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Clockwise from top left: Michael McLeod, Carter Hart, Cal Foote, Alex Formenton, and Dillon Dube all pleaded not guilty to criminal charges for sexual assault. Following a trial in London, Ont, a judge will deliver her verdict on July 24.

On the website of

Hockey Canada

 there is a page that lists the organization’s “Premier Marketing Partners.”

Tim Hortons has been one of those key sponsors since 2019, it says. Telus has backed the national sport organization since 2004. And Imperial Oil started its sponsorship way back in 1981.

Nowhere does it mention that “since” doesn’t include the period of about a year, from late 2022 to late 2023, during which all three premier marketing partners pulled their sponsorship dollars from Hockey Canada.

That was the height of Canada’s hockey-culture crisis. It began when

TSN reported

in the spring of 2022 that Hockey Canada had moved with remarkable haste to settle a multi-million-dollar lawsuit that alleged a group sexual assault involving members of the 2018 World Junior team after a gala in London, Ont., that summer.

The unnamed alleged victim was 20 years old at the time. It will reach an endpoint of sorts, when the judge in

a criminal trial

involving five defendants makes her ruling.

And in between, it mushroomed as further revelations were made: That Hockey Canada let its own investigation into the matter in 2018 cease once the alleged victim declined to participate, and it was informed by the London police that it had closed its investigation, without even learning the identities of the alleged assailants. That separate sexual-assault allegations had been made about members of the 2003 World Junior team. That Hockey Canada kept reserve funds on its books for, among other things, settling such lawsuits quickly and quietly.

The blowback peaked when a series of Hockey Canada executives appeared before a parliamentary committee and insisted that, while mistakes had been made, there was no need for a leadership change at the organization.

In response, the

sponsors pulled their funds

. Resignations at Hockey Canada followed. At the time, there was much talk about a wider reckoning for hockey in this country. Hockey Canada itself decried the “toxic culture” of the sport. There were questions about the attitudes in locker rooms, about issues relating to sexual violence and consent, and about the wider junior-hockey system, in which elite athletes often leave home as teenagers to become big stars on small-town teams, granting them a celebrity status that belies their maturity.

Almost three years later, much has changed from a legal perspective. The alleged victim in the 2018 incident, now known only as “E.M.” — her identity is protected by a publication ban — agreed to speak to London police. That brought criminal charges against five former members of Canada’s 2018 World Junior team — Michael McLeod, Carter Hart, Alex Fomenton, Dillon Dubé and Cal Foote — and an eight-week trial in London that ended last month. All the defendants have pleaded not guilty. Justice Maria Carroccia is scheduled to give her decision on the case on July 24.

But other than the criminal proceedings, it’s fair to wonder if much of a reckoning has occurred at all.

Calls for a judicial inquiry into Hockey Canada, or into Canadian amateur sport in general, were resisted at the federal level. The junior hockey system is unchanged, with the country’s three major-junior leagues still the primary training ground for future Canadian NHL players. And Hockey Canada, once besieged over its handling of the 2018 allegations, has its marketing partners back in the fold. For TSN’s coverage of the 2025 World Juniors, “feature sponsors” included Gatorade and Fidelity Investments.

The organization has undergone a transformation since the height of the crisis. “As the national governing body for amateur hockey in Canada, Hockey Canada recognizes our role, responsibility and duty to be a leader in delivering a sport that is rooted in safety, inclusiveness and respect,” it said in a statement to Postmedia.

“Since 2022, we have implemented significant initiatives to help transform the culture and safety of hockey.”

Many of those initiatives were part of an action plan announced in 2022. All national team athletes, coaches and staff, for example, must complete training on sexual violence and consent before they are eligible to represent Hockey Canada. And the organization, among other changes, now tracks all complaints of maltreatment related to hockey and publishes an annual report of the details.

Despite those efforts, it is difficult to quantify a cultural change. And anyone who followed coverage of the London trial will know there was some public support for the narratives put forth by defence lawyers: that the accused were just boys being boys.

Has the case changed hockey culture? Or is it part of a wider issue: A societal acceptance that when it comes to athletes and sex, the standards are different than they are in other industries?

 Former Canadian world junior hockey player Carter Hart walks past protesters from the Sexual Assault Support Centre Waterloo Region as he enters the London courthouse on Monday, June 9, 2025. (Mike Hensen/The London Free Press)

***

One of the startling aspects of Hockey Canada’s response to the E.M. case, both in 2018 and after the 2022 lawsuit, was the degree to which the organization didn’t seem to want to examine it much at all. In the first instance, after contacting police when it was first made aware of the allegations and hiring its own investigator, it let a partially completed probe lapse and seems to have made little attempt to find out what had happened on the night in question.

“As soon as Hockey Canada became aware of this matter in 2018, we contacted local police authorities to inform them. The same day, we also retained Henein Hutchison LLP, a firm with extensive experience in this area, to undertake a thorough independent internal investigation,” said

a statement

by Hockey Canada in May 2022.

“The person bringing the allegations forward chose not to speak with either police or with Hockey Canada’s independent investigator and also chose not to identify the players involved. This was her right and we fully respect her wishes,” the statement continued. The organization later clarified its statement, saying it learned the complainant did in fact make a complaint to the police in 2018.

Former executives told a

Parliamentary committee

in October 2022 that they weren’t sure how many of the players on that 2018 World Junior team had even spoken to the investigator they had hired. After the 2022 lawsuit, Hockey Canada swiftly reached a settlement with E.M., without involving its own insurers or even informing the alleged assailants of the allegations against them. While it looked to the outside world like Hockey Canada had tried to make the story go away quietly, former executives said that they believed the young woman had “suffered harm” in 2018 and that a quick resolution was in her best interests.

But the pattern of a team learning about sexual allegations involving players and looking the other way is a familiar one to anyone who follows sports.

Kobe Bryant

, the late basketball legend, was accused in 2003 of raping a teenage hotel employee in Colorado. Criminal charges were filed, but later dropped when the alleged victim, whose identity had been leaked, refused to participate in a trial. A civil suit against Bryant was settled, but the 18-time All-Star was never disciplined by the NBA or the Los Angeles Lakers. Former NBA commissioner David Stern said at the time that the league would withhold punishment pending the resolution of the criminal case, and Bryant, then 26 years old, travelled from Lakers games to Colorado to attend court during the 2003 NBA season.

 Kobe Bryant and his wife Vanessa attend a news conference at Staples Center, the home of the Lakers, July 18, 2003 in Los Angeles, California. The 24-year-old NBA star proclaimed his innocence of the sexual assault charges filed by the district attorney of Eagle, Colorado.

DeShaun Watson

, the former All-Pro quarterback with the Houston Texans, was suspended for 11 games in 2022 and fined US$5 million (after the NFL and NFLPA reached an agreement) after more than two dozen women accused him of sexual misconduct during massage sessions. The Texans decided to trade him, and after interest from multiple teams, sent him to the Cleveland Browns for a haul of draft picks. The Browns quickly gave him a contract for five years and US$230 million, the largest guaranteed contract in NFL history at the time.

Last month, the NFL suspended former Baltimore Ravens kicker

Justin Tucker

for 10 games after 16 massage therapists accused him of improper behaviour during sessions that took place between 2012 and 2016. He denies wrongdoing, and when the Ravens released him in May, with an NFL investigation ongoing, general manager Eric DeCosta said it was a “tough decision” and thanked him for his contributions to the team. He did not mention the allegations.

And earlier this month, police in London, England, announced sexual assault charges against

Thomas Partey

, formerly a midfielder for Arsenal in the Premier League, involving three alleged victims. Partey was first arrested in 2022, but his name was not made public because U.K. laws prohibit the identification of someone who has not been criminally charged. Arsenal, however, knew of the allegations, through multiple arrests, and he played more than 100 matches for the club until his contract expired at the end of June. Partey denies the allegations. Arsenal has said it will not comment on the case because it is before the courts.

