LP_468x60
ontario news watch
on-the-record-468x60-white
and-another-thing-468x60

This content is only available to our subscribers!

Become a subscriber today!

Register

Already a subscriber?

Subscriber Login

This content is restricted to subscribers

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


The recent discovery of the bodies of 215 Indigenous children buried at the Kamloops Indian Residential School was horrific, yet sadly comes as little surprise to those who have had the courage to gaze into the dark abyss of Canadian history. After all, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) received testimony about numerous such unmarked graves. Regrettably, no subsequent action was taken; in fact, many TRC witnesses were accused of peddling lies. Undoubtedly there will be numerous similarly traumatic exhumations in the years to come.

Due to a colonial education system that glossed over Indigenous peoples as if they are a mere footnote, it’s been easy for Canadians to subscribe to the myth that their country is harmless, inoffensive, polite. We’ve perpetuated the notion that Canada is a country of innocence: kindness, peacekeeping, and excessive apologies.

But reality is starkly different: the construction of Canada was consciously engineered to cause harm to Indigenous peoples, both past and present.

Many non-Indigenous Canadians refuse to acknowledge this inconvenient and insidious side of their country. It’s easier to avert our gaze from unsettling stories, or to remain wilfully ignorant, when the truth reveals our collective inhumanity.

As the Germans have exemplified, true “patriotism” is not about thumping one’s chest or engaging in flag fetishism; instead, it’s about adopting a philosophy of continual improvement, which requires the bravery of acknowledging mistakes and weaknesses. This is what Canada should seek to emulate, rather than the brash and vacuous nationalism seen to our south, especially when it comes to Indigenous reconciliation.

While the last of Canada’s residential schools were shuttered by 1996, systemic racism remains rampant throughout Canadian society. Whether it’s spending $8 million fighting First Nations children in a human rights lawsuit, dozens of unfulfilled TRC recommendations, communities that still lack drinking water (when Canada can apparently find money to send a moon rover into space), or over-representation of Indigenous people in foster care and incarceration, we need to face facts – colonization has been catastrophically harmful for Indigenous people, and we’re still not doing enough to put things right (or as right as they ever could be).

It’s easy to shrug and give up when the entire country is embedded with systemic racism, but social evolution often occurs gradually thanks to individual efforts. It’s vital for every non-Indigenous Canadian to realize that indifference or inaction is a quiet vote in favour of the unacceptable status quo.

One of the most powerful efforts Canadians can make toward Indigenous reconciliation is to eradicate ignorance, specifically a lack of knowledge and awareness of what has previously and still currently causes harm. The education system may have only scantly addressed Indigenous history for most of us, but there’s nothing stopping Canadians from taking the initiative to learn on our own, and to share such learning with our peers. If you have the courage, immerse yourself in the darker side of Canada’s history, and then learn how you can help address the systemic racism that continues to fester inside the heart of this country like a cancerous lesion.

As part of that learning journey, the following is a list of books about how Canada has harmed Indigenous people, as well as how we can all be part of reconciliation. With the abundance of documented evidence now readily available, there is no longer any excuse to remain ignorant of our own country’s uncomfortable history.

TAKING ADVANTAGE OF GRACIOUS HOSTS

Clearing the Plains: Disease, Politics of Starvation, and the Loss of Aboriginal Life (by James Daschuk; University of Regina Press, 2019)

Canada’s first Prime Minister, Sir John A. Macdonald, implemented numerous genocidal policies against Indigenous peoples. Perhaps the most brutal was his government’s use of starvation as a weapon to clear Indigenous peoples from their land, which was subsequently given away for free to European settlers.

No Surrender: The Land Remains Indigenous (by Sheldon Krasowski; University of Regina Press, 2019)

Newly-rediscovered historical accounts suggest that the Canadian government intended to mislead Indigenous peoples during treaty negotiations, specifically regarding the “surrender clause” and land sharing. Is our entire country the product of bad-faith exploitation?

