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NDP leader emerged from the NDP caucus retreat in Montreal, trying to continue the “tough guy” routine that he declared “all bets are off” when the House of Commons comes back next week, and that he’s going to come in with legislation for price caps, not that it will matter because he’s already used his private members’ slot. Amidst his tough talk was a refusal to commit to continuing to support the carbon levy, claiming that he has his own plan on the way (or the “concepts of a plan” as every smartass on social media posted all day). Mere hours later, BC premier David Eby also said that he would scrap the province’s carbon price if the federal backstop were removed, because he too is apparently running scared of the BC Conservatives. While the NDP as a whole have pretty much abandoned any sense of ideological coherence in favour of more populist nonsense, Singh personally has lost any shred of credibility that he may once have held.

Singh’s intellectual bankruptcy has been on full display with the desire to renege on his agreement with the Liberals, acting in bad faith by refusing to uphold his end of a bargain that the Liberals lived up to. And yet he has tried to pivot to a message of looking to “restore hope” to Canadians when he has demonstrated that he won’t live up to his promises, and that he is fully living in a delusion that he somehow has a chance to form government during the next election, whenever that is (and while he’s full of big talk and spent the early part of the week announcing his campaign chair, the party is absolutely not ready for an election, nor do they actually want one before the “fixed” date). In no possible world is he “running to be prime minister” (which is in and of itself taking a cue from Pierre Poilievre), and pretending that he’s a contender while he tries to avoid a Nick Clegg-like decimation makes him look even more ridiculous than he already does.

What kind of “hope” does he think he’s offering if he’s “ripped up the agreement” (as he said tens of times) if he couldn’t even wait long enough for the pharmacare legislation to actually pass the Senate, and for an agreement with any of the provinces to actually be negotiated? Talk is cheap, as are promises, and implementation is always the sticking point, and the NDP have demonstrated time and again that they are willing to walk away from a deal before implementation has actually happened. (This happened with Jack Layton’s much-vaunted deal with Paul Martin). If his only policy wins are dental care and anti-scab legislation, then he should probably hold off on the applause because he and his point man on the file, Don Davies, insisted on a fully-federal program that is essentially just the federal government paying Sun Life to administer the program, which makes it extremely vulnerable to a future government simply scrapping the program. That sound so very hopeful, doesn’t it?

And then there’s the carbon levy. Singh has been somewhat non-committal about it for years now, but has consistently voted against Conservative motions to scrap it because they were supporting the Liberals against this kind of mischief. Nevertheless, it is indicative of more of his particular magical thinking because he thinks that there can be some form of climate action that won’t impact ordinary consumers or households. While the NDP had previously championed some form of cap-and-trade, Singh insists that he will have a new plan at some future date, which doesn’t exactly have the ring of credibility. If there’s any irony in this, the federal system was almost entirely patterned on the system developed for the NDP in Alberta during Rachel Notley’s government, albeit with a more generous rebate system (as the Alberta system recycled the revenues in slightly different ways). But no matter what system is proposed, there will still be an impact on consumers and households, no matter how much they dress it up as sticking it to big corporations, because costs are always passed along. The benefits of the existing levy are that it’s transparent, and that the rebates have an element of progressivity because eight out of ten households are getting more back than they spend, and it benefits the lowest income earners the most.

Let’s be clear—the Liberals opened the doors to the dooming the carbon levy when they granted the heating oil exemption for the sake of political expediency rather than simply offering a more enriched rebate to deal with the energy poverty of regions that rely on it as they worked to phase its use out. The fact that they did a shite job in explaining the carbon levy didn’t help either (and no, the media was never going to help explain it even though the Liberals keep deluding themselves into believing that will happen), and calling the rebate the “climate action incentive” was pretty much them shooting themselves in the foot. But again, anything the NDP does eventually propose will be more costly and less effective, and will delay climate action even longer when we’re already feeling the effects disproportionately, whether it’s with melting permafrost, forest fires, droughts on the prairies, or more extreme weather. Instead, they are taking the dishonest, populist route, and deserve to be called out for it.

