retreat so that they can get a refresher on how to deliver for Canadians like they’re supposed to be, before the “everything is broken” crowd makes that case to the voters for them.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


This content is restricted to subscribers

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


This content is restricted to subscribers

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.