Peace and Good Order: the Case for Indigenous Justice in Canada (by Harold R. Johnson; Random House of Canada, 2019)

The CBC offers an apt summary: “[T]he case against Canada for its failure to fulfil its duty under Treaty to effectively deliver justice to Indigenous people, worsening the situation and ensuring long-term damage to Indigenous communities.”

Surviving Canada: Indigenous Peoples Celebrate 150 Years of Betrayal (edited by Myra Tait and Kiera Ladner; ARP Books, 2017)

150 years after Confederation, most Indigenous peoples still do not receive respect and recognition of their treaty and Indigenous rights. This book contains a series of essays about their exasperating relationship with Canada.

ATTEMPTING TO DESTROY INDIGENOUS IDENTITY

An Act of Genocide: Colonialism and the Sterilization of Aboriginal Women (by Karen Stote: Fernwood Publishing, 2015)

Offers evidence of Canada’s program of forced sterilization of Indigenous women. (Readers may notice many parallels with how China is currently treating the Uighur Muslim minority.)

Fighting for a Hand to Hold: Confronting Medical Colonialism against Indigenous Children in Canada (by Samir Shaheen-Hussain; McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2020)

When sick children from Indigenous communities in northern Quebec were flown to urban hospitals, their parents were not allowed to travel with them. This contributed to normalizing the harmful separation of Indigenous children from their parents and families. Such children often became the victims of medical violence: abuse in “Indian Hospitals”, the subject of unethical medical experiments, or preventable exposure to diseases such as smallpox and tuberculosis.

They Came for the Children: Canada, Aboriginal Peoples, and Residential Schools (by Trust and Reconciliation Commission of Canada staff; 2012)

Painstakingly details the harm and violence Canada perpetrated against Indigenous children. The goal of residential schools was to “kill the Indian in the child”, in which the state attempted to erase Indigenous identity through cultural and linguistic genocide.

A National Crime: The Canadian Government and the Residential School System [2017 edition] (by John S. Milloy; University of Manitoba Press, 2017)

Residential schools offered an inferior education; their purpose was not to educate, but to decimate Indigenous identity. The schools were chronically underfunded and usually mismanaged, with little to no supervision of school officials to prevent abuse and neglect. As one “Indian Affairs Superintendent” put it in 1948: “[I]f I were appointed by the Dominion Government for the express purpose of spreading tuberculosis, there is nothing finer in existence that the average Indian residential school.”

Behind Closed Doors: Stories from the Kamloops Indian Residential School (by Jack Agnes; Theytus Books, 2006)

Although the bodies of the 215 Indigenous children found buried at the Kamloops Residential School were discovered only last month, the horrors that occurred at the institution are well documented, including in this book published 15 years ago. More than 30 former students recount their harrowing experience at the infamous facility.

Out of the Depths: The Experiences of Mi’kmaw Children at the Indian Residential School at Shubenacadie, Nova Scotia [4th Edition] (by Isabelle Knockwood; Fernwood Publishing, 2015)

Forty-two survivors are interviewed about their experience at this east coast institution. This fourth edition also contains follow-up interviews about the students’ reactions to the Canadian government’s apology in 2008.

Métis History and Experience and Residential Schools in Canada (by Larry N. Chartrand, Tricia E. Logan and Judy D. Daniels; Aboriginal Healing Foundation, 2006)

Despite that the Canadian government was intent on assimilating Indigenous peoples into a Euro-Christian society, the government did not want to take responsibility for the Métis. As such, the Métis experience was unique: although some did attend residential schools, others who lived outside of Indigenous communities were not offered any coherent education.

Residential Schools: With the Words and Images of Survivors: a National History (by Larry Loyie; Indigenous Education Press, 2014)

Intended for general readers, this book contains the experiences of more than 70 survivors of residential schools, as well as 125 archival and contemporary images.

They Called Me Number One: Secrets and Survival at an Indian Residential School (by Bev Sellars; Talonbooks, 2012)

Xatsu’ll chief Bev Sellars spent part of her childhood at a church-run residential school. Such institutions refused to acknowledge Indigenous children’s real names, and instead stripped them of their humanity by referring to them merely as numbers. Sellars’ memoir addresses the trauma of survivors, including substance abuse and suicide, but also charters the path toward healing.

