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Parliament Hill reflected on the Bank of Canada building in Ottawa on Sept. 18, 2024. A new report blames the Trudeau government’s spending — less than Bank of Canada interest rate policies — for soaring inflation during the pandemic.

The Trudeau government’s spending splurges — less than Bank of Canada interest rate policies — were largely responsible for soaring inflation during the pandemic, a new report has concluded.

The report, conducted by two economists at the C.D. Howe Institute, points the finger at Ottawa’s unfunded spending spree that acted as “helicopter drops” of money for the private sector.

In 2020, the report says, 20.7 million Canadians out of an adult population of 30.3 million received income from one of the federal pandemic-related programs. In 2020, the programs are estimated to have cost $270 billion — about 12.5 per cent of Canada’s gross domestic product (GDP) — and have since grown to about $360 billion to date.

While the programs generally succeeded in providing relief to individuals and businesses, and buttressed the economy during a crisis, the think tank says injecting that much “nominal wealth” into an economy while unemployment has been relatively low led to an inflation burst and permanently higher prices.

“Whether this wealth takes the form of new money or new debt is largely irrelevant,” the report says.

Benjamin Tal, the deputy chief economist of CIBC World Markets, agreed that loose fiscal monetary policy contributed to the pandemic-era price hikes, but thinks the central bank’s low interest rates also played a role.

“There is no question about the fact that very accommodating fiscal and monetary policies were behind the acceleration in inflation,” Tal said.

According to the Consumer Price Index (CPI), prices rose 11.4 per cent between January 2020 and December 2022. Although the pandemic started in China in December 2019 and the first case was reported in Canada on January 25, 2020, inflation didn’t spike for more than a year. In fact, prices were rising at relatively normal rates until May 2021, and didn’t peak until June 2022 when inflation hit 8.1 per cent, the highest rate in almost four decades.

But while the C.D. Howe economists, David Andolfatto and Fernando Martin, are critical of the spending, their assessment of the Bank of Canada’s policies at that time are more nuanced. They agree with the Bank of Canada’s own assessment that it can be faulted for not raising interest rates quickly enough to suppress inflation at that time. They also argued that it could be criticized for not doing a better job communicating how it intends to achieve its inflation targets. But they conclude that there was ultimately little the central bank could have done to curb the price spikes.

The paper acknowledges that the pandemic was a unique situation that included a series of inflationary and deflationary pressures.

Prices rose in part because the supply of some products tightened, for example, due to factories being closed or experiencing reduced hours. Transportation became more expensive due to shipping delays and congestion at many ports. There were also shortages of some raw materials, such as lumber and metals, which also contributed to inflation.

There was also increased demand for certain things, such as real estate, furniture, exercise equipment and home entertainment gadgets.

Some of that demand increase was due to consumers having more disposable incomes. Many were saving money from working from home and not being able to go out or travel, while others got wage increases or (especially those in health care) were working longer hours. Income from government supports added to the demand. The result of reduced supply and rising demand was increased costs.

Gasoline was among the products hit hardest by inflation, with a price increase of more than 50 per cent over that two-year period. Food and transportation jumped between 15 and 20 per cent, while appliances and rent increased by between 10 and 15 per cent.

Finance Canada, the federal department responsible for fiscal policy, was not immediately available for comment.

Since the pandemic ended, however, prices have not come back down for a number of reasons.

Katherine Judge, senior economist at CIBC Capital Markets, said inflation remained a challenge after the pandemic because many consumers had pent-up demand and excess savings, while long-term changes such as more people working from home and the retirement of many baby boomers also played a role. In recent months, she added in an email, import tariffs imposed by Ottawa amid trade disputes have raised prices.

Statistics Canada reported earlier this week that

Canada’s inflation rate accelerated to 1.9 per cent in June

, up from 1.7 per cent the previous month.

National Post

stuck@postmedia.com

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An Indian man claiming refugee status in Canada based on his fear of police persecution has won another shot at staying here, even though his story was 'strikingly similar' to hundreds of others who used the same consultant.

A young Indian man, denied refugee status in Canada because his story of being framed for his friend’s murder was “strikingly similar” to five people who travelled here with him and nearly 200 others who employed the same immigration consultant, has won another chance at staying in Canada.

Parwinder Singh took the decision from Canada’s Refugee Appeal Division (RAD) to a federal court judge for review. The judge granted the review and sent Singh’s case back to another decision-maker at the division for re-evaluation.

“Although narrative similarities between claimants may reasonably ground a negative credibility inference, discrete or incidental similarities in sentence structure and vocabulary do not — in and of themselves — impugn a claimant’s credibility,” Justice Guy Régimbald wrote in a recent decision out of Ottawa.

“Asylum narratives are not exercises in creative writing, and a lack of prosaic originality should not be confused for falsehood, fraud, or the deliberate plagiarism of another person’s story. In this case, the RAD put form over substance in its analysis of Mr. Singh’s narrative. Its conclusion that the narrative was not genuine is therefore unreasonable.”

While he was still in India, Singh “sought out the services” of an immigration consultant named Deepak Pawar, Régimbald wrote in his decision dated July 11.

Singh “maintains that the similarities between his basis of claim narrative and those of other claimants are not enough to impugn his credibility, and that what similarities do exist are more form than substance,” said the decision.

Lawyers representing Immigration Minister Lena Diab responded that “the RAD reasonably found Mr. Singh’s narrative to be fraudulent, insofar as his (basis of claim) was ‘strikingly similar’ to those of others, including individuals who travelled to Canada with him.”