As if this wasn’t bad enough, and it should be disqualifying, Singh’s plans for price caps on certain grocery items are pure fantasy. Consumer protection is a provincial power, and Canada isn’t France, and there is no Green Lantern ring that will let him bypass federalism if he just applies enough willpower. The lack of willingness to do what needs to be done on climate change and his complete and utter delusion elsewhere has certainly reinforced the notion that there are few, if any, good options in the next election, which just hurts everyone and damages democracy.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


At first glance, Jagmeet Singh’s decision to pull out of the Supply and Confidence agreement with the Liberals is a hard blow for Justin Trudeau. His government finds itself in a position of instability while the Liberal Party is at its lowest in the polls.

The ending of the Liberal-NDP alliance has been part of the conversation ever since the deal was signed in March 2022. This was also emphasized within the NDP ranks: “Leaving the agreement has always been and will always be on the table for Jagmeet Singh,” stated NDP Deputy Leader Alexandre Boulerice a few days ago.

In the fall of 2022, Jagmeet Singh was already threatening to break the agreement if the government did not find solutions to the children’s health care crisis. At last fall’s convention in Hamilton, NDP delegates voted unanimously for a resolution stating that the NDP would withdraw from the agreement if the Liberals did not deliver on pharmacare. Since the signing of the agreement, the Liberals have missed several deadlines that could have allowed the NDP to withdraw its support. Each time, the NDP preferred to buy time, sometimes even by raising the stakes.

So why now?

The measures provided for in the agreement were adopted and implemented, perhaps more slowly than the NDP would have liked. Still it is difficult for the NDP to claim that the Liberal Party stopped delivering on the agreement during the summer months.

Several NDP MPs were unhappy with the Trudeau government’s recent decision to impose binding arbitration to end the rail dispute. The party’s labour critic, Matthew Green, said there would be “difficult discussions” at the caucus retreat. By taking the lead, Jagmeet Singh avoided this umpteenth discussion on the future of the agreement.

A few days prior, Pierre Poilievre challenged Jagmeet Singh on the issue. “Canadians cannot afford another year of Justin Trudeau.” He invited Jagmeet Singh to fire Prime Minister Trudeau, accusing the NDP leader of being a sellout.

It’s hard to believe that Pierre Poilievre convinced the NDP by using such inflammatory rhetoric. In truth, the Conservative Party wanted to remind voters of the close association between the Liberals and the NDP. Orange-blue swing voters, the ABL type, Anybody but Liberals, are particularly numerous in the western provinces.

And many of them will get to vote on September 16, in a by-election in the riding of Elmwood-Transcona in Manitoba, an NDP stronghold targeted by the CPC. The Conservatives have finished second to the NDP ten times in the last 11 elections in this riding. They even won it once in 2011. They would love to take it again.

By distancing themselves from Justin Trudeau, the NDP could have a better chance of keeping the seat. As a bonus, distancing themselves from the Liberals in Lasalle-Émard-Verdun, could help to rally anti-Liberal voters behind their candidate Craig Sauvé, a popular municipal councillor.

Jagmeet Singh hopes that the NDP will take advantage of Justin Trudeau’s unpopularity to establish itself as the alternative to the Conservatives by attracting disappointed Liberal voters who are afraid of Pierre Poilievre. The framing was evident in his press conference in the aftermath of the breakup. Because the Liberals are “weak”, the “election is going to be about an important choice, between the cuts of Pierre Poilievre, and New Democrats who want to build a better future for you.”

In an ideal world, the drop in support for Justin Trudeau’s government in recent years should have benefited the NDP as much as the Conservative Party. However, polls show that at best, the NDP has been capped at under 20% since the signing of the agreement, while the Conservatives are up and the Liberals down.

Without momentum, the NDP was at risk of being swept away by the blue wave that is currently threatening the Liberal Party. A Léger poll, published on August 26, foreshadowed this phenomenon, with the firm showing the NDP down five points (from 20% to 15%) in one month (other, more recent polls are less clear on this point). It may not be directly linked, but clearly, the party no longer wants to pay the political price of supporting Justin Trudeau. Yet, NDP strategists realize that the conditions are not right to bring down the government.