My Decade at Old Sun, My Lifetime of Hell (by Arthur Bear Chief; AU Press, 2016)

Bear Chief’s memoir recounts the sexual and psychological abuse he endured at a residential school in Alberta, as well as his failed legal battle over redresses for his traumatic childhood. Bear Chief would return to his community later in life and reconnected with the Blackfoot language and culture.

From Bear Rock Mountain: The Life and Times of a Dene Residential School Survivor (by Antoine Bear Rock Mountain; Touchwood Editions, 2019)

At age seven, Antoine Mountain was snatched from his family and sent to residential school. He spent a dozen years at three schools, intended to erase his Indigenous identity. Mountain argues that Canada has its own holocaust to atone for.

The Education of Augie Merasty: A Residential School Memoir (by Joseph Auguste Merasty; University of Regina Press, 2017)

A national bestseller that was deemed the fourth most important “Book of the Year” by the National Post in 2015, Augie Merasty recounts the aggressive assimilation policies used by church-run residential schools. Indigenous children were taught to be ashamed of their heritage and subjected to horrific abuses. Despite the darkness of his ordeals, Merasty writes with a warm wit.

Seven Fallen Feathers: Racism, Death, and Hard Truths in a Northern City (by Tanya Talaga; House of Anansi, 2017)

This multiple award-winning national bestseller looks at Thunder Bay, a city that has come to epitomize Canada’s systemic racism, if not outward hatred, toward Indigenous people. Talaga focuses on the lives of seven students who died while attending high schools away from their communities.

Invested Indifference: How Violence Persists in Settler Colonial Society (by Kara Granzow; UBC Press, 2021)

In this recently-published book, Granzow examines how “…gendered and racialized everyday violence against Indigenous people has become symbolically and politically entrenched as a central practice in the social construction of Canadian nationhood.” She argues that violence continues to be used against Indigenous peoples, and that Canadians has been mostly indifferent to their plight, as their lives have been portrayed as disposable.

“JUST GET OVER IT:” INTER-GENERATIONAL TRAUMA FROM CULTURAL GENOCIDE

Ohpikiihaakan-ohpihmeh (Raised somewhere else): A 60s Scoop Adoptee’s Story of Coming Home (by Colleen Cardinal; Fernwood Publishing, 2018)

Cardinal was a victim of the “60s Scoop”, in which the Canadian government removed 20,000 Indigenous children from their families during the 1960s and placed them into non-Indigenous households. All of these children were disconnected from their loved ones and culture; many suffered violence and abuse.

A Mind Spread Out on the Ground (by Alicia Elliott; Doubleday Canada, 2019)

In this national bestseller, Elliott reflects on her experience of being Indigenous in a colonized Canada – including mental illness, poverty, and sexual assault – and examines the intergenerational trauma she and countless others inherited. Elliott shines a light on numerous forms of systemic racism still embedded deep within Canada.

Five Little Indians (by Michelle Good; HarperCollins Canada, 2020)

When five Indigenous teenagers are released from residential school, they emerge confused into an unfamiliar world. They end up in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside, but each take a very different path in life. This recent novel has received numerous awards.

Genocidal Love: A Life After Residential School (by Bevann Fox; University of Regina Press, 2020)

After time spent at a residential school, “Myrtle” has become indecisive, timid and wary of others. This piece of fiction traces how the author struggles to find her voice as she partakes in a journey of healing. Shortlisted for numerous awards.

BEING A BETTER CANADIAN: THE INDIGENOUS-SETTLER RELATIONSHIP

21 Things You May Not Know About the Indian Act: Helping Canadians Make Reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples a Reality (by Bob Joseph; Indigenous Relations Press, 2018)

This book explains how federal legislation traps Indigenous peoples in a paternalistic relationship with the Canadian government, and the route for a return to Indigenous self-government, self-determination, and self-reliance. There are numerous tips for how non-Indigenous Canadians can contribute to reconciliation.