Singh lived in the village of Basant Pura, in the Indian State of Haryana, said the decision.

“The events leading to his departure from India date back to the summer of 2019, when he was a sixteen-year-old boy attending secondary school.”

Singh testified that, on June 25, 2019, he was walking home from school with a group of friends “when they were suddenly accosted by another group of boys carrying knives,” said the decision. “A brawl breaks out and Mr. Singh flees, but the ensuing violence results in one of his friends being stabbed and killed. The group allegedly responsible for his death includes the nephew of a well-known politician.”

Three days later, Singh said local police visited his family home to investigate his friend’s death. “He is brought to the police station, where he is interrogated and provides a statement about the events of June 25, 2019.”

A week later, Singh said local police returned to his home and dragged him to the station, where he spied “the group of boys who had accosted him earlier, including the politician’s nephew,” according to the decision.

“The police force him into a small room, where they inform him that the other boys have all given statements accusing him of killing his friend. Mr. Singh is then beaten to the point of losing consciousness. The police keep him in custody for three days.”

Singh said his father rounded up “some influential people in the village” on July 3, 2019, to demand his son be released.

“The police agree to do so upon payment of a bribe. Before letting the boy go, the police take his signature and fingerprints and threaten him to stay quiet about what transpired. His father takes him to the nearest hospital for treatment.”

Nearly a week later, police called Singh and told him to report to the police station.

“He is afraid of being beaten again, but reports there with his father out of fear of further trouble with the authorities. They wait at the station for hours, being periodically insulted by the local officers, before being told to return there in two weeks’ time.”

Feeling that it was no longer safe to stay in India, Singh fled to New Delhi on July 12, 2019, where he met with Pawar, the immigration agent. “In the meantime, his father arranges the necessary funds and travel documents for Mr. Singh to travel to Canada, where he enters on Nov. 7, 2019, falsely claiming to be participating in a Tae Kwon Do tournament. He claims protection on the basis that he fears harm from the police and his deceased friend’s family.”

The immigration minister intervened in Singh’s case on Feb. 13, 2023, alleging his claim lacked credibility because his “narrative is strikingly similar to those of others, including individuals who travelled to Canada with him and, as such, is not genuine. In support of this allegation, they produce evidence to demonstrate that his narrative contains language, phrases and other similarities to five other claimants who travelled to Canada with the claimant from India, and nearly two hundred other (basis of claim) narratives disclosed by claimants from India. This evidence stems from a Canada Border Services Agency analysis of claims submitted with the assistance of Mr. Pawar, the immigration consultant who represented Mr. Singh.”

Singh amended the narrative that forms the basis of his claim for refugee protection on Feb. 23, 2023. “He now claims that he also fears persecution in India due to his active support of an independent Khalistan, a cause for which he has advocated since coming to Canada.”

Canada’s Refugee Protection Division granted that second claim “despite ‘credibility concerns about the incidents in India and the claimant’s motivation to come Canada,’” said the decision. “Overall, it finds that those concerns do not outweigh his testimony and corroborating evidence in support of his pro-Khalistan views and well-founded fear of persecution.”

Lawyers for the immigration minister appealed that decision and won.

“They reiterate that Mr. Singh’s narrative is fraudulent and that his claim should be accordingly rejected,” said the decision.

“The RAD agrees with the minister. Its analysis relies mainly on alleged similarities between Mr. Singh’s narrative and that of NS, an individual who travelled to Canada from India on the same flight, and who was also represented by Mr. Pawar. The RAD notes twenty-one similar passages between their respective narratives, concluding that the two (basis of claims) are likely duplicates of each other, and therefore fraudulent.”

The Refugee Appeal Division saw Singh’s claim that he was “engaging in pro-Khalistan activity” as “yet another fraudulent refugee claim,” said the decision.

It ruled Singh is neither a convention refugee nor a protected person, and set aside the Refugee Protection Division’s decision.

The Refugee Appeal Division based “its credibility finding on a list of similarities between Mr. Singh’s narrative and that of NS,” Régimbald said.

“It is entitled to do so: ‘courts have found that it is not unreasonable to draw a negative inference as to credibility from unwarranted similarities between a refugee claimant’s narrative and the narratives of other unrelated claimants.’”

“However, not all similarities are unwarranted. Valid reasons may explain the similarities, and in the presence of such reasons, it may be inappropriate to find that the similarities cast doubt on the claimant’s credibility.”

Régimbald said “there is no evidence on file demonstrating that Mr. Pawar uses a template for his client’s (basis of claim) narratives,” and neither the Refugee Protection Division nor the Refugee Appeal Division “seem to have considered that possibility.”

The RAD “fundamentally misapprehend some of the evidence before it and exhibit clear logical fallacies that render its decision unreasonable,” Régimbald said.

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Alberta Premier Danielle Smith makes remarks at Sir Winston Churchill Square on Thursday, July 17, 2025, in Edmonton.

OTTAWA — Canada’s dairy and poultry supply management regime could face a major challenge from within with Alberta Premier Danielle Smith saying she could consider the province exiting the quota system.

Smith said at a town hall in Red Deer, Alta., that she found the idea of the province opting out of supply management intriguing.

“(C)reating our own Alberta version of supply management, maybe as a pathway to a market system and maybe just because it would stick our finger in the eye of Quebec … might be (something) we want to do a little consultation on,” said Smith.