In terms of public policies, the fall of the Trudeau government could jeopardize several of the initiatives brought forward by the NDP, such as dental care, pharmacare and the extension of the Rapid Affordable Housing Initiative. Indeed current polls show that there is a real risk of seeing a Conservative government hostile to these measures take power.

While the NDP emphasizes that the end of the agreement does not automatically send voters to the polls, the fact remains that the door is wide open.

By giving up his exclusivity on the balance of power, Jagmeet Singh is also giving Yves-François Blanchet and the Bloc Québécois the opportunity to take advantage of it. With several files causing tensions between Quebec and Ottawa, the Bloc could use it to extract concessions from the federal government and “make gains for Quebec” in this last year before the election, scheduled for October 2025. A comfortable chair for Yves-François Blanchet, who could prove the Bloc’s usefulness close to the election deadline and yet not worry about going to the polls now.

At any rate, the Liberal government will have to survive on a case-by-case basis. Confidence issues will arise quickly. The Liberals now know that they can no longer trust the NDP. If the Bloc Québécois refuses to dance with the government, the NDP will quickly be confronted with the consequences of its decision: either support the Trudeau government while getting little or nothing in return, or rush the country into an election while Pierre Poilievre has the wind in his sails.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


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The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


This content is restricted to subscribers

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


This content is restricted to subscribers

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


I was on vacation with my wife last week. During that time, the federal Liberal government was forced to intervene to end a short-lived nationwide rail strike. Railway workers were back on the job as of Aug. 26, although a union challenge to the Canada Industrial Relations Board’s decision could be forthcoming.

Was this situation handled properly by Ottawa? Or, was it another example of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s mediocre and ineffective leadership in action?

Let’s examine it further.

A long-running contract dispute between the International Brotherhood of Teamsters labour union and our nation’s two largest railways, Canadian National Railway Co. and Canadian Pacific Kansas City, locked out more than 9.000 railway workers on Aug. 22. Neither side seemed particularly open to further negotiations and making concessions. Had this rail strike gone on for an extended period, it would have undoubtedly had a significant effect on the transportation of certain goods and overall business climate.

What was Trudeau’s position? “Collective bargaining is always the best way forward,” he posted on X on Aug. 22. “When that is no longer a foreseeable option — when we are facing serious consequences to our supply chains and the workers who depend on it — governments must act.”

The PM’s analysis wasn’t incorrect in theory. At the same time, he really didn’t need to state the obvious in his opening salvo. It was clear that CN Rail, CPKC and the Teamsters weren’t getting much of anywhere when it came to collective bargaining. “The sides blamed each other for the stoppage after multiple rounds of talks failed to yield a deal,” the Guardian’s Leyland Cecco correctly noted on Aug. 23.

Trudeau’s messaging should have called for an immediate end to the strike. Otherwise, his government would have to take swift action to bring it to an end. He was partially on point, which is certainly better than nothing.

It took Ottawa less than 24 hours to recognize that any meagre hope of additional collective bargaining was clearly off the table. As Labour Minister Steve MacKinnon’s press release stated, “it is my assessment that the parties are at a fundamental impasse. Therefore, it is my duty and responsibility to invoke my authorities under the Canada Labour Code to secure industrial peace and deliver the short and long-term solutions that are in the national interest.”

MacKinnon ultimately directed the CIRB to initiate a binding arbitration process to ensure that both sides returned to the bargaining table. Employees were also ordered to return to work. “The board has concluded that, in this case, it has no discretion or ability to refuse to implement, in whole or in part, the minister’s directions or to modify their terms,” chairperson Ginette Brazeau wrote in two rulings related to the railway strike.

Was that the end of this matter? I’m afraid not. An Aug. 24 press release by Teamsters Canada noted that while the union “will lawfully comply with the CIRB decision,” it will also “appeal the ruling to federal court.”