In This Together: Fifteen Stories of Truth and Reconciliation (edited by Danielle Metcalfe-Chenail; Touchwood Editions, 2016)

Many Canadians acknowledge that the status quo with Indigenous peoples is unhealthy and requires improvement, but they don’t know where to begin. This book shares fifteen stories that aim to help Canadians understand how they can contribute to reconciliation and decolonization, and emphasizes that we all have a responsibility to participate.

Living in Indigenous Sovereignty (by Elizabeth Carlson-Manathara; Fernwood Publishing, 2021)

What are Indigenous peoples asking for from settler Canadians? If you’re not sure what solidarity work and reconciliation from non-Indigenous Canadians encompasses, this recently-published book helps clarify. Ultimately, settlers will need to learn to live within Indigenous sovereignty, requiring a shift in thinking from Canadian society.

Settler: Identity and Colonialism in 21st Century Canada (by Emma Battell Lowman and Adam J. Barker; Fernwood Publishing, 2015)

Want to help achieve reconciliation? If so, non-Indigenous Canadians need to embrace the label of “settler”, because this is the first step to “…understanding that Canada is deeply entangled in the violence of colonialism, and that this colonialism and pervasive violence continue to define contemporary political, economic and cultural life in Canada.” Expect this book to unsettle you, but its ideas are necessary if Canada aims to genuinely embrace transformative change.

Unsettling the Settler Within: Indian Residential Schools, Truth Telling, and Reconciliation in Canada (by Paulette Regan; UBC Press, 2011)

“[T]o truly participate in the transformative possibilities of reconciliation, non-[Indigenous] Canadians must undergo their own process of decolonization. They must relinquish the persistent myth of themselves as peacemakers and acknowledge the destructive legacy of a society that has stubbornly ignored and devalued Indigenous experience.”

Unsettled Expectations: Uncertainty, Land and Settler Decolonization (by Eva Mackey; Fernwood Publishing, 2016)

This “…critical analysis of present-day disputes over land, belonging and sovereignty will help us understand how colonization is reproduced today and how to challenge it.” The book asserts that “…embracing difficult uncertainty can be an integral part of undoing settler privilege and a step toward decolonization.”

Canada at a Crossroads: Boundaries, Bridges, and Laissez-Faire Racism in Indigenous-Settler Relations (by Jeffrey S. Denis; University of Toronto Press, 2020)

Denis “…emphasizes the social psychological barriers to transforming white settler ideologies and practices and working towards decolonization.” His book argues that “…genuine reconciliation will require radically restructuring Canadian society and perpetually fulfilling treaty responsibilities.”

To Share, Not Surrender: Indigenous and Settler Visions of Treaty Making in the Colonies of Vancouver Island and British Columbia (edited by Peter Cook, et al.; UBC Press, 2021)

“[T]he continuing inability to arrive at equitable land-sharing arrangements stem from a fundamental absence of will with respect to accommodating First Nations world views. To Share, Not Surrender is an attempt to understand why, and thus to advance the urgent task of reconciliation in Canada.”

The Gatherings: Reimagining Indigenous-Settler Relations (by Shirley N. Hager and Mawopiyane; University of Toronto Press, 2021)

The Gatherings shows how Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples can come together to create meaningful and lasting relationships.” The book affirms “…that authentic relationships between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples – with their attendant anxieties, guilt, anger, embarrassments, and, with time, even laughter and mutual affection – are key to our shared futures here in North America.”

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


This content is restricted to subscribers

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


This content is restricted to subscribers

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Apparently we’re back to debating how many Canadian politicians can grovel on the head of a Quebec nationalist pin. But before we decide whether Quebec is a nation, perhaps we should give a bit of thought to whether Canada is. And while we’re at it, what a nation actually is.

I realize talking about reality now marks you as something of a clod, or oppressor. After all, it’s about what you identify as, right? Up to a point, which you could test by wearing a Babylon Bee “I identify as vaccinated” T-shirt. But apparently Quebecers identify as a nation, or possibly a bunch of politicians identify them as one, and what’s the difference between acknowledging and stereotyping?