Smith noted that Alberta’s share of the

Canada-wide quotas for dairy

and

egg production

allotted under supply management falls below its share of the population.

Her comments came after one of the attendees, Lee Eddy, a resident of Red Deer County, said earlier in the evening that pulling out of the system would be one way for Alberta to grab the attention of Laurentian power brokers. The town hall was being held as part of Smith’s Alberta Next panel, struck to consider tactics for enhancing Alberta’s sovereignty.

“If we really want to make the eastern politicians … change their underwear, we should remove our supply management from the Canadian system,” said Eddy.

Quebec producers hold

roughly 37 per cent

of Canada’s total milk quota, with

Ontario producers holding 32 per cent

, according to Agriculture and Agri-Foods Canada. Producers in the two provinces have exerted considerable clout over politicians, given their concentration in certain ridings.

Alberta producers hold just short of nine per cent, despite the province representing more than 11 per cent of the national population.

Eddy suggested that Alberta move first to a transitional provincial quota system and eventually to a market-based system.

Supply management has emerged as

a major trade irritant

with the U.S., further complicating already delicate cross-border trade negotiations.

U.S. President Donald Trump singled out Canada’s restricted dairy market

in a recent letter

to Prime Minister Mark Carney, threatening to slap 35 per cent tariffs on all Canadian products on August 1.

During the recent federal election,

Carney promised to keep supply management “off the table”

in new trade negotiations with the U.S.  Federal Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre has also said

he supports supply management

.

Sylvain Charlebois, director of the Agri-Foods Analytics Lab at Dalhousie University, says that Alberta’s relative lack of skin in the dairy-quota game gives it a freer hand to take on supply management.

“I could potentially see Alberta become the quote-unquote ‘sh-t disturber’ that could actually get everyone, and politicians in particular, to think differently about supply management, instead of just (being) blindly supportive without knowing why,” said Charlebois.

He noted that dairy farmers in Alberta benefit relatively little from the existing scheme, paying up

to twice as much

as farmers in Quebec and Ontario for the same share of quota.

Charlebois said it was “absolutely possible” for Alberta to leave the federal system and set up its own dairy commission. But he said that provincial administration would come with its own challenges, such as selling Alberta dairy products elsewhere in Canada.

“Would they consider other provinces to be foreign markets? It’s hard to say,” said Charlebois.

Charlebois added that other provinces could also object to Alberta “dumping” less expensive, non-supply-managed products across provincial lines.

Alberta’s milk marketing board couldn’t be reached for comment.

Lawrence Herman, a lawyer and international trade expert based in Toronto, says that just because Alberta can unilaterally exit supply management doesn’t mean it should.

“There isn’t anything that legally requires a province to participate,” said Herman. “However, the province couldn’t change the import limits and (tariff-rate quota) system, so it’s difficult to see how it would work.”

“The better option is for the feds and the provinces to work together in phasing out the entire national (supply management) system,” he added.

Supply management in Alberta sparked a minor controversy in April, when an

egg farmer in the province

was jailed in a quota dispute with the egg marketing board.

Smith said in February

that she’d asked her agricultural minister to “start (a) conversation” about potential Canada-U.S. trade concessions relating to supply management.

The Red Deer town hall was the first of

ten scheduled in-person events

hosted by the Smith-chaired Alberta Next panel.

Supply management is not one of

the six formal topics

put up for discussion by the panel.

National Post

rmohamed@postmedia.com

Our website is the place for the latest breaking news, exclusive scoops, longreads and provocative commentary. Please bookmark nationalpost.com and sign up for our daily newsletter, Posted, here.


The Canadian Dental Care Plan expanded in June 2025.

Half of the requests for preauthorized complex dental work have reportedly been denied by Canada’s dental care plan.

Just over 50 per cent of requests for such dental work between November 2024 and June 2025 have been rejected, said Health Canada, per

CBC News

and

Daily Hive

. While 5.2 million people have been approved for coverage under the Canadian Dental Care Plan (CDCP), only about half  — 2.2 million people — have received care, according to the federal agency.

The CDCP, which launched in 2023, is intended to make dental care more affordable for eligible Canadians.

Any resident with an adjusted family net income below $90,000 a year and who does not have access to dental insurance can apply. It is administered by a contracted third-party, insurance provider Sun Life.

Complex dental work

can include procedures like putting in crowns or partial dentures, root canals, specialist examinations and other kinds of oral surgery. These services require preauthorization. The approval process is different than private insurance plans, per Health Canada. “T

he CDCP coverage criteria are more stringent,” it says online.

Supporting documentation is required to prove the work is medically necessary before it can be covered.

“There’s been a lot of confusion for dentists who send in what we would normally send in to a private plan, and it comes back rejected,” Vancouver dentist and president of the Canadian Dental Association Dr. Bruce Ward

told CBC News

. “It’s a much, much, much higher rejection rate than private plans.”

Ward still commended the plan, calling it “very good.” He added that despite its “growing pains” it was still remarkable and noted the influx of people who would have otherwise gone without oral health care because they couldn’t afford it.

Meanwhile, spokesperson for Health Canada and the Public Health Agency of Canada Mark Johnson told Daily Hive that incomplete submissions made up a large part of the preauthorized requests that had been denied between November 2024 and June. The rejection rate went from 52 per cent to 38 per cent when the incomplete submissions were excluded.

“Common reasons for denial (were) incomplete submission, the patient’s needs not meeting the clinical criteria for coverage, the request being a duplicate submission that was already approved previously, or the service requested not being eligible under the plan,” Johnson said in a statement to the publication.