The tendency towards a hands-off approach can even be the case when the athlete is an alleged victim. In the spring of 2021, a former member of the

Chicago Blackhawks

sued the team over allegations that it had failed to properly respond when alerted to an alleged sexual assault perpetrated by a former assistant coach in 2010. A team-ordered investigation found that the Blackhawks let the coach resign after the season concluded, though he took part in Stanley Cup celebrations, otherwise the complaint was ignored. (The former coach was later convicted of sexual assault related to a high-school coaching job.) General manager Stan Bowman resigned, and Joel Quenneville, who was Chicago’s head coach in 2010 but was coaching the Florida Panthers in 2021, also resigned after a meeting with NHL commissioner Gary Bettman.

The NHL declared Bowman and Quenneville eligible to be reinstated last year. Weeks later, Bowman was hired to be the general manager of the Edmonton Oilers. He said at the time that his “response was inadequate in 2010,” and that he had spent time reflecting on his mistakes and learning from them. Quenneville was hired to coach the Anaheim Ducks last month. He said he “owned (his) mistakes” and that he had educated himself on “the realities of abuse.”

 The NHL reinstated Stan Bowman last year and weeks later he was hired as general manager by the Edmonton Oilers.

***

The story that Hockey Canada didn’t seem particularly interested in pursuing in 2018 instead unfolded in a London courtroom beginning in April. Or, at least, competing versions of it did.

All parties agree that E.M. met Michael McLeod in a London bar on the night of June 18, 2018. There was dancing and drinking, and the two went back to the Delta Armouries hotel, where E.M. was prepared to have consensual sex with McLeod.

From there, the versions differ. E.M. told court that McLeod invited members of his World Junior team — who were all there for a Hockey Canada golf tournament — to his room to have sex with her without her knowledge or consent. Prosecutors argued she was pressured into sexual acts with multiple players, and that she feared for her safety. Defence lawyers argued that she was the aggressor who had encouraged a group sexual encounter, and that she made up the story about an assault to save face after the fact.

Carter Hart, formerly a goaltender with the Philadelphia Flyers, the only one of the five accused to testify, told court that he was excited about the possibility of a sexual encounter, and that E.M. was a willing participant.

Other members of the World Junior team who were in the room that night but not accused of criminal wrongdoing offered unclear recollections of what had taken place. One of them,

Brett Howden

, now a member of the Vegas Golden Knights, was cross-examined by the Crown — despite being a Crown witness — over alleged inconsistencies in his memory. A text message he had sent to another teammate saying he was “so glad he left” the hotel room and that he saw one of the accused “smack this girl’s ass so hard” was ruled inadmissible after Howden said he did not remember sending it or witnessing the act in question.

 Brett Howden of the Vegas Golden Knights is shown during an NHL game on Dec. 19, 2024. (Getty Images)

While the various former teammates tended to provide similar stories about what parts of the night they could remember, prosecutors said there was a failure of consent at the root of it all.

E.M., who spent seven days on the witness stand under cross-examination by lawyers for the five defendants, said so herself: “Any one of those men could have stood up and said, this isn’t right. And no one did,” she said. “No one thought like that. They didn’t want to think about if I was actually OK or if I was actually consenting.”

The verdicts that Justice Maria Carroccia renders on July 24 will, obviously, be significant for both the accused and E.M.

But whatever she decides, many questions will linger. What changed between 2018 and 2022 that caused Hockey Canada to completely reverse course on the incident? Where it once was happy to let the matter drop entirely, why did it offer a settlement without even giving its former players a chance to respond to the allegations? Later, why did it take the formality of criminal charges to have anyone’s playing career interrupted?

Most significantly, has anything changed? The accused and their teammates who were in the room that night all insisted that no criminal wrongdoing took place. That is, that an intoxicated young woman performed sexual acts with several men as others watched and ate pizza, over a number of hours, and nothing untoward took place.

An improbable story or just another night for the fellas?

Three years ago, it seemed at least possible that sweeping out Hockey Canada’s leadership would fundamentally change the sport’s developmental system in this country. After all, the men who eventually became criminal defendants had been elite players at the very top of the developmental pyramid.

But structurally, Canada’s hockey system has proved durable. At last month’s National Hockey League draft 16 of the top 19 players selected came from teams in the Canadian Hockey League (CHL), which includes Canada’s three major-junior leagues. Several of them will almost certainly be members of the 2026 World Junior team when it begins play in December. Meanwhile, a U.S. court in May dismissed a class-action lawsuit that had been filed last year and accused the NHL and CHL of conspiring to restrict the employment opportunities and earning power of junior-age hockey players. The judge ruled that U.S. courts were not the correct venue for such a case. (Canadian courts have already ruled against similar claims.)

And so, the pathway to the pros endures. Children and parents in small towns and big cities across Canada spend much of their winter at rinks, and a portion of their registration fees makes its way up to the national organization. A small percentage of those players will reach the elite level and play for the top teams in their region, and an even smaller percentage will eventually make it to the CHL. From there, the best of the best will be selected to the national junior team, the finishing school for Canada’s future hockey professionals.

But it still all begins back in the neighbourhood arenas, on cold winter mornings. Late last month, a little over two weeks after the trial ended, Hockey Canada announced that

player registration

across the country for last season was more than 603,000. It had increased for the fourth consecutive year.

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Ontario Premier Doug Ford, left, Manitoba Premier Wab Kinew, centre, and Saskatchewan Premier Scott Moe speak as they arrive for the meeting of Canada’s premiers at Deerhurst Resort in Huntsville, Ont., on Monday, July 21, 2025.

OTTAWA — Prime Minister Mark Carney will be offering his update on trade talks with the White House when he sits down with the premiers Tuesday, while discussing their concerns as an Aug. 1 deadline for more tariffs rapidly approaches.

Carney is joining the

provincial and territorial premiers during their summer gathering in Muskoka, Ont.

Carney is expected to offer an opening statement, but most of the meeting on Tuesday is set to happen behind closed doors.

On Monday, Quebec Premier François Legault said he will tell Carney he wants protection in negotiations for supply management for the dairy, egg and poultry sectors, as well as the exemption for Quebec’s cultural industries from free-trade requirements.

British Columbia Premier David Eby has said he hoped Carney would kick off trade discussions by

trying resolve the softwood lumber issue

, which has been a trade irritant between Canada and the U.S. for decades.

Carney

recently said he thought it unlikely

that there wouldn’t be at least some tariffs in any deal struck before Aug. 1, though most of Canada’s trade with the U.S. is protected by the Canada-U.S.-Mexico Agreement (CUSMA( that exempts most of the goods and services crossing the border.

So far, Trump has imposed tariffs of 50 per cent on steel and aluminum; 25 per cent tariffs on goods, automobiles and automobile parts not covered by the CUSMA trade deal; and 10 per cent tariffs on energy. He

is now threatening to impose a 35 per cent blanket tariff

on Aug. 1

Canada has so far retaliated with counter tariffs on billions of dollars worth of American exports, but Carney is holding off on further measures pending the result of ongoing negotiations by the end of the month.

Saskatchewan Premier Scott Moe said he has “never been a big proponent of increasing countertariffs” and would rather try to find a way to get the White House to renew CUSMA, which is due to begin its mandated review in 2026. Moe also signalled he is prepared to live with some level of tariffs for the time being.

“We won’t get to zero on each and every topic. The goal is to get as close as zero on as many items that we possibly can. I know that’s the prime minister’s goal as well,” he said.

Whatever the outcome of the deal is — tariffs or no tariffs — Legault said he will ask Carney to make sure there is a specific time frame to add more certainty for businesses.

Speaking in Hamilton, Ont. last week, Carney said his team was “in the midst of long now and tough negotiations with the United States, and… working for the best deal for Canada.”