Paul Boucher, president of the Teamsters Canada Rail Conference, was quoted as saying “this decision by the CIRB sets a dangerous precedent. It signals to Corporate Canada that large companies need only stop their operations for a few hours, inflict short-term economic pain, and the federal government will step in to break a union. The rights of Canadian workers have been significantly diminished today.” In addition, he suggested the “Trudeau Liberals have chosen to side against middle- and working-class Canadians, abandoning their supposed progressive values at the first sign of short-term supply chain disruptions.”

We’ll see how it all plays out.

Putting aside the Teamsters’ left-wing union rhetoric, which is to be expected, I think it’s fair to say the Trudeau Liberals handled the nationwide railway strike in a proper fashion.

The federal government should have stepped in earlier, to be sure. The quicker that the binding arbitration process had been set up between the Teamsters and railway companies, the better. Ottawa could have also easily avoided this controversy, twiddle their thumbs for a bit longer and waited to see how long it took the two sides to set up a new meeting. The Liberals are prone to doing this, as we’ve seen in the past with other domestic and international matters and disputes.

Instead, the Liberals moved fairly quickly and brought the strike to a quick conclusion. There could be some political repercussions and a potential court battle, but Canada’s railways are up and running – and thousands of workers are back on the job in short order.

Good for Trudeau and the Liberals. “Even a stopped clock is right twice every day,” the Austrian writer Marie von Ebner-Eschenbach famously wrote in one of her aphorisms. It’s more like once in a very rare blue moon for this federal government, but at least the trains are running on time.

Michael Taube, a long-time newspaper columnist and political commentator, was a speechwriter for former Canadian prime minister Stephen Harper.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


As the Cabinet retreat concludes in Halifax, the assembled journalists and pundits following the meeting are looking to see what kind of “reset” the prime minister is going to offer voters in order to rescue his abysmal polling numbers, whether that is the persistent rumours of a Cabinet shuffle, or the ultimate play of his realizing that he needs to step down for the good of the party, and getting a leadership contest underway. Of course, that’s not actually going to happen, but there are a whole lot of people in the media space who are looking for something like it to take place because they’ve spent their summer months hooked on American news, and are looking to replicate what they have seen in terms of the bounce the Democrats’ polls have undertaken since president Joe Biden made the decision to drop his quest for re-election and to step aside in favour of Kamala Harris. But Canada is not the United States, and Justin Trudeau is not Joe Biden.

This kind of political drama-envy is not new to Canadian politics, nor is the problem of Canadian political media trying to import American narratives because they think it will somehow help the audience relate more. Hell, for that matter, it’s also not new for political parties in this country to import American narratives wholesale and try to do things like simply dividing them by ten in order to Canadianize them, even though that’s not actually how this works (and I’m looking at you most especially, NDP). This particular situation with Trudeau’s poor polling numbers and what happened with the Democrats is catnip for this particular kind of political media in this country, and they cannot resist its lure, so the attempts to force Trudeau into this narrative box are coming on particularly strongly, and there’s little that anyone can do to stop it, unfortunately.

Cabinet shuffle speculation is a constant in Ottawa, but aside from Seamus O’Regan’s decision to step down and be replaced by Steve MacKinnon, it’s hard to see just what kind of reset will satisfy the media narrative, aside from a leadership race (which isn’t going to happen at this point in the game). I know that a number of backbenchers have been agitating and doing the Anonymous Liberal™ schtick over the summer, but there frankly isn’t a lot of untapped potential on said backbenches that would make a noticeable difference in Cabinet if they were swapped in—assuming that a manner could be found to do so that wouldn’t completely unbalance it in terms of geographic, gender, and cultural representation. The notion that Trudeau will recruit Mark Carney directly to Cabinet without having won a seat first is little more than a technicolour daydream, but nevertheless one that the political media have deluded themselves into believing for months now, for some reason.