There was also a backlog causing preauthorization delays due to technical issues and a high volume of submissions. However, as of July 11, Johnson said 80 per cent of preauthorization requests are now being processed within seven days.

A new wave of applicants applied to the CDCP when it

expanded in June

. More than a million people signed up and 94,980 received care, according to Health Canada, CBC News reported.

Vice-president of the Canadian Dental Assistants Association Natalie Marsh, who is a dental assistant in North Sydney, N.S., told CBC that the plan was “wonderful” but it did put a strain on some providers.

“You’re seeing people who haven’t seen a dentist in a long time. So they’re coming in with a lot of work to be done,” she said.

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Prime Minister Mark Carney listens to a question at a news conference in the Foyer of the House of Commons in Ottawa, after Bill C-5 passed in the House, on Friday, June 20, 2025.

GATINEAU, Que.

— Prime Minister Mark Carney entered a high-stakes meeting with First Nations leaders Thursday, touting his government’s new law to fast-track major infrastructure projects as having “Indigenous economic growth” at its heart, saying he believes consensus can be reached on how to move forward.

Whether Carney’s pitch lands with the more than 200 chiefs and other First Nations leaders who attended the gathering remains to be seen, given the vocal pushback the law, known as Bill C-5, has received over concerns about its impact on First Nations’ territories and the legal obligation the government has to consult communities.

“I don’t think … that a lot of people are happy right now in terms of the way that the government has gone about ramming through legislation without respecting the current … protections within the environment, the current protections on our water,” said

Southern Chiefs’ Organization Grand Chief Jerry Daniels.

Chiefs who attended the gathering came armed with concerns and questions about the government’s new law, which ushers in a new process for approving major infrastructure projects from ports to pipelines. It aims to bring down the federal approval process necessary for projects to receive the green light to two years, down from the current five.

Introducing and passing what Carney coined as his “One Canadian Economy” bill fulfilled a campaign promise he made during the spring federal election, where he pledged to remove all federal internal trade barriers by Canada Day and get more large infrastructure projects off the ground to bolster Canada’s economy against U.S. President Donald Trump’s tariffs.

Even before it was introduced, the Assembly of First Nations, the main advocacy organization representing more than 600 First Nations across the country, voiced concerns about the lack of involvement of Indigenous-rights holders in developing the bill, which it said directly impacts communities that have a constitutional right to be consulted before projects get approved.

Carney, who announced he would meet with chiefs in response to their concerns, has promised that the government would properly consult, as it decides on which projects would be deemed as benefiting the “national interest.” Those that Carney’s cabinet deems to be would be added to a list and qualify for the faster approvals process, to be coordinated through a yet-to-be-established major projects office.

Before Thursday’s meeting got underway, Carney told reporters they are not yet at the stage of picking projects, but at the beginning stages of hearing from First Nations leaders about how best to proceed.

“Today is about the how, not the what,” the prime minister said, who added that he planned to focus on listening.

Assembly of First Nations National Chief Cindy Woodhouse Nepinak has acknowledged she has heard a diversity of opinion from chiefs about the law, with some in support of having more major resource projects built, while others stand opposed.

Asked whether he believed consensus was achievable, Carney said, “Yes, I do.”

“That’s the purpose of having a discussion, because this is the first step of a process.”

Carney is set to meet at a later date with Inuit and Metis leaders.

He used his opening remarks on Thursday to highlight how he sees the powers ushered in through the new law as opening the door for more economic opportunities for First Nations, saying that a “new chapter” could be written in the relationship between the federal government and communities.

“One of the points is that the economic value of these projects will be shared with First Nations as partners. You will help build the prosperity of your communities for generations to come.”

“In many respects, this is the first federal legislation to put Indigenous economic growth at its core. We now have the opportunity to realize it.”

Indigenous participation is one of the criteria Carney has pledged the government will use in determining what projects would be considered in the national interest.

The planning for Thursday’s meeting was done by the Privy Council Office, the arm of the government that supports the Prime Minister’s Office.

The agenda for the day included panels on the issue of “meaningful consultation” as well as a discussion around the Indigenous advisory council that the government has committed to appoint.

Besides Carney, senior ministers speaking at the closed-door event included Intergovernmental Affairs Minister Dominic LeBlanc and Indigenous Services Minister Mandy Gull-Masty.

Some chiefs expressed frustration at only receiving the agenda late Tuesday, given that leaders had been invited to briefings about the legislation from senior government officials.

Paper copies of a slide presentation prepared by the Privy Council Office, which were available to Thursday’s attendees, showed the government had heard there was “inadequate time to consult” about the new bill and the “importance of respecting Indigenous rights,” as well as the United Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

The media itself was not permitted to cover the discussions and was instructed to leave the building by departmental staff following the prime minister’s opening remarks.

Having the gathering in the first place was pitched by Woodhouse Nepinak, who used her opening address to the chiefs gathered to highlight ongoing challenges First Nations face when it comes to a lack of adequate infrastructure in communities, from housing to clean drinking water, as well as past legal challenges Ottawa has faced when it has not properly consulted Indigenous communities.

She highlighted in her speech, a copy of which was circulated to media, that it was “not clear” to First Nations what the government was intending when it came to speeding up the building of major infrastructure projects and that “until an appropriate process is established with First Nations rights holders and founded in free, prior and informed consent, the Crown’s legal obligations can not be met.”