“Part of the reason why we don’t have a deal is that deal is not yet on the table,” he said.

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Lilly and Jack Sullivan.

The step-grandmother of two young children who vanished from a rural Nova Scotia home almost three months ago is pleading with the public to stop spreading rumours about the children’s disappearance.

In an interview with CBC News

, Janie Mackenzie described the chaotic days that unfolded after six-year-old Lily Sullivan and four-year-old Jack Sullivan went missing from their home in Lansdowne Station, Pictou County, on May 2.

The siblings were last seen that morning at the home they shared with their mother, Malehya Brooks-Murray, and their stepfather, Daniel Martell, Mackenzie’s son. The mobile home sits along a gravel road surrounded by dense woods, with an RV parked nearby, where Mackenzie was staying at the time. The house also has a back patio, with a sliding glass door, which is most likely how the children got out that morning.

Near the RV there is a fenced-in play set with swings and a slide, where the children would play. It is also where Mackenzie said she heard the kids playing the morning they disappeared. About 20 minutes later, she heard her son yelling for them.

“I blame myself for not getting up that morning to see the kids because … this would have never happened,” Mackenzie told CBC.

In the days since, search teams combed through the thick woods and the family’s property, uncovering only minimal clues, including what appeared to be two small footprints and a piece of a pink blanket, which is confirmed to be Lilly’s. Since then, the investigation has expanded, drawing in multiple RCMP divisions, including major crimes, but, so far, not much is known.

In an update last week

, police said the Northeast Nova RCMP Major Crime Unit is leading the investigation and that officials are examining thousands of videos.

In the weeks following their disappearance, Mackenzie and her family have cooperated with the investigation, she told CBC/ Apart from one instance in the first days of search, where Mackenzie says she stopped an officer from checking her trailer to secure her dog, both the mobile home and trailer have been thoroughly searched, multiple times, by RCMP and ground crews. The septic tank and well were also searched, she said, along with drones flown underneath the mobile home. Her son also passed a polygraph test, as he has previously told the media.

However, Mackenzie and her son have been accused on social media of harming the children and burying them on the property, she said.

“A heart don’t lie, and my heart is telling me that my kid did not have nothing to do with this, and I had nothing to do with this,” Mackenzie told CBC.

Before the disappearance thrust her family into the public eye, Mackenzie lived a quiet, private life. Now, her life is always in the spotlight, she said. Cars slow down as they pass by, drones frequently hover overhead, and media outlets show up at her door.

If she goes out, she said she keeps her head down because she doesn’t want to be recognized. “It’s not because I’m hiding from anybody,” she said. “I’m just a quiet person that just wants to be left alone.”

Despite the months of uncertainty, Mackenzie holds onto hope. She said she hasn’t felt the kind of sinking dread that usually signals something terrible has happened.

“Deep down in my heart, I do believe Jack and Lilly are alive,” she told CBC.

 

Our website is the place for the latest breaking news, exclusive scoops, longreads and provocative commentary. Please bookmark nationalpost.com and sign up for our daily newsletter, Posted, here.


Prime Minister Mark Carney arrives on Parliament Hill ahead of meetings in Ottawa, Monday, July 21, 2025.

OTTAWA — Prime Minister Mark Carney heard from a bipartisan delegation of U.S. senators on Monday that he should seek to “reinvigorate” discussions about the Canada-U.S.-Mexico (CUSMA) trade agreement as he faces pressure to close a deal with the White House by Aug. 1.

U.S. President Donald Trump has threatened to

impose a blanket tariff of 35 per cent starting next month

on Canadian goods entering his country, barring him and Carney coming up with a new economic and security agreement before that date.

Carney met on Parliament Hill first thing in the morning with Democratic senators Rob Wyden from Oregon, Maggie Hassan from New Hampshire and Catherine Cortez Masto from Nevada, as well as Republican Senator Lisa Murkowski from Alaska, to discuss Canada’s ongoing trade war with the U.S.

Murkowski is one of the only Republican senators who has been openly critical of the Trump administration.

Speaking after the meeting, Wyden said the first step to bring stability to the Canada-U.S. economic relationship is to try to “reinvigorate” CUSMA — known as USMCA on the U.S. side — and said the other visiting senators share his view.

“This is something that we’ve had a considerable amount of success with since it was written during the (first) Trump administration, and we ought to strengthen it. We ought to build it, not get rid of it,” Wyden said.

CUSMA is scheduled for review in 2026. Over the weekend, U.S. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick said he expects Trump will want to renegotiate the existing agreement next year.

“It makes perfect sense for the president to renegotiate it,” Lutnick told

CBS News in an interview that aired on Sunday

. “He wants to protect American jobs. He doesn’t want cars built in Canada or Mexico when they could be built in Michigan and Ohio.”

Wyden did not specify what he meant exactly by reinvigorating the existing trade deal, or if it meant in his view an early review or renegotiation ahead of next year’s deadline.

“At the end of the day, you are our best friends, and the relationship is going through some great strain,” said Hassan, whose state, New Hampshire, has long been a tourist destination for Canadians.

“But we do think that the framework of the USMCA gives us an opportunity to, kind of in one framework, come together and improve on something that was a great bipartisan success back in 2018,” she added.

Canada’s Foreign Affairs Minister Anita Anand also took part in the meeting with the U.S. senators and detailed her vision of the upcoming CUSMA talks.

Murkowski said the terminology Anand used in talking about CUSMA was “very instructive.” According to her, the minister said she wishes to operate within the current framework and that their countries already “have the frame… to make it work.”

Carney has already lowered expectations about Canada being able to strike a tariff-free deal with the U.S. but reiterated most of Canada’s exports would be spared.

While he said the most affected sectors — steel, aluminum, autos and forestry — are now subject to high tariff rates when entering the U.S., he said the “vast majority” of Canadian goods and services will continue to remain tariff-free as they are exempted under CUSMA.

Lutnick echoed that message on Sunday, telling CBS News that 75 per cent of Canadian imports are exempt from tariffs under the existing agreement and that any additional tariffs would only apply to the remaining 25 per cent of Canadian goods.

Despite that rhetoric, U.S. senators said they have been hearing from their constituents and businesses that many projects are on hold pending a deal between both countries.

On top of using CUSMA talks as a negotiation item to restore trade relations more broadly, Wyden said Carney was “receptive” to his suggestions of passing a law to permanently rescind the digital services tax, which Carney stopped from taking effect this month, and of

potentially subjecting Canadian softwood lumber exports to the U.S. to a quota

.

Hassan said they also spoke with Carney about stopping the flow of precursor chemicals that are used to make fentanyl to both countries. They also discussed lessons learned in the U.S. to stop the demand for the deadly drug and helping drug users end their addictions.

After his meeting with the U.S. senators, Carney met in Ottawa with King Abdullah II of Jordan to discuss defence and security issues in the Middle East, as well as trade opportunities between their two countries.

On Tuesday, Carney will be joining Canada’s premiers in Ontario’s cottage country

for a meeting of the Council of the Federation.

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A spokesperson for independent candidate Bonnie Critchley, above, called the Longest Ballot Committee's tactics

OTTAWA — Efforts by an activist group to swamp the byelection ballot where Pierre Poilievre is trying to win a seat are angering some opponents who were hoping to spoil the race for the Conservative leader.

Several independent and third-party candidates said the meddling of the electoral-reform activist Longest Ballot Committee (LBC) was detrimental to

the group’s stated aim

of strengthening democracy and, if anything, would give household name Poilievre an easier pass in the critical byelection, scheduled for Aug. 18.

The LBC plans to make the ballot

the most crowded federal race in Canadian history with more than 100 candidates as a publicity stunt protesting against the government’s refusal to implement a different voting system other than first past the post. It has done so in recent races in other ridings, including Poilievre’s former riding of Carleton, where 91 candidates were on the ballot in the April federal election.  