So just what kind of change can the Liberals actually offer if this is what the voting public is craving, if you believe the polls? That’s become the million-dollar question. One of the things that has been creeping into the discourse is the notion of the “politics of joy” that the Kamala Harris/Tim Walz ticket has been employing, in contrast to the dourness of Trump’s declinist assertions, but once again, this is hard to try and make a direct import into Canada because Trudeau has tried to focus on the “sunny ways” shtick, to the point of toxic positivity at times (and certainly their happy-clappy pabulum talking points are meant to reinforce that toxic positivity), while Poilievre is the one asserting that Canada is “broken” and that only he can fix it. Even Poilievre’s attempts to present an “It’s morning in America” positive vision fell flat, and not only because of the ridiculously poor choice of foreign-sourced stock images that his social media geniuses edited together for a Twitter video that they were forced to delete, but because his entire slogan-filled message rings hollow.

Meanwhile, any minister that was asked about change or resets at the Cabinet retreat basically said the same thing—that they’ve heard the message loud and clear that Canadians are frustrated and angry, and they’re going to focus on “delivering results for Canadians.” And hey, re-focusing on “deliverology” like they did back when they took office in 2015 would be a welcome change, and it would be new and novel for them. This is a government that has opted not to focus on managerial competence since about mid-2018, but rather has devoted their energies to finding shiny new baubles that will try and recreate the energy and excitement of 2015 all over again, to ever-diminishing returns. If they want to really double-down on “delivering results for Canadians,” this could be one way to do it, and finding a level of change that would be unique to Canadian politics rather than just aping the American narratives and dividing by ten.

But let’s not kid ourselves—this is Trudeau we’re talking about and he will try to find some shiny new programme that he hopes will wow the socks off of everyone, that leaves the Conservatives and NDP unable to compete, but he also has to do it while being fiscally prudent, or to offset the costs in some way that may or may not include class warfare (which the Liberals seem to believe is working for them). We’ll have to see what it is, either when the final press conference of the retreat is held, or possibly in a surprise Speech from the Throne when Parliament returns (but that’s less of a sure bet because the NDP, whose support they rely upon, have come to distrust prorogations after Stephen Harper abused them), but you can count on something to be cooking from the Liberals that they hope will capture voters’ imaginations just enough to get them over their dislike of Trudeau and push the Liberals just far enough over the edge electorally to squeak out another win based on voter efficiency alone. Meanwhile, political media will continue to try and find an American narrative to import, and the Liberals will resist the notion that change is what people are looking for when the next election rolls around.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


In the Globe and Mail over the weekend, Omer Aziz lamented that the Canada of 2024 feels like a different country than the Canada of 2015, and that so-called “Canadian dream” is on life-support (as though there has ever really been a “Canadian dream” that wasn’t just the so-called “American dream” with a maple-leaf attached to it). The piece is simplistic and engages in bunch of outright sophistry while laying nearly all of the blame for the current state of affairs on Justin Trudeau’s government—one that Aziz previously worked for as a foreign policy advisor—while serving as an apologia for the premiers and their consistent failures on a number of policy fronts. And while Aziz is correct in his conclusions—that the current government needs to be frank about the current state of things and pivot to meet the moment while abandoning their talking points—his path to getting there lacks any particularly self-awareness in what he’s describing.

There was a brief moment during the height of the COVID pandemic where politicians seemed to wake up and realize that we had some deeply structural problems with our society, and that it manifested in things like people of colour in precarious employment doing the dangerous work that nobody else wanted to for poverty wages, and that created societal problems that were exacerbated in times of crisis like during the pandemic. There was—briefly—a shining moment where politicians of most, if not all, stripes vowed that we were going to “build back better,” and address these problems so that we didn’t return to the old normal, but had a better one to look forward to, where we as a society were going to start addressing some of these structural issues and not just paper over them once again.

That optimism didn’t last. Everyone, most especially provincial governments in this country, were so eager to return to “normal” that they indeed papered right back over those cracks in the foundation, and pretended that they never saw them. Those same premiers, having put their emergency pandemic transfers onto their bottom lines and reduced their deficits rather than shoring up their healthcare systems, let their normalcy bias take over and let those systems collapse because they didn’t think they actually would. These same premiers howled for more immigrants to fill their labour shortages, but did less than nothing about housing or social services for them. Ontario and BC were the most egregious when it came to the demand for international students to plug the fiscal holes colleges and universities found themselves in after successive provincial funding cuts, and those two provinces have largely turned a blind eye to the public-private partnership career colleges that have fraudulently brought in even more of these students, but mostly for the sake of cheap labour. And while we’re at it, provinces have underfunded their criminal justice systems what has created some of the problems with bail and supposed “lax” criminal justice that Aziz complains about in his op-ed.