Woodhouse Nepinak told reporters afterwards she wants Carney to make solid commitments, including to stage another gathering with chiefs next year.

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A rare bacteria that lives in brackish seawater has left four dead in Florida this year, according to health officials.

Four people in Florida are dead after being infected with a rare, flesh-eating bacteria found in coastal waters.

According to the latest data from

state health officials

, there have also been 11 non-fatal cases of Vibrio vulnificus reported in 2025. The deaths occurred in the Bay, Broward, Hillsborough and St. Johns counties, respectively. The data does not include how the people came into contact with the bacteria, but it can be transmitted when an open wound is exposed to infected seawater or by eating raw shellfish that has been infected.

Florida health officials have warned anyone with fresh cuts or scrapes to avoid going into the water, saying “water and wounds do not mix.”

Here’s what to know.

What is Vibrio vulnificus?

Vibrio vulnificus is part of the Vibrio group of bacteria that can cause illness in humans, per Health Canada. Although the illness can be mild, it is “more often severe with rapid progression requiring intensive care.” It often causes septicemia, an infection of the bloodstream, that can be fatal.

Symptoms include fever, chills, skin lesions and low blood pressure, and can appear 12 to 72 hours after exposure.

It can also cause skin infections if it comes into contact with an open wound, which can lead to skin breakdown and ulcers, according to Florida Health. If it is ingested, it can cause vomiting, diarrhea and abdominal pain.

Vibrio vulnificus infections can be especially harmful for those with weakened immune systems, in particular, those with chronic liver disease, Florida Health says. Those who get infected with Vibrio vulnificus may even need limb amputation in order to recover. Infections are fatal 50 per cent of the time.

It has been called “flesh-eating” because some Vibrio vulnificus infections can lead to necrotizing fasciitis, described as a “severe rapidly spreading bacterial infection that can cause death” by the Cleveland Clinic. It is when the flesh around the open wound dies, the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) explains.

Where and when are people most likely to be infected with Vibrio vulnificus?

Vibrio vulnificus lives in warm, brackish seawater, according to Florida Health. The CDC says that the bacteria is more likely to be found in high numbers in May through October, due to warmer water temperatures.

There was a surge of Vibrio vulnificus-related deaths in Florida last year, with 19 fatalities reported. Florida Health noted that the “unusual increase” was due to the impacts of Hurricane Helene. In 2022, officials noted that there was another surge due to Hurricane Ian.

The concentration of the bacteria can rise due to heavy rain or flooding,

CNN reported

when the cases increased last year.

Outbreaks in Canada have been linked to eating raw or undercooked shellfish, particularly oysters, Health Canada said.

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U.S. President Donald Trump arriving before speaking at a ceremony to sign the

Trade talks are reportedly continuing between Canada and the U.S., with formal meetings having taken place since U.S. President Donald Trump revealed more threats and demands last week, a source close to the White House said.

Prime Minister Mark Carney said Tuesday that he expected U.S. tariffs would likely be part of any future deal. “There is not much evidence at the moment — from the deals, agreements and negotiations with the Americans, for any country or any jurisdiction — to get a deal without tariffs,” Carney said. He also said he expected trade talks to “intensify” in the next few weeks.

Washington and Ottawa have been engaged in tempestuous trade talks for months. Carney’s team is desperate to end tariffs imposed by  Trump on Canadian steel and aluminum exports and keep tariff exemptions for goods covered by the U.S.-Canada-Mexico trade deal (USMCA).

 Prime Minister Mark Carney and U.S. President Donald Trump in Alberta for a G7 meeting, June 16, 2025.

After Carney’s election in April, things appeared to be going well for awhile: Carney visited the White House, he seemingly got Trump to drop his talk of making Canada a “51st state,” and the prime minister quickly gave in when the president threatened to end talks if Canada didn’t scrap its digital services tax (DST) on U.S. tech firms. Carney also pledged last month to increase defence expenditures dramatically to meet a higher NATO spending target by 2035, a priority of Trump’s. It looked like negotiations could lead to a new U.S.-Canada deal before the July 21 deadline the two of them had set for themselves.

Then came the letter.

Trump wrote an open letter to the prime minister last week, threatening to impose 35 per cent tariffs on Canadian goods starting Aug. 1, vaguely citing as reasons Ottawa’s trade deficit, counter tariffs, dairy trade restrictions, and failure to halt fentanyl from crossing the border. What Trump didn’t do — as he had done with the DST — was outline exactly what Carney needed to do to get things back on track.

National Post looks at the reasons Trump might have wanted to derail the negotiations — and what other surprises the White House might have in store.

Trump is under pressure

Trump “likes to keep us in suspense,” says Andrew Hale, a senior policy analyst at Heritage Foundation. But there is a timing issue at play here that goes beyond the negotiations. “Basically, they have a window of time to use these ‘Liberation Day’ tariffs,” he says, referring to Trump’s sweeping new international tariff regime unveiled in April. Hale said there is significant legal pushback facing the administration’s use of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) that ostensibly gives the president power to circumvent Congress to impose tariffs in urgent situations.

So far, there have been a few court rulings against Trump’s use of IEEPA tariffs. Oral arguments in the U.S. Court of Appeals are scheduled to begin for one of those rulings on July 31, with another court set to hear two other tariff-related cases in September.

To use IEEPA, a genuine emergency needs to be declared. What Trump did was declare emergencies based on trade deficits, drug trafficking, and immigration. Well, “we’ve been running trade deficits for decades,” says Hale. U.S. j

udges have ruled that there is no direct connection between the national emergency declared over fentanyl and illegal migration.