I’m glad you asked. Because in his magisterial if eccentric The Story of Philosophy Will Durant says Socrates drove people insane by insisting that before launching a lively endless hair-pulling argument they define their terms. For instance “justice”. Or, here, “nation”. You can’t really tell whether “Quebec” is a nation, as the CAQ now insists, or the “Quebecois” are as Stephen Harper insisted in one of his cunning plans to make the Tories the natural governing party, or neither, until you know what a nation is.

Of course Socrates and Aristotle and that crowd are long-dead white males so oppressive they didn’t even have the decency to be white so we’d know who to hate. But they had a point. Namely “You keep using that word. I do not think it means anything.”

Which to post-moderns is a feature not a bug. They say words don’t mean anything so it’s all a power struggle (which deconstructionist professors win on the salary and parking pass clauses in their employment contracts). Thus the issue may not be whether Quebec is a nation so much as whether they can make us all say so. As with whether Taiwan is one, I might add.

In the PC minefield that is Canadian politics, and public affairs, it’s also fraught because of our “First Nations”. If you say they’re not nations, you’re cancelled. And if you say as sovereign entities they should pay their own bills and go through Customs to enter another nation known as Canada, you’re cancelled. But if we don’t know what we’re talking about, we may not make a lot of sense.

So the first step in determining whether Quebec is a nation is to determine what nations are. Following the classic syllogism “All men are mortal; Socrates is a man; therefore Socrates is mortal”, whose acarpous formalism was tested empirically by making him drink hemlock, if you didn’t know what a man was you couldn’t check Socrates for relevant attributes. Which we might also struggle with now. But I digress.

When it comes to defining “nation”, the two major contenders seem to be “a sovereign entity” and “people with shared culture”. Stephen Harper tried to defuse this issue by making the Quebecois, not “Quebec,” a nation in the sense, I suppose, that they eat poutine, like the Habs and speak coherent English to customers if they feel like it. But the CAQ has in mind political implications like making people subject to the Quebec government not speak English to customers even if they feel like it. So we need to know: Is a nation a sovereign entity? A culture? Or the former defined by the latter? And Canada before Quebec please. Because one important issue is whether you can have nations within nations or they are mutually exclusive.

Another, to dwell on definitions so persistently that like Socrates’ hapless interlocutors we never get anywhere except into a rage, is that cultures do exist or there wouldn’t be forbidden jokes like the European heaven/ European hell gag or Max Weber’s permitted and forbidden jibe. But they are not uniform; there are German engineers whose bridges collapse and Frenchmen whose béchamel is inedible.

As you recall from high school history, people once thought homogeneous states helped avoid war. For instance in 1648. And 1919, at least if you were Woodrow Wilson. Then something happened to convince people excessive emphasis on ethnicity could also generate conflict, so we all became good multiculturalists. Without deciding whether to define that term as “it’s OK to eat garlic” or “it’s imperialist to oppose female genital mutilation.”

It matters, because when people go around claiming to be a nation, they generally don’t mean “Try this dish.” They mean “Our region should be a country because you’re stifling our core values.” And people who say “You’re not a nation” generally mean “You’re fine in the country you’re part of now.” Which is usually untrue; most secessionist movements are right about what they oppose but wrong about what they propose.

Canada is different. We are one of the world’s few truly great nations, free, prosperous, dynamic and open. And when I was young, proud of being bilingual not bitter about it. (We mostly weren’t actually bilingual, but we had the cereal boxes.) And proud of being the True North Strong and Free. Free from secret police, from high taxes and from rules against “Hello bonjour.”

Now we’re the world’s first post-modern nation with no core identity, a Charter of Loopholes, a swollen state and a grovelling elite that can only apologize. And in the process of losing our identity, or deliberately throwing it away, we apparently lost the capacity to assert our sovereignty, to the point that one province can now amend the constitution as if it were, what’s that word, a nation.

If we had a culture it would not be homogeneous. Some among us wouldn’t even eat maple shawarma. Or serve visiting dignitaries such a monotonous diet that, with Prince Phillip, they blurt out “If I have to eat any more salmon I shall swim up a river and spawn.” But the swimming pool joke would still be funny, and our victories at Vimy and Juno still reflect the steely competence beneath our modest exterior. And we’d still be a nation.