And make no mistake, the housing situation in this country has become a structural problem that has been brewing for generations. Treating housing as the investment vehicle for your retirement means that you want to keep driving your property values up, and you only do that by constraining supply, and provincial and municipal politicians looking for votes are responsive to those NIMBY complaints. Yes, the federal government got out of directly funding social housing in the late eighties and early nineties in lieu of a more general social transfer (because provinces insisted that housing was their responsibility and they would better spend the money—and then didn’t) but that was only one small piece of the puzzle in terms of how we got here. You can’t solve a structural issue overnight, particularly from the federal level alone.

We have spent decades of papering over the cracks in the foundation and ignoring those structural problems across our country and economy, even after they were exposed during the height of the pandemic, and no one should be surprised now that the house has started to shift as a result of those cracks. And yet many people are shocked — or at least pretending to be — and looking around to cast blame when we as a society have all done our share to bring us to this point. Much of that blame is being directed to the federal government, mostly because it’s the level we always blame for everything, thanks in part to decades of civic illiteracy reinforced by legacy media who keep hammering the message that “nobody cares about jurisdiction.” But jurisdiction matters, and while Aziz complains that politicians aren’t responsive to the problems in this country, it’s hard for a government to respond when complaints are being directed to them for issues that they have no levers of control over. Aziz himself demonstrates this himself as he too blames the federal government for the woes he describes, when nearly all of them are a result of provincial failures that nobody ever holds them to account for.

The other thing that we need to recognize is that structural problems like this aren’t going to be solved simply by a change in government, especially when the party looking to form the next government only offers hollow slogans and bad plans where the math doesn’t add up. This also is the challenge for Trudeau, for him to be frank about the structural issues we need to address, the repairs we need to make to the foundation, and that’s also going to involve getting the provinces on board, which we can’t do this without, and he needs to do it without his usual trite pabulum. If we want to fix these problems, we as Canadians need to be upfront about them, and not let a huckster with a bottle of snake oil tell you that he’s the only one who can fix it, while he plans to dismantle it all instead. But I’m also not sure that Trudeau is capable of that conversation, leaving a bigger opening for the huckster to peddle his wares.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


This week, David Moscrop took a look at the state of the NDP for The Walrus and wondered if perhaps Jagmeet Singh’s time is up, and that after the next election the party should start looking for a new leader because of how marginalized the party has become under his stewardship. It’s a good piece and well worth reading, but there are a few holes in the narrative that I think need a bit more exploration to show how the party got to the state it’s in today, after their all-time high of winning 103 seats and forming the Official Opposition in 2011. There are a lot of things that happened during those years that are instructive as to why the party remains stuck at a rump fourth-place result, with more than a quarter of its sitting MPs opting to either not run again or resign early.

One of the things the piece doesn’t really go into is the failure by the party to consolidate any of its gains in 2011. In fact, a certain arrogance settled into the NDP almost immediately, as they kicked long-time Liberals out of their offices in Centre Block, and generally behaved in a manner that lacked any of the kind of graciousness that generally follows an election when MPs shuffle around offices. Question Period temporarily became a back-patting exercise where the Conservative government and NDP opposition congratulated one another for essentially creating a two-party system with “real differences” that could be debated, rather than the mushy-middle Liberals, who were thought to be facing extinction, and where the Elder Pundits declared that they must merge with the NDP if there was to ever be a chance of defeating Stephen Harper and the Conservatives ever again. Of course, that wasn’t true then and it isn’t true now (as some people are already starting the “merger” calls yet again).