The court rulings could still go either way. “(Trump’s team is) concerned that they will no longer be able to weaponize these (tariffs) in trade negotiations,” Hale adds.

“By simply heaping on the pressure and saying, ‘Bam, you get these tariffs, you’re getting increased tariffs and the rest of it,’ they’re trying to get as many concessions as possible whilst they can still use them.”

If Trump’s emergency tariffs lose in court, he’d be left with the less-powerful weapon to restrict imports deemed a national security threat, under Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act.

“I do know that Plan B is to use the 232 tariffs as an alternative more aggressively,” Hale said. But he notes that they are product-specific and do not allow for across-the-board tariffs.

Tori Smith, a senior vice president at Forbes Tate Partners, a government-relations consultancy in Washington, points out that Trump’s Aug. 1 deadline doesn’t seem random given the appeal hearing against emergency tariffs set to start on July 31.

She also notes that the review scheduled of the USMCA, as part of its original terms, begins in October. Trump’s letter, Smith said, was probably meant to “create leverage for the United States in advance of the USMCA review.”

Smith said the “long-game strategy” for the White House is to put it in the “strongest position for (the USMCA) negotiations.”

White House revenge

There may also be something more personal going on, according to a source close to the administration, who spoke on condition of anonymity.

The NAFTA negotiations in Trump’s first term that led to the USMCA were headed by United States Trade Representative (USTR) Ambassador Robert Lighthizer, who had a cordial relationship with Canada’s

then-foreign affairs

minister Chrystia Freeland.

In the process, Lighthizer reportedly neutralized Peter Navarro, then director of the
Office of Trade and Manufacturing Policy
, a fierce protectionist and Trump loyalist, who is now a senior adviser to the president on trade.

“He’s never really forgiven Lighthizer for that,” the source said. (Lighthizer has since returned to private life.)

 Robert Lighthizer speaks during a town-hall style meeting, Tuesday, Sept. 3, 2024, in Braselton.

While the USMCA was once touted by U.S. officials as the “gold standard” of trade deals, possibly the reason the administration has talked of ripping it up “was because Navarro sees that as Lighthizer’s golden legacy, and he has reasons … personal bitterness, to rip it up.”

David Boling, a former deputy assistant USTR for Japan, said he never witnessed the two men in meetings together and couldn’t comment on their working relationship. But they had very different styles, he recalled.

“Lighthizer skillfully renegotiated NAFTA by building up trust with Capitol Hill Democrats. Coalition-building, however, is not Navarro’s strong suit,” said Boling, who now works at the political-risk consultancy Eurasia Group.

Navarro recently said he didn’t like negotiating with Canada, while Mexico’s negotiators were a “pure joy to deal with.”

“You know, they (Mexicans) were tough negotiators, but they were reasonable, fair negotiators. The Canadians were very, very difficult, and they’ve always been very difficult,” he

said in a television interview last week

.

Little downside for Trump

It seems that the more Trump has pushed for concessions from Canada — on defence, on digital taxes, on fentanyl crackdowns — the more he’s been able to get.

Sources say his senior economic team feels they have to sell the president on deal structures, but that Trump often feels he can press for more.

“I think that this can be demonstrated pretty obviously by the Vietnam announcement,” says Smith, noting how Vietnam’s team thought they would be getting a lower tariff rate than 20 per cent, but then Trump “put out a different rate than had been negotiated or talked about by his team.”

Trump mentioned Canada’s highly restricted market for dairy in his open letter to Carney. But he might also start pushing for Canada to commit to more things beyond trade, as he has with fentanyl and defence.

“The Trump administration has also leveraged tariffs in matters that go well beyond trade policy with a number of countries,” said Hale. In March, the president warned countries buying Venezuelan oil they would be punished with tariffs on all U.S. exports; in the last two weeks, he’s threatened “severe tariffs” on Russia if it didn’t make peace with Ukraine, and tariffs on BRICS-aligned countries (meaning Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa as well as Iran and Indonesia) because he said they wanted to undermine the U.S. dollar.

 

 Brazil’s President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva speaks during a press conference at the BRICS summit in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, on July 7, 2025.

So he may want to wield economic pressure to try getting Carney to commit to helping restart a new Canada-U.S. oil pipeline after Keystone XL was killed by the last American president, the source close to the White House said. “They want the Keystone XL pipeline big time,” the source said.

Trump has never stopped wanting that pipeline since he approved it in his first term, and has raised it repeatedly since his re-election, noted Diana Furchtgott-Roth, director of the Center for Energy, Climate, and Environment at the Heritage Foundation.

“Everybody knows that Prime Minister Carney has a focus on the environment, rather than fossil fuel production, so I imagine that it might be a sticking point,” she added. So would the fact that, right now, there is no company proposing that project, since the former proponent, TC Energy, abandoned it.

Apparently, the White House also wants Carney to loosen up on Liberal social objectives, like ESG (environment, social and governance) and DEI (diversity, equity and inclusion), that have in recent years complicated regulation in Canada, including for American companies that do business here. Trump has been aggressive about deregulating away from social and climate rules in the U.S. since he took office.

But Carney is “religious” about ESG, said the Washington source, which could be a “real barrier to these things getting forward.” Yet, if Carney  got rid of net-zero targets and environmental impediments, “I think there’d be a massive love-in,” the source added.