Instead, who speaks for Canada today? Who says no, Quebec is not a nation, it’s a province in Canada which should be good enough for anyone? Would one federal leader declare Canada a nation without a paper bag on their head, or its?

If not, you know why Quebec is slipping away. And Canada. We forgot to be a nation, because we forgot what they are.

Photo Credit: The Tyee

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


The fate of the Line 5 pipeline under the Straits of Mackinac is not an immediate crisis. But it represents a much larger disaster looming over Canada’s energy industry.

A prolonged court process gives pipeline owner Enbridge and nervous consumers and politicians breathing room to contemplate what the 68-year-old piece of oil infrastructure actually represents.

At the heart of the dispute is whether North America has reached the tipping point between fossil fuels and the environment.

Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer claims to be arguing the environment’s side of that equation. The pristine waters of the Great Lakes are at stake, according to the Democrat governor, who campaigned on shutting the pipeline down.

Line 5 has suffered a couple of recent boat anchor dings without rupturing, but the line is getting old. Enbridge proposes to bury a replacement line deep under the strait in a tunnel to minimize the risk.

Whitmer wants the line closed immediately. Her state hasn’t given permission for the tunnel construction, which would take about three years to complete.

Proponents of the pipeline argue that if the line is shut down, trucks, railcars and barges needed to handle the oil capacity will be far more polluting in terms of carbon emissions. Michigan downplays that worry and suggests sustainable energy sources and energy efficiency could reduce demand for the pipeline’s contents.

Is it likely a Democrat governor would give a green light to a project to replace a major pipeline at a time when her ally President Joe Biden is aggressively vowing to wean the U.S. off fossil fuels? For that matter, is Biden himself going to look kindly on committing to a major new replacement line?

Ultimately what the line represents seals its longterm fate.

That won’t stop the wrangling over the short term. A huge amount of political capital will be expended as industry and governments take their stands.

This dispute is not exactly without risks for Whitmer. While Michigan’s government is painting the state as a mere way station for Canadian oil to reach Canadian consumers, Michigan consumers get plenty of propane from the pipeline. Neighbouring states have refinery jobs at stake in the line’s continued operation. Already a union representing Toledo, Ohio refinery workers has demonstrated its angst over the possible shutdown by littering the Michigan State capitol lawn with hard hats.

And then there’s the whole Canada versus the U.S. storyline. Canada has more to lose if Line 5 is disrupted. The line feeds into refineries in Sarnia, supplying Ontario and Quebec needs from there.

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has jumped into the fray with Canada seeking to intervene in the court process. Canada wants the issue of whether Michigan has the right to shut down the line heard in federal court in the U.S. Whitmer wants it decided at the state court level.

Hanging over the process is also a 1977 treaty between Canada and the U.S. which protects pipelines from shutdown unless there is an emergency of some type.

Canadian energy ministers have drenched Line 5 in maple syrup, arguing that Canadian rights, jobs and the economy are at stake.

Enbridge would love this to come down to a focused business argument. Line 5 now carries 540,000 barrels of oil a day to refineries still hungry for Alberta’s energy resources. Transporting that much oil by alternative methods would be more expensive, push up the price of the product and create more carbon emissions.

But politicians have to wrestle with the bigger picture. The tough decision on whether to shift away from infrastructure investment in the carbon economy has to be made at some point.

A safer updated replacement to Line 5, with a hefty half a billion dollar price tag, would protect the waters of Lake Michigan and Lake Huron. But pipelines are designed to last for decades. Will administrations in five or 10 years be willing to argue the new Line 5 should be left only partially filled or shut down to meet emission reduction targets?

There’s been lots of talk about transitioning away from nonrenewable energy. Many of the political calls in that vein so far have involved not-yet-built pipelines and hypothetical jobs.

But the Line 5 decision goes deeper, affecting existing jobs on both sides of the border, treading into international treaty territory, striking at the economic status quo. The court process allows a delay but at some point the big existential carbon economy question must be answered.

Photo Credit: The Canadian Press

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.