Jesse Cole, a spokesperson for independent candidate Bonnie Critchley, called the LBC’s ballot crowding “a form of legalized electoral interference” that drowns out legitimate voices for change.

“These candidates, who have no true intention of serving the people of Battle River–Crowfoot, only make it more difficult for legitimate, local independent candidates like Bonnie Critchley to challenge the status quo of Canada’s dominant, two-party system and ensure a voice for her community,” Cole said in an email.

Critchley, who lives in the riding,

penned an open letter

in late May asking the LBC not to interfere in the byelection.

Her request fell on deaf ears, with 122 LBC-affiliated candidates on the ballot as of Monday afternoon. The group

is aiming for 200

by the time nominations close next Monday.

Critchley, who said she hoped her “independent” label would attract

free thinking small-c conservatives

who voted for Conservative Damien Kurek in the recent federal election, will now be far from the only candidate with that affiliation.

(Kurek was easily re-elected by a 71 point margin, before stepping aside to open a seat for Poilievre.)

Libertarian candidate Michael Harris, who also lives in the riding, accused the protest group of making a joke out the riding and those who live there.

“Let’s call it what it is: a coordinated mockery of the democratic process, designed to flood the ballot and drown out real debate,” said Harris in an email.

Harris said that the meddling of the LBC, formerly affiliated with the satirist Rhinoceros Party, was no laughing matter.

“This flood of joke candidates doesn’t just waste voters’ time, it actively hurts serious independent and third-party candidates who are working hard to give this riding real alternatives to the status quo,” said Harris.

Harris said he’s spoken to thousands of people who live in the riding and he believes most oppose the LBC’s involvement in the byelection.

He adds that the out-of-province group is flummoxing his efforts to press Poilievre on matters of local and provincial importance, such as freeing local egg, poultry and dairy farmers

from Ottawa-imposed production quotas

and ending equalization.

Another third-party candidate, Abraham Grant, called the protest campaign “visual noise designed to obfuscate and frustrate the administration of democracy.”

The Calgary-based Grant leads the United Party of Canada, which advocates for provinces standing up to

federal and supranational power

.

NDP candidate Katherine Swampy also said she was vexed by the protest group when she was collecting signatures for her nomination papers.

“I found it very difficult to collect the 100 signatures because people were either very conservative, or worried about signing for someone who is on the longest ballot,” said Swampy in an email.

Swampy, who ran in the neighbouring

riding of Leduc—Wetaskiwin

in the recent federal election, admitted it was also hard for her to collect 100 signatures there, with Conservatives dominating the region’s politics.

Liberal Darcy Spady was the only candidate not to criticize the LBC.

“Every Canadian has the right to put their name on a ballot and run for public office,” said Spady through a spokesperson.

Poilievre called the initiative a “scam” at a recent

townhall in Stettler, Alta.

, and suggested that the signature threshold for nominations be upped tenfold to 1,000 to make it harder for paper candidates, like the dozens running for the LBC, to get on the ballot.

 Federal Conservative party Leader Pierre Poilievre rides in the Calgary Stampede parade on Friday, July 4, 2025.

LBC spokesperson Tomas Szuchewycz said in an email that Poilievre’s comments show exactly why the group’s work is so important.

“Ever since we started the LBC years ago we have been calling for politicians like Mr. Poilievre to step aside and recuse themselves from deciding election rules … Poilievre’s proposal for a new 1,000 signature requirement would have a profound and negative impact on Canadian democracy,” said Szuchewycz.

“In most of Canada it would turn every election into a two-party race, and in safe ridings, like Battle-River Crowfoot, we would likely see no election at all, races would simply be won by acclamation,” he continued.

Szuchewycz wouldn’t say whether he saw Critchley’s open letter asking the group to stay out of the byelection.

One LBC-affiliated candidate, Matthew Gillies, said he saw Critchley’s letter and decided to run anyway.

“I gave (the letter) some consideration prior to my decision to become involved (but) concluded that her concerns were without merit,” said Gillies.

Gillies, who lives in Ontario, said that the protest group bears no responsibility for the shortcomings of legitimate campaigns.

“Any independent candidates, whether they are truly unaffiliated, or running as a protest option against a riding association’s choice candidate, will succeed or fail based solely on the growth of their personal brand,” said Gillies.

Stettler, Alta., resident Brad Wohlgemuth said he thinks the group is spoiling the democratic process.

“Most of the people I’ve talked to are disgusted. It’s also driving some people away from voting all together; like what’s the point?” he said.

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U.S. President Donald Trump wants the NFL's  Washington Commanders to start using its former name, the Redskins, and hinted at interfering with a deal for the team's new stadium.

Drop Commanders and “immediately” revert the name of Washington’s NFL team to Redskins or face holdups in a bid to build a new stadium in D.C., U.S. President Donald Trump threatened the team’s ownership on Sunday.

In the same Truth Social post, he also urged the owners of MLB’s Cleveland Guardians to restore the club’s name of more than 100 years, the Indians, saying he’s heard “a big clamouring” for both name changes.

Both clubs have used their current monikers since their respective 2022 seasons, having elected to abandon terms and branding that were offensive to Native American people. Redskin, in particular, is considered “an insulting and contemptuous term for an American Indian,” as defined by the

Merriam-Webster Dictionary.

‘Times are different now’

On Sunday morning, Trump

first said

that the “Washington ‘Whatever’s’” and Cleveland should act swiftly and return to their former branding because the country’s “great Indian people, in massive numbers, want this to happen.”

“Their heritage and prestige is systematically being taken away from them. Times are different now than they were three or four years ago. We are a Country of passion and common sense,” he wrote, adding, “Owners, get it done!”

In the post, Trump incorrectly referred to Cleveland as home to one of the six original baseball teams. While Cleveland did have a team in the early days of the National League, before the MLB was formed in 1902, it came after

the original eight-team circuit debuted in 1876.

When Cleveland joined the American League in 1900, they were known as the Lakeshores, before becoming the Naps in 1902, in honour of player-manager Napoleon “Nap” Lajoie. After his departure in 1914, club owner Charles Somers asked local sports scribes to help him rename the team, and they chose Indians.

Trump muses, council debates

After his earlier thought had “totally blown up, but only in a very positive way,” Trump later hinted that he may insert himself into the ongoing process for the club to secure a new stadium at the site of RFK Stadium, its former home of three-plus decades.

“I may put a restriction on them that if they don’t change the name back to the original ‘Washington Redskins,’ and get rid of the ridiculous moniker, ‘Washington Commanders,’ I won’t make a deal for them to build a Stadium in Washington,” he posted.

“The Team would be much more valuable, and the Deal would be more exciting for everyone.”

Trump also made the name change suggestion while speaking to reporters earlier this month, according to

CNN

, saying it doesn’t have the “same ring” to him.

It’s not immediately clear how much executive authority Trump could exert over “the deal.”

The land in question was transferred from the National Park Service to the District of Columbia by way of the

Robert F. Kennedy Memorial Stadium Campus Revitalization Act

, which passed in December and was signed into law by former president Joe Biden two weeks before Trump’s inauguration.

It lets D.C. — which has a mayor and council running the day-to-day, but whose money is controlled by Congress — redevelop the land for a stadium and a host of other purposes, including housing, public facilities and green space.

In late April, the franchise and D.C. came to terms on a deal to build a new stadium as part of a US$4 billion project funded mostly by the team ($2.7 billion), with the district adding at least $1.1 billion by 2032, per the

Associated Press

.

“The ball is the council’s court to approve the agreement,” Mayor Muriel Bowser

said when questioned about the project during a media availability last week

.

“The Commanders are anxious. The council has to make moves, that’s what has to happen.”

Public testimony hearings

for the redevelopment plan begin next week.

The name of the game

Trump ended his follow-up post by again suggesting Cleveland start using its old name, suggesting it would help the federal political career of former Ohio state senator Matt Dolan, whom Trump labelled as the Guardians’ owner.