How many of these new lines of negotiation — dairy, defence, oil, DEI, ESG or others — the president opens is anyone’s guess, but what is almost certain is that current trade wrangling will bleed into October’s USMCA review and well into 2026, said Smith.

“The next year is going to continue to be very uncertain and rocky for Canada,” she said.

National Post

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A vehicle travels into the U.S. from St-Bernard-de-Lacolle, Quebec, on March 6. The crossing has seen a spike in asylum seekers this month.

In less than two weeks this month, a Quebec border crossing saw more than 1,500 asylum applicants coming from the United States, an unusual surge considering overall asylum claims are down by 50 per cent across Canada.

St-Bernard-de-Lacolle, a crossing located on Quebec’s Highway 15, south of Montreal, saw 1,505 asylum applicants between Canada Day and July 13. In June, 1,593 applied for asylum in Canada over the course of the whole month.

It represents a significant increase over 2024, when in the first two weeks of July, just 322 people tried to claim asylum in Canada. Many of the claimants are Haitians, fleeing insecurity at home and precarious legality in the United States, and seeking asylum in a French-speaking territory.

It’s not the first time that the Quebec border crossing has seen a major spike in claimants.

In April, 2,733 people applied for asylum in Canada at that border crossing. It’s an official border crossing that is near the infamous Roxham Road border crossing that is an irregular point of entry to Canada.

Here’s what to know about the border crossing and why there has been a surge in asylum seekers.

How many people have applied for asylum in Canada overall?

Between January and July 2025, there have been

19,730 asylum applications processed in Canada from people arriving at all ports of entry. This is a significant drop since 2024. By this time last year, the Canada Border Services Agency had processed 39,085 asylum applications.

How many have been sent back to the United States?

Of that total, 2,169 have been returned to the United States for being ineligible to enter Canada; 1,531 of those were people who made their asylum claims at official ports of entry, while the other 638 were irregular border crossers.

Both Canada and the United States are signatories to the Safe Third Country Agreement. It means, basically, that a refugee claimant must make a refugee claim in the first country they arrive in, and if they show up at the Canadian border after entering the U.S., unless they meet an exception to the rules, they can be sent back to America.

What are the exceptions?

There are four exceptions, said Pia Zambelli, chairperson of the refugee committee at the Canadian Immigration Lawyers Association. The first is

family ties to Canada

.

“This is the main exception,” said Zambelli.

The second is an exception for unaccompanied minors. The other two are exceptions for those with certain documentation, such as a valid study permit in Canada. The last one is a public interest exception, for those who may, for example, face the death penalty if returned to the United States.

What nationalities are arriving?

Haitians are the nationality making the most asylum claims in Canada at land border crossings. Many of them are crossing at the St-Bernard-de-Lacolle crossing, Zambelli said, because of its proximity to Montreal, a French-speaking city.

“There’s a huge Haitian community in Montreal,” Zambelli said.

Venezuelans make up the second-largest proportion of those seeking asylum in Canada at land border crossings.

Americans made up the third-largest proportion of those seeking asylum at land-border crossings.

Why are Haitians coming to Canada?

The government has more or less collapsed in Haiti and there is rampant gang violence in the failed state. This means that thousands of people are fleeing, if they can. Many ended up in the United States but have faced persecution under U.S. President Donald Trump’s administration.

Under former president Joe Biden, the U.S. government granted temporary legal status in the country to some 500,000 Haitians, the Montreal Gazette reported. Many of those people had been in the country since 2010, when Haiti was devastated by an earthquake.

However, in June the Trump administration moved to revoke that protection, meaning that hundreds of thousands of people could be at risk of being sent back to a failed state. T

he Department of Homeland Security announced it was terminating the t
emporary protected status for Haitians as of Sept. 2. However, a federal judge ruled this month that the Trump administration could not move up the expiration of their status, which was extended to Feb. 3, 2026 under former president Joe Biden.

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Lilly and Jack Sullivan have been missing since May 2, 2025.

More than two months after two young siblings went missing in Nova Scotia, the RCMP say they have received thousands of videos and found a pink blanket belonging to one of the children, but the case remains unsolved.

The investigative team in the Northeast Nova RCMP Major Crime Unit is leading the investigation into the disappearance of Lilly Sullivan and Jack Sullivan who went missing from their rural home in Lansdowne Station, Pictou County, N.S.

“Our collective efforts will continue every day until we determine with certainty the circumstances surrounding Lilly and Jack’s disappearance,” said Sgt. Rob McCamon, Officer in Charge (acting), Major Crime and Behavioural Sciences, in a statement released July 16.

Lilly, six, and Jack, four, were first reported missing on the morning of May 2, 2025, by their mom and stepfather, who believe the kids disappeared while they were still asleep. The stepfather looked for them in neighbouring roads as the mom called police that morning.

Since then, more than 800 tasks have been associated with this investigation, the RCMP said in a news release.

The latest update on the case doesn’t bring any new information about where Lilly and Jack could be or what happened to them, but gives the public an overview of what the next stage of the investigation will look like.

The Nova Scotia RCMP said they are reviewing approximately 5,000 video files of Lansdowne Station and its surrounding areas and assessing more than 600 tips from the public.

Police have formally interviewed over 60 people, including some with a polygraph test, and are requesting judicial authorizations to seize and examine materials and devices that can help in the investigation.

Police also said they are performing forensic examinations on “materials” found in the search areas, including a pink blanket found near the home on Lansdowne Road. It was confirmed by the family to belong to the children.

