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Conservative Party Leader Pierre Poilievre speaks during a press conference in the Foyer of the House of Commons in Ottawa, on Friday, Aug. 22, 2025.

OTTAWA — Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre says he is waiting to speak to American lawmakers and argue Canada’s case “at the appropriate time.”

Poilievre made the comments in a podcast episode that aired Thursday as he prepares to return to the House of Commons next month, fresh off last week’s byelection win in rural Alberta.

“At some point, at the appropriate time, we will be engaging with American lawmakers to make