Dolan, a non-Trump-backing Republican who ran and lost two bids for the U.S. Senate, is part of the Dolan family that is the team’s primary owner, but he hasn’t been directly involved in operations since before entering state politics in 2016.

“Matt Dolan, who is very political, has lost three Elections in a row because of that ridiculous name change. What he doesn’t understand is that if he changed the name back to the Cleveland Indians, he might actually win an Election,” Trump wrote.

“Indians are being treated very unfairly. Make Indians Great Again (MIGA)!”

 MLB’s team in Cleveland has been the Guardians since 2022.

Guardians’ president of baseball operations, Chris Antonetti, indicated before a game on Sunday afternoon that the organization has no plans to revisit the name change.

“We understand there are different perspectives on the decision we made a few years ago, but obviously it’s a decision we made. We’ve got the opportunity to build a brand as the Guardians over the last four years and are excited about the future that’s in front of us,” he said, per

AP

.

As reported by the

Washington Post

, Commanders owner Josh Harris said much the same this February when asked about switching back.

“It’s now being embraced by our team, by our culture, by our coaching staff,” Harris said.

“We’re going with that. Now, in this building, the name Commanders means something.”

National Post has contacted the Commanders, Bowser’s office and the Guardians for comment.

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Former CBC host Travis Dhanraj in St. John's in June 2023.

A leaked audio recording of an internal CBC disciplinary meeting for a national news anchor reveals the public broadcaster’s tension over its policies on journalistic standards and freedom clashing with protecting its corporate image.

Travis Dhanraj, once the host of a CBC television news show called Canada Tonight with

Travis Dhanraj, resigned earlier this month

with fiery letters accusing the CBC of “tokenism masquerading as diversity, problematic political coverage protocols, and the erosion of editorial independence.”

His letters, one to CBC leadership and another to CBC colleagues, were made public and created controversy, including over perceived political imbalance in news coverage at the publicly funded broadcaster. Last week, Conservative Members of Parliament called for a public hearing into Dhanraj’s “damning allegations” on workplace culture and biased reporting.

CBC has denied Dhanraj’s criticisms made in his letters.

More than a year before his still reverberating resignation, however, a disciplinary meeting for Dhanraj was convened by CBC shortly after he made a social media post on April 19, 2024. His post on X said: “At a time when the public broadcaster is under increasing scrutiny and when transparency is needed.” CBC’s president Catherine Tait had been asked to appear on his show. “We wanted to discuss new budget funding, what it means for jobs & the corporation’s strategic priorities ahead. Our request was declined. This is unfortunate.”

 

The disciplinary meeting preceded his removal from on-air duties for the CBC News Network show that bore his name.

Dhanraj declined to comment on the recording or the meeting, referring questions to his lawyer, Kathryn Marshall. Marshall confirmed the recording National Post has is an authentic portion of a longer disciplinary meeting between Dhanraj and CBC officials.

CBC did not dispute the disciplinary meeting or recording.

The CBC manager speaking in the recording is identified as Andree Lau, senior director of digital publishing and streaming. Lau’s LinkedIn page describes her job as overseeing the strategic and editorial direction of CBC News Network as well as other CBC news properties.

In the recording she appears to equate a CBC journalist reporting something critical about the CBC with a potential breach of journalistic conflict of interest ethics, on the grounds that a CBC journalist has a personal stake in the broadcaster’s success.

The recording excerpt begins with Dhanraj explaining the circumstances of his post about Tait.

“The new budget funding was publicly put out in the budget on Tuesday. It was widely reported on, by not only CBC but other broadcasters. There is nothing in the tweet that is insider information,” Dhanraj says.

Lau replies: “With exception of a unionized employee criticizing their employer; that is an employee who has a personal stake in the matter whose job is part of it…. The issue is, you know, does this post meet the standards of integrity, does it meet the conflict of interest under code of conduct.”

Dhanraj says: “I firmly stand by the fact that it does.”

Asks Lau: “Do you understand the concern with this post as it relates to the principle of integrity?”

Dhanraj: “No, I really don’t. I don’t, and again, Andree, I find it problematic that we are in a meeting where we are discussing something that is in the interests of the corporation. So, I, I’m not seeing the separation right now between the journalism and the interest of the corporation. I see how it would be in the interest of the corporation for this tweet not to be out, but I don’t see how, journalistically, it’s not sound…”

An unidentified union representative then asks for context on how the appearance request to Tait came about. “I didn’t watch the show that night,” he says.

“We had an editorial discussion,” Dhanraj says, “as to whether or not now was the correct time, since there was a development, a significant development with the release of the federal budget and the new money, to put a request in for Catherine Tait. We had been discussing putting a request in for some time and we thought there was a news hook to it because of the new development….”

Lau: “… What is your understanding of the protocol and considerations when CBC journalists are covering the CBC?”

“It, it’s the J.S.P. statement again,” Dhanraj says, likely referencing CBC’s Journalistic Standards and Practices.

“Clear editorial separation,” Lau says.

Dhanraj: “So those who have the interest of the corporation should not be influencing reporters.”

Lau: “Yes.”

Dhanraj: “And if that is happening, well, that kind of goes against some core fundamentals of the public broadcaster.”

Lau then says there are other aspects of the JSP involved. In a sentence in which some words are unclear on the recording, she says “the principle of integrity and the perception of who has a stake in the matter,” finishing with “perceived impartiality because, as I mentioned, you are an employee, and you are criticizing your employer.”

The Post does not have a recording of the entire meeting.

Chuck Thompson, CBC’s head of public affairs, said the meeting was about more than just Dhanraj’s social media post, for which Dhanraj was “never formally disciplined for.”

“The discussions in April with Mr. Dhanraj were about a range of issues outside the tweet; there was a particular emphasis on CBC News policies about conflicts of interest, violations of journalistic standards and protocols on how we report on ourselves.

“Mr. Dhanraj violated these policies and was asked about them by his manager with his union representative present. He also secretly recorded the meeting after agreeing not to,” Thompson said.

Lau could not be reached for comment prior to publication. An email sent to her on Friday was returned with an automated out of office message; a detailed message to her cell phone was not responded to. A CBC official had said they would alert Lau to the Post’s request.

Marshall, Dhanraj’s lawyer, said what is heard in the recording is “disturbing.”

“It shows that Travis was intimidated for simply doing his job as a journalist. He was hauled into a meeting with human resources, his boss, and the union. The purpose of the meeting, I think, was to intimidate him, scare him and pressure him, making it clear to him that he’s not to do that, that he is not to post anything or say anything as a journalist that could be embarrassing to the public broadcaster,” Marshall said.

“This is deeply concerning. I think it demonstrates that CBC, in that moment, was far more interested in preserving its own reputation than allowing their journalists to do their jobs.”

“It shows that the CBC corporation has a disturbing level of control over their journalists and is involved in the types of stories that the journalists are covering or not covering. I think that speaks to significant concerns of bias and a lack of objectivity within the corporation.”

Thompson said late Friday that Dhanraj is still a CBC employee although currently on leave.

Marshall said CBC has

still not accepted Dhanraj’s resignation

despite him voicing his clear intent and, in fact, are still paying him.

“I want to be very clear: The CBC doesn’t get to hold him hostage. This is a free country. He’s allowed to resign.”

Marshall said Dhanraj is pressing a human rights lawsuit against CBC over his departure.

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A customer looks for produce at a grocery store in Ottawa, on Wednesday, April 2, 2025.

What happened to those “short-term” price increases from the pandemic?
 

From 2021 to 2023, Canadians were told that prices jumped largely because of supply-chain bottlenecks, government spending on income supports and other pandemic-related issues.
 

If so, shouldn’t those temporary increases disappeared once the pandemic subsided and those glitches were repaired?
 

While inflation may have since been tamed, Statistics Canada’s monthly inflation figures show that the pandemic-era price hikes survived.