What happened in 2011 was something of a fluke, because Quebec as a whole decided to vote emotionally for “Le Bon Jack,” as Jack Layton was touring with his cane, and insisting that he had beaten cancer (when it turns out he hadn’t, and questions remain as to just what he knew about his condition at the time, which his family studiously avoided ever explaining after he died). Prior to that, most of the riding associations in the province existed on paper only, and they had absolutely no grassroots depth. A lot of candidates were only ever paper candidates who signed up to put their name on a ballot for the sheer sake of the party running candidates in every riding so that they could maximize their advertising spend under Elections Canada rules. They never stood for nomination (in spite of the party insisting that they always run open nominations in every riding), and a number of them had never even visited their riding until after they’d won. And yet, they did not feel the need to actually do the work on the ground once they had been elected. Riding associations remained largely on paper, and no real attempt was made to actually build grassroots organizations (though they did feel they needed to stand up a provincial wing of the party, which never really did get off the ground). If anything, the party’s central leadership was being even more rigidly command-and-control as they cooked up the “satellite office” scheme, where MPs had to turn over a portion of their office budgets for these “satellite offices” in the province, which turned out to be contrary to the rules, and why MP Lise St-Denis crossed over to the Liberals when she didn’t want to have any part of it (or the bullying that surrounded the demands).

The other lesson from Thomas Mulcair’s leadership was not just that he tried to move the party further to the centre by dropping references to “socialism” in the party’s constitution, or that he was essentially pledging the same sort of austerity that Stephen Harper was offering, but rather that there was a reluctance to do the actual work. It soon became apparent in the House of Commons that as an opposition party, the NDP were pretty weak and had to rely heavily on staff from the leader’s office to do a lot of the work for them, and as a result, they never developed much in the way of bench strength while they had the opportunity. It was no surprise that their seat count dropped from 103 to 59, with nearly all of their Quebec seats falling away to the Liberals and a resurgent Bloc that had managed to sort out its own leadership woes, and Mulcair tried to coast on his three good days in Question Period during the ClusterDuff that didn’t translate to an ability to perform in the leadership debates.

The lack of desire to do the work has been a hallmark of Singh’s entire leadership, starting from the fact that he couldn’t be bothered to even seek a seat for at least the first year of his leadership before it became clear to him that he had become a non-entity in the media and needed to be visible in the House of Commons. But even before that, there seemed to be this expectation on the part of the party that because he was younger and more progressive than Justin Trudeau, that somehow the progressive voters among the Liberals would just switch over to him because he was so attractive and charming, as though that was all it was going to take.

Meanwhile, since the start of COVID, the party has mostly just been patting themselves on the back for pushing on an open door, whether it was extending pandemic benefits that the Liberals were never going to cut short, or the Supply-and-Confidence Agreement that allows the NDP to try and take credit for things they have done absolutely none of the work to achieve, while Singh tries to play both sides and still talk smack about Trudeau while he votes to prop him up on every occasion. Along the way, they’ve allowed the Conservatives to swoop in and take on their blue-collar base while Singh and the party cater to increasingly niche urban progressive narratives that have a tendency to be alienating to those blue-collar workers who used to vote for the party in a number of regions.

It’s not just the lack of a strategic vision that Moscrop points to, or their failing attempts to recapture the narrative of class politics. It’s the actual grassroots work on the ground that the party can’t get their heads around, which manifests itself in how their ground game has collapsed in successive elections as the Liberals outpaced them. Singh is a problem for the party, but he is only part of the problem, and they need to have a look in the mirror and see the deeper cultural malaise in the organization if they want to have any hope of making future gains.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


NDP leader Jagmeet Singh has been on his usual summer tour, trying to show the flag, insist that he’s still relevant, and on this particular summer, hoping to raise awareness for his candidates in the two upcoming by-elections in Elmwood—Transcona in Manitoba, and LaSalle—Émard—Verdun in Quebec. The former is traditionally an NDP stronghold so there is less cause for concern there, but the NDP are running a known local city councillor in Verdun, which has been a traditionally strong Liberal riding, but after what happened with Toronto—St. Paul’s, the Liberals should not be taking anything for granted, which is possibly why they decided to appoint a hand-picked candidate for the riding rather than go through a nomination race, though that same calculation could bite them in the ass as they alienated some of the local Liberals who had been organizing for such a competition, and who wanted a say in who was going to be on the ballot. Regardless of the by-elections, Singh has a lot to prove this summer, but we’ll see how much of it is able to penetrate.