“A tremendous amount of careful, deliberate investigative work is underway by people here at home and in other parts of Canada,” said McCamon.

When asked in a press conference if the case lacked urgency, a concern expressed by people close to the investigation, spokesperson Cpl. Carlie McCann told reporters that “an RCMP family liaison is in regular contact with a designated relative of Lilly and Jack.”

The Northeast Nova RCMP Major Crime Unit is assisted in the investigation by RCMP units in Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and Ontario as well as the National Centre of Missing Persons, the Canadian Centre for Child Protection, and provincial and municipal police agencies from Nova Scotia and other parts of Canada.

The RCMP is encouraging anyone with specific information on Lilly and Jack’s disappearance to call the Northeast Nova RCMP Major Crime Unit at 902-896-5060. To remain anonymous, contact Nova Scotia Crime Stoppers, toll-free, at 1-800-222-TIPS (8477), submit a secure web tip at

www.crimestoppers.ns.ca

, or use the P3 Tips app.

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Assembly of First Nations Chief Cindy Woodhouse Nepinak looks on during a press conference in Ottawa on Wednesday, July 16, 2025.

OTTAWA

— Assembly of First Nations National Chief Cindy Woodhouse Nepinak said the federal government will need to present a plan for how to get more infrastructure built on First Nations reserves as it tries to soothe concerns from chiefs over new powers to fast-track major infrastructure projects. 

Chiefs from across the country are

preparing to meet with Prime Minister Mark Carney and other senior ministers

to discuss the Liberals’ plan to shorten the approvals process for projects like ports and pipelines. First Nations have voiced concerns that fast tracking could neglect their land and treaty rights.

The meeting, set to take place on Thursday, was announced as the legislation, known as Bill C-5,

was passed before the House of Commons broke for summer

. Carney said he hoped to address chiefs’ concerns about ensuring the government upholds its duty to consult First Nations as it pledges to get more projects off the ground, facing economic threats from U.S. President Donald Trump’s tariffs.

“I know Trump’s at our borders, pushing colonialism,”

Woodhouse Nepinak told reporters at a press conference in the Assembly of First Nations’ (AFN) office in downtown Ottawa on Wednesday. 

“We don’t need more colonialism in our country. What we need is to get back to the table and to talk about these really hard things.”

Regional chiefs and other chiefs from different communities spoke during the press conference about the persistent issues that those living on First Nations face in terms of lack of access to clean drinking water, roads and housing, as well as the number of young people dying in communities

— issues that former prime minister Justin Trudeau had pledged to address. 

Woodhouse Nepinak said she hopes dealing with that infrastructure gap “is on the table in a very serious way,” adding that the AFN and others have produced different reports over the years that highlight the chronic issue. 

The AFN, the country’s largest organization representing more than 600 First Nation communities, has been vocal in its concerns about the pace at which the Liberals introduced and passed the major projects legislation, but has not been directly involved in planning the upcoming gathering or selecting speakers.

On Wednesday, some of the chiefs expressed concern about having received the agenda late on Tuesday. A copy seen by National Post shows the federal government plans to have Intergovernmental Affairs Minister Dominic LeBlanc discuss the consultation requirements outlined in the law as well as how projects would be selected.

Other ministers expected to attend are Natural Resources and Energy Minister Tim Hodgson as well as Indigenous Services Minister

Mandy Gull-Masty, who is expected to address the issue of consultations. Members of the Liberals’ Indigenous caucus are also expected to be on hand. Chiefs are also able to submit written questions. 

Woodhouse Nepinak acknowledged the agenda was still evolving and some feel the upcoming meeting is “rushed,” but offered credit to Carney for agreeing with her ask to meet with chiefs, saying such a gathering ought to happen more often, given the last time she said one was staged was around 2012. 

The national chief said she has heard a diversity of views about the Liberals’ plan to fast-track major infrastructure projects. While some chiefs have expressed concerns, she said others have expressed support. There have also been chiefs so consumed with dealing with other issues in their communities they do not yet have a position.

“We’re going to give (Carney) the benefit of the doubt that he produces tomorrow,”

Woodhouse Nepinak said. 

“I think that he has to also listen to First Nations leadership, more listening, rather than talking about how they want to proceed forward.”

The national chief and other First Nations leaders underlined how they saw Thursday’s meeting as only the beginning of talks and should not be considered an act of consultation, something Carney confirmed at an unrelated news conference about tariffs in Hamilton, Ont.

He said the new law was “

enabling legislation” that allows discussions to take place about what constitutes a project to be “nation building” and the process that would follow to ensure rights-holders like First Nations would be consulted and be able to participate. 

Under the law, the federal cabinet would decide which projects would be added to a list that would allow the approvals process to be fast tracked through a yet-to-be-developed major-projects office. Carney has said the goal is to give selected projects the green light within two years, down from the current five.

Terry Teegee, a regional chief representing British Columbia for the Assembly of First Nations, said he had a more skeptical take about the upcoming meeting. 

“If this is a success, I think it’s getting a solid commitment from the prime minister of discussions of how free, prior and informed consent will be implemented.”

He said the problem lies in the fact there could be projects pitched “that are going to be very controversial.”

“It’s those projects that I think the vast majority of chiefs are worried about.”

Teegee named as an example Alberta Premier Danielle Smith’s desire to see

a pipeline built from Alberta to B.C.’s northern coast

, a route that has received widespread pushback from some First Nations in the area in the past.

“We’ve been down that road, and it’s a very difficult situation.”

National Post

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