Are consumers getting ripped off by not seeing prices slide back again?

Under typical circumstances, we would have seen some inflation, likely within the Bank of Canada’s “normal” band of between one and three per cent a year, even without the pandemic. Instead, the Consumer Price Index saw the annual rate jolt to 3.4 per cent in 2021, soar to 6.8 per cent in 2022, and load another nearly four per cent onto prices in 2023.  That additional inflation that was supposed to be because of the impacts of COVID-19.
 

Yet, more than five years after the deadly virus started to spread, and two years after the pandemic was declared over, we seem to still be paying for those price hikes. To find out why, National Post asked economists to shed some light on what happened to that “temporary” inflation and why we’re still paying for it.

Some blame corporate greed. Others, a lack of competition in some markets. Or are there other economic trends at work that suggest that consumers aren’t actually being ripped off at all?
 

What happened to consumer prices during the pandemic?

According to Statistics Canada’s Consumer Price Index (CPI), prices rose 11.4 per cent between January 2020 and December 2022.
 

But that wasn’t an immediate response to the pandemic. Inflation didn’t spike for more than a year after the start of the pandemic. In fact, prices were rising at relatively normal and modest rates until May 2021, about 16 months after the first case of COVID-19 was reported in Canada, and didn’t peak until June 2022, at 8.1 per cent, the highest rate in almost four decades.
 

(The pandemic started in China in December 2019 and a pandemic was declared in Canada on March 11, 2020.)
 

Gasoline was among the products hit hardest by inflation, with a price increase of more than 50 per cent over that two-year period. Food and transportation jumped between 15 and 20 per cent, while appliances and rent each increased by between 10 and 15 per cent.
 

What caused inflation during the pandemic?

Prices at any time are, in general terms, a function of supply and demand. In short, the pandemic caused both simultaneous supply shocks and increased consumer demand.

Barring innovation that leads to productivity improvements and lower costs, that formula will almost always mean price hikes.
 

On the supply side, some products were being produced less or not at all due to factories being closed or experiencing reduced hours, particularly in Asia. There were also shortages of some raw materials, such as lumber and metals, which also contributed to inflation.
 

And costs for many suppliers went up because transportation became more expensive due to shipping delays, congestion at many ports and the rising cost of fuel, which affects the prices of most products.
 

There were also supply problems that had little or nothing to do with the pandemic.
 

Russia invaded Ukraine in early 2022, reducing the global supply of energy products, fertilizer and some grains.
 

Some important agricultural areas also suffered from poor weather. In 2021, Western Canadian farmers were hit with the worst drought in 19 years, leading to wheat stocks to drop 38.7 per cent compared to the previous year. By April 2022, food manufacturers were paying more than double for wheat than they had been paying just two years earlier.
 

And as usual, those costs were borne by consumers. According to
Statistics Canada
, consumers had to spend considerably more on bread (+12.2 per cent), pasta (+19.6 per cent) and cereals (+13.9 per cent) than they had a year earlier.
 

On the demand side, consumers’ lives had changed because many started working from home, going out less and not travelling. That meant they were unintentionally saving money. Lower interest rates and billions of dollars in government support programs also put more money into consumers’ pockets.
 

Some employees, meanwhile, were getting fatter paycheques because there was greater demand for their services. Health care workers were pulling overtime shifts, for example. Also, as people adjusted to staying at home and renovated or bought new houses, construction workers were in high demand. 

As consumers responded to the shapes of their new lives there was increased demand for real estate, furniture, exercise equipment and home entertainment gadgets .
 

Demand, and the upward pressure on inflation, was also fuelled by government spending.
 

A new report from the C.D. Howe Institute concluded that the Trudeau government’s spending splurges played a major role in fuelling inflation during the pandemic. The report pointed the finger at Ottawa’s unfunded spending spree — more than the Bank of Canada’s monetary policies — that acted as “helicopter drops” of money for the private sector.  
 

In 2020, about
20.7 million Canadians out of an adult population of 30.3 million received income from one of the federal pandemic-related programs, according to a 2022 report. During that year alone, the programs are estimated to have cost $270 billion — about 12.5 per cent of Canada’s gross domestic product (GDP) — and cumulatively have cost about $360 billion to date.
 

While the programs broadly succeeded in providing relief to individuals and businesses and creating a cushion for the economy during a crisis, the C.D. Howe Institute noted that injecting that much extra money into an economy while unemployment is low results in inflation.

David Andolfatto, c
hair of the department of economics at the University of Miami and an international fellow at the C.D. Howe Institute, said inflation should be expected when governments add that much extra demand to the economy. “Of course prices went up,” he said. “There’s no such thing as a free lunch. Somebody will have to pay.”
 

And not only do consumers pay higher prices but they must then pay again with the higher interest rates the central bank then implemented to try bringing those prices back down.
In 2020, interest rates were down to 0.25 per cent as the Bank of Canada aimed to cushion the blow from the pandemic; by 2023, the rate had risen 20-fold, to five per cent.

Jean-Francois Perrault, chief economist at the Bank of Nova Scotia, estimated in a November 2023 report that government spending and pandemic-era transfers to Canadians were responsible for about 42 per cent (200 of the 475 basis points) of the increase in the Bank of Canada’s prime interest rate during that period. About one-third of those interest rate hikes can be traced back to provincial governments, he calculated.
 

“Our results suggest that fiscal policy at all levels of government has been badly miscalibrated,” the report concluded.
 

 How much have prices gone up since the pandemic?

Since the start of 2023, inflation has remained at less than four per cent, just over the Bank of Canada’s preferred band of between one and three per cent, but a big decrease from the peak of pandemic-era inflation.  
 

And, at least for now, it’s largely under control. Statistics Canada reported last week
that
Canada’s inflation rate
 accelerated to 1.9 per cent in June, up from 1.7 per cent the previous month.
 

Why have some prices kept rising since the pandemic?

When the pandemic subsided, it removed a number of shocks and disruptions to markets. But not all of them.
 

The Russian invasion of Ukraine, for example, still hasn’t been resolved. Many of the people who started working from home during the pandemic still do so, either part-time or full-time, which puts a little more money in most of their pockets. The glut of baby boomers is also at the stage of life where many are retiring, having saved up their money, and now want to spend it.
 

Katherine Judge, senior economist at CIBC Capital Markets said consumer markets are also still getting a boost from pent-up demand and extra savings that consumers accumulated during the pandemic.
 

Wages, meanwhile, have actually been growing faster than inflation since mid-2024, so household purchasing power has also increased.
 

In recent months, the tariff wars launched by U.S. President Donald Trump have started to put upward pressure on inflation in both components and finished goods and will continue to do so unless they are resolved.
 

Economists say that p
rices don’t normally drop — or even approach inflation of less than one per cent — unless demand falls because the economy is in a recession or governments adopt severe cost-cutting measures.
 

Neither has happened since the pandemic. The federal government kept running large deficits in spending. And while it has spoken recently about cutting costs in the bureaucracy, it also plans to boost outlays on defence and infrastructure projects.
 

As poor weather played a role in fuelling inflation during the pandemic, it’s still a major factor.
 

A new study
by a team of international scientists led by Maximillian Kotz, a postdoctoral fellow at the 
Barcelona Supercomputing Center,
found that foods affected by heat, drought, floods and other climatic extremes contributed directly to higher consumer prices.
 

This summer, for example, farmers in southwestern Saskatchewan have been hit by wildfires, heat waves and drought, driving up prices in the wheat market. But weather isn’t just affecting the Canadian Prairies.
 

Severe weather events are also causing higher prices for Japanese rice and Spanish olive oil. In a phenomenon dubbed “heatflation,” the report also documents that South Korean cabbage prices
rose 70 per cent
last year after a period of hot weather and drought, and that seafood prices increased because rising water temperatures has meant fishermen have had smaller catches.