Part of the summer tour has been a process of making announcements of things that he is trying to push the government to do, but they have not exactly been very well thought-out or even feasible. For one, Singh is demanding price caps on certain grocery items while he rails about grocery CEOs, completely ignoring that the prices for groceries have been impacted largely by global factors—the largest has been climate changes, as droughts impact food-producing regions, in Canada and abroad, with a few floods or hurricanes thrown in for good measure, and the lasting impacts of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine that has hurt global wheat and cooking oil markets. The profit margins of grocery chains have remained stable throughout the recent bout in inflation, and while said grocery chains are not blameless for prices, they are not the cause. In addition, talking about price caps as inflation is back down to the control range is nonsense economics, not that wage and price controls ever really made sense, nor did they last work in the 1970s when they were introduced. But hey, I guess “Zap, you’re frozen!” was due to make a comeback at some point.

Singh is also trying to insert himself into the housing debate, fully ignoring that this is almost entirely provincial jurisdiction. This week he was talking about federal measures to curb “renovictions,” where landlords will evict long-term tenants under the rubric of needing to do renovations so that they can then increase rental prices. Singh put the blame for this entirely on “corporate landlords,” which is a reach, and then promised “federal incentives” to “force municipal legislation” to ban the practice, even though it’s actually the provincial governments who control landlord-tenant legislation. The very notion that federal “incentives” can force municipalities to do anything is pretty risible, considering that even the Housing Accelerator money the federal government is currently offering can’t even stop certain cities from hiking their development charges because they think they’ll bring in more money from them than they would get from the feds. The fact that Hamilton brought in renoviction measures locally is hardly indicative that this would or could even work in other cities, and this has a whiff of Singh trying to pump the tires of its mayor, Andrea Horwath, because she was his leader when he was an Ontario MPP, never mind that she was possibly the most useless party leader in recent memory. (I should mention that the Liberals also promised federal action to stop “renovictions” in their last platform, but never spelled out what those measures were, and they seem to have disappeared from their agenda).

Singh’s line that both the Liberals and Conservatives made housing unaffordable not only ignores the broader societal factors—that housing is treated as an investment vehicle for retirement, creating the incentives to constrain supply in order to drive up property values—but it also conveniently turns a blind eye to all of the provinces who had NDP governments that also did little to improve affordability, even at a time when it was not as outrageously bad as it is currently, particularly given that housing is largely a provincial responsibility. Oh, but that doesn’t fit his simplistic narratives, where everything is the fault of corporate villains, and the NDP’s class warriors will set everything right solely through the application of political willpower—just as soon as they get access to that Green Lantern Ring hidden in the PMO.

If anything, this looks a lot like desperate promises made by a floundering leader who is in trouble, not coincidentally because more than a quarter of his caucus has announced that they are either not running again in the next election, or have already left. His attempts to sound tough about the Liberals and their record fall flat because his party are in an agreement to prop them up until the next scheduled federal election, and while he is getting parts of his agenda accomplished as a result of said agreement, his attempts to take ownership of them are also falling flat because he and his caucus have done literally none of the work, and have largely been patting themselves on the back for pushing on an open door, and a lot of voters can see that.

The polling has also borne out an unusual phenomenon that the NDP vote hasn’t risen while the Liberals have taken a beating, and it’s hard not to put much of the blame for that on Singh, whether it has been his inability to connect with an audience, his alienation of the working-class voter that used to be competitive in a number of ridings, or his refusal to understand what his own job is. Most of the time, Singh appears to be gunning for Doug Ford’s job rather than Justin Trudeau’s, and perhaps it’s time that he just owns up to it and return to the arena of provincial politics where he started, lest he alienate even more of his own caucus, lose even more voters, and continue to take up space in federal politics, fighting on provincial issues.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.