Will prices even come down again from the pandemic inflation?

Is there a chance that some of the pandemic spike in prices could still be eliminated if the world enjoys a period of relative peace, with no disruptive shocks?

Andolfatto
,
at the University of Miami, said prices could in theory still come down in some markets, but that would be a function of changes in supply and demand at that time, not anything to do with what occurred during the pandemic.
 

But that’s unlikely to happen in Canada in the near term, Andolfatto said,  because governments haven’t taken steps to reduce the extra demand in the economy.
 
 

But are corporations keeping prices artificially high?

Many economists say they don’t believe that consumers, in broad terms, are being cheated. There may be some Canadian markets, such as banking, airlines or telecommunications services, where there are worries over a lack of competition. But in the markets that people usually point to when they think about inflation, groceries in particular, competition is robust. And the prices are, as is usually the case, largely a function of supply and demand.
 

“I’m not going to blame corporate greed for this phenomenon,” said
Andolfatto
. “Corporate greed was there before.”
 

National Post

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A worker cuts lumber at a saw mill near Sooke, B.C.. The softwood lumber industry has seen a unique pattern emerge, where Canadian firms own a large chunk of U.S. production capacity — something President Donald Trump says he wants — and still face aggressive trade measures.

WASHINGTON, D.C. — The Canada-U.S. softwood lumber trade relationship has dealt with ups and downs, disputes and resolutions, for decades. Anxiety for Canadian exporters is reaching a fever pitch again as the U.S. threatens to more than double softwood lumber duties and add even steeper tariffs under a national security investigation. 

Canadian foresters, mills, and governments that enjoy taxes, economic spinoffs and stumpage fees from Crown land will feel the pain if they lose too much access to the massive U.S. market. But larger producers have been preparing for just this kind of contingency and have cleverly hedged their bets, building capacity in the U.S., where they can sell as much as they want to Americans, tariff-free.

Canadian firms will soon receive word from the U.S. Commerce Department’s Sixth Administrative Review (AR6) of U.S. countervailing and anti-dumping duties on Canadian softwood lumber exports, with the rate expected to jump from around 14 per cent to roughly 34 per cent. For Canfor, the Vancouver-based lumber giant selected as a mandatory respondent in the AR6 review, it will be even worse. Its duties are calculated based on its own shipments and prices, not an industry average, like it is for other companies. 

“Canfor’s rate will be 45 per cent, plus or minus a per cent,” said Andrew Miller, chairman of Oregon-based Stimson Lumber and chair of the U.S. Lumber Coalition. “So they’ll get a kick in the teeth from the next round of duties.”

Then there’s the threat of tariffs from President Donald Trump’s ongoing national security investigation of Canadian lumber imports under Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act, which he ordered in March and is due late this year. Currently, lumber shipments are exempted from Trump’s baseline tariffs, because they’re covered by the U.S.-Mexico-Canada trade deal (USMCA), but that could soon change based on the findings of the 232 probe. 

National Post breaks down the position of the two countries, what the impacts could be, and how Canadian producers are trying to mitigate the potential damage of punitive trade barriers.

 A worker walks along floating logs in the Western Forest Products Kelsey Bay Dryland Sort near Sayward, B.C.

What American producers want

The U.S. Lumber Coalition is playing for keeps. It backs higher anti-dumping duties and tariffs for what it sees as a subsidized domestic industry. It claims Canadian producers don’t pay market rates for stumpage because their forests are publicly owned and provincial governments set the stumpage rates, while U.S. producers face higher market rates. But it doesn’t stop there: the U.S. coalition also wants to see Canada’s U.S. market share significantly chopped.

Miller isn’t shy about the goals: “A countrywide quota with no exemptions and no carveouts, and a single-digit market share” for Canadian lumber. 

Today, Canada has a 25 per cent market share, with exports of 12 billion feet of softwood lumber to the U.S. each year, according to the coalition. Softwood lumber accounts for about 7.5 per cent of Canadian exports; in 2023, the U.S. was the destination for 68 per cent of those forestry products. The whole industry is worth about $33.4 billion in sales annually and employs more than 200,000 workers across Canada, according to a report this year from RBC.

If Trump stacked a 20 per cent tariff on top of the existing duties, driving down some of Canada’s approximately 12 billion board feet of annual softwood exports to the U.S., Miller believes the U.S. industry could almost immediately replace at least two billion feet worth through quick operational changes. Incremental mill upgrades over three years could then add another three to four billion feet of production, he said. 

“I really believe that within three years we would have replaced, through U.S. production of lumber, about half of what Canada currently exports to the U.S.,” he said, nodding to Trump’s comments earlier this year about the U.S. not needing any Canadian lumber.

The coalition is pushing for a tariff rate from the Section 232 investigation that starts at 15 to 20 per cent and goes higher from there. That, Miller explained, will incentivize U.S. sawmill owners struggling with thin margins to hire more people and invest in upgrades, bolstering U.S. production. 

 Stacks of softwood lumber waiting to be shipped.

What Canada’s preparing for

This week, provincial leaders offered ways to settle the dispute. B.C. Premier David Eby said Canada is willing to consider a quota on exports to the U.S. for the first time, and
New Brunswick Premier Susan Holt also said quotas are on the table as an option for trade negotiations.

Miller, head of the American coalition, was far from impressed by Eby’s comments. A quota might stabilize the market and secure jobs for Canadian workers, he said, but “at whose expense?” His answer: “U.S. mill workers.”

“(Eby) is not serious about a settlement that is satisfactory to the coalition. He is floating a political trial balloon designed to derail the implementation of the AR6,” he said.

Kurt Niquidet, president of the BC Lumber Trade Council, refused to comment on what his organization prefers by way of a solution. He said options included quotas, tariffs, or a hybrid approach. But he was clear that the industry wants Ottawa to resolve things with the U.S. quickly.

“We
think that the federal government should be making this issue a priority and looking for a negotiated settlement,” he said.

Why the U.S. is divided

Niquidet argues that the U.S. already has “housing affordability issues” and taxing or restricting Canadian lumber could only make things worse.

“If the trade measures are too punitive, it just serves to drive up the prices and the costs of lumber in the U.S.,” he said. 

That’s why the National Association of Home Builders (NAHB), the trade association based in Washington, has been leading the charge to fight the duties and potential tariffs. It has repeatedly warned the White House that tariffs would only “(slow) down the domestic residential construction industry” at a time when Trump has vowed to address the country’s “severe housing shortage and affordability crisis.”

In recent years, tariffs have increased the average home price by nearly US$11,000 because of recent tariffs, according to the April 2025 NAHB/Wells Fargo Housing Market Index, when the average home sticker price is just north of US$400,000. There are also about 3.5 million Americans who work in the residential housing sector, and millions more working in commercial and industrial construction.

The NAHB has actively shared its concerns as part of the Section 232 investigation process and expressed concern that the U.S. lumber supply cannot meet the needed demand on its own anytime soon.

Niquidet agrees. He said claims by the U.S. industry and the president that American producers can make up for lost Canadian supply are “just not true.” 

How to play both sides

The twist in all this is that a growing number of producers in the U.S. are actually Canadian-owned.

Vancouver-based West Fraser started buying and investing in U.S. sawmills back in the early 2000s to diversify its assets and shore up supplies threatened in Canada by mountain pine beetles and wildfires. Others — including Canfor, Resolute and Interfor (whose U.S. operations are bigger than its Canadian ones) — 
followed suit in part to avoid trade barriers, the trend only accelerating in Trump’s first term, when he imposed 20 per cent tariffs on Canadian softwood exports.

Today, estimates are that Canadian lumber firms control as much 40 per cent of softwood lumber production capacity in the American South. In most cases, they’ve kept local families and employees in place, seamlessly taking over and often modernizing while keeping afloat many sawmills that might’ve otherwise gone under.

When asked about the paradox of Canadian firms buying up U.S. sawmills, Miller doesn’t have any concerns. “A dollar invested in a U.S. sawmill is a dollar invested in a U.S. sawmill employing U.S. citizens operating that sawmill, cutting trees and shipping them,” he said. “We don’t care who operates them. You know, it’s a free market.” 

(However, Miller said if foreign owners ever wanted to join the U.S. Lumber Coalition, which advocates against imports, it wouldn’t allow them to.)

The U.S. president has also repeatedly told foreign manufacturers that if they want to escape punitive trade measures, they should invest on U.S. soil and help ramp up domestic American production. 

“(Trump would) take that as a big victory,” Miller said of the lumber takeovers by Canadians. “That’s what he wants,”

National Post

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Prime Minister Mark Carney and Ontario Premier Doug Ford speak during a press conference after the first ministers’ meeting at TCU Place in Saskatoon on June 2, 2025.

Ontario Premier Doug Ford is hosting Canada’s premiers in Muskoka starting Monday at a Council of the Federation summer gathering. Premiers of the 13 provinces and territories can look forward to enjoying Alberta-bred and Ontario-fed beef on the grill at the Ford family cottage. They will have a special guest: Prime Minister Mark Carney.

“For the first time ever that I can remember,” Ford says, “the prime minister is invited. That would have never happened with Trudeau, but it’s happening under Mark Carney. And he’s going to be welcomed with open arms.”

Rather than the premiers getting together “to bitch and complain about the federal government,” Ford chuckles, “we get to present it right to him (Carney) as he’s sitting around the dinner table and we’re talking to him.”

“The access is phenomenal,” Ford says of his own relationship with the PM, “I’ll message him, he gets right back to me. It’s all about communication and relationship-building.

“And, he’s a very, very great business person,” Ontario’s premier enthuses, listing off Carney’s credentials (without a mention of potential conflicts of interest).

“He gets it,” Ford says. “He’s going to go in there and he’s going to clean house in Ottawa, which is well overdue.”

 Doug Ford and Mark Carney meet for breakfast, March 12, 2025.

Figuring out how Team Canada will respond to U.S. President Donald Trump’s declaration of a blanket 35 per cent tariff on goods imported from Canada as of Aug. 1 — on top of previously implemented tariffs on auto parts, steel, aluminum and copper — will no doubt be the premiers’ top priority in cottage country next week.

“Elbows up or elbows down? What’s the strategy, now?” I ask Ford in a recent call.

“We have to negotiate through strength,” Ford responds, “and we really have to flex our muscles and make sure President Trump hears us.”

“Because in closed-door meetings and in our phone calls with governors — and they pull a lot of weight, I heard that from (U.S. Commerce Secretary Howard) Lutnick — Republicans don’t want this,” Ford reports

“Democrats obviously don’t want this, and Republicans don’t want it. But they’re terrified to say anything publicly,” he says. Only a few U.S. senators have spoken up, Ford adds, “and God bless them.”

Carney is advancing several strategies — promoting free trade within Canada; negotiating a security and trade pact with America, in good faith; and at the same time, forging strategic partnerships with the EU to beef up security and defence alliances and boost trade and economic security. This week, Carney announced measures to protect the nation’s steel industry, including guarding against foreign steel entering Canada to bypass Trump’s tariffs.

Breaking down trade barriers between provinces is a strategy Ontario has embraced; the province has signed memorandums of understanding with all provinces except Quebec, B.C. and Newfoundland.

And Ford sees other cards to be played, other ways to pressure the Trump administration for a fair trade deal.

“I’ve been very transparent with Secretary Lutnick, we’re going to start on-shoring everything,” Ford says. “We’re going to on-shore the steel beams, the I-beams. We have more cranes in the sky in Toronto and the GTA than their top 10 cities combined.”

“We’re going to on-shore the aluminum cans, the beer cans … to make sure we don’t have to see a tariff of 25 per cent on the aluminum going down (to the U.S.), they convert it, print it, and send it back up (to Canada) with another 25 per cent; that’s 50 per cent.”

Ford’s government is giving incentives to companies — to turn aluminum into cans, produce steel I-beams, and manufacture steel rails used in transit projects. This strategy tracks with Carney’s recent commitment to rely more on Canadian steel for Canadian projects.

“Canada buys more off the U.S. than China, than Japan, than Korea, U.K. and France combined,” Ford elaborates. “We’re their largest customer, and yes, they’re our largest customer. But Ontario alone employs nine million Americans who wake up every morning to build a widget or provide a service to Ontario alone.”

“(Americans) are going to feel the pressure,” Ford says. “They’re going to feel the pressure when Americans start losing their jobs because we’re going to start on-shoring everything, and once that happens, I told Lutnick, it’s hard to turn that tap off.”

And, Ford continues, Canada can leverage its supplies of critical resources. American governors, both Republicans and Democrats, tell Ford the same thing: “There are two things they’re interested in: our nuclear energy and our critical minerals.”

Repeating his well-worn adage — “Canada is not the threat; China is the real threat” — Ford explains how China’s lock on 90 per cent of the world’s critical minerals makes Ontario’s resources in the Ring of Fire all the more essential to Americans.

“And we don’t believe in rip and ship,” Ford assures me, “we’re going to make sure that we mine it with Ontario workers, we’re going to refine it here in Ontario with Ontario workers, and then we’ll have the option of shipping it around the world.” Ford’s also pitching a deep sea port to facilitate exports, in a couple of locations — one in Ontario, in Hudson’s Bay, and one in Manitoba.

“It will wake up President Trump real quick,” Ford quips, “if we start shipping it to our other allies around the world and not to him.”

Ford is the premier of Ontario — it’s his job to look out for that province’s interests — but there’s no question he’s fully steeped in Team Canada spirits. “We all have something that we’re bringing to the table,” he assures me, repeatedly.

“The U.S. needs our high-grade nickel,” Ford asserts, “to be used in the military, in aerospace, in manufacturing. It’s no different from the aluminum, from Quebec, being shipped down there, or the potash or uranium from Saskatchewan, and obviously, the 4.3 million barrels of oil we ship down to the U.S. But we’re going to diversify that and not rely on the U.S. Yes, we have one pipeline going west, but we need another one going west, east, north and south.”

 Alberta Premier Danielle Smith and Ontario Premier Doug Ford cook pancakes at the annual Premier’s Stampede Breakfast at McDougall Centre in Calgary on July 7, 2025.

Ford is also effusive about the need to get rid of the tanker ban on the West Coast and revamp the impact assessment act. “Those days are done. They’re gone,” he says. “We have to start moving forward and create the conditions for the rest of the world to look at investing in not just Ontario but other jurisdictions across Canada, from coast to coast to coast.”

I moved from Ontario to Alberta in the early 1980s — a time when Alberta premier Peter Lougheed was struggling with prime minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau’s National Energy Program — and can still recall the bitter disappointment of Ontario premier Bill Davis’s unwillingness to support Alberta’s interests.

I admit to being impressed by Ford’s visit to the recently concluded Calgary Stampede, and not just by his commitment to flip pancakes alongside Smith, whose griddle experience is legendary. Ontario’s premier also inked two MOUs with Alberta, to advance freer trade between the provinces and publicly endorse mutually beneficial national-interest projects, including an oil pipeline from Alberta to Ontario (fabricated with Ontario steel).

Although Ford’s not sure if Carney will be specific about the nation-building projects selected to move forward, in the upcoming discussions around the table in Muskoka, he’s optimistic provincial leaders — and their constituents — recognize this unique opportunity to move forward on national infrastructure projects.

“We’re moving forward and we’re going to see another $200 billion going into our economy, increase our GDP anywhere upwards to six per cent,” Ford says.

He expects his fellow premiers will have to hop on this train. “The residents of each province are going to demand that they get on that train as we’re moving forward,” he says, “because they want to prosper as well.”

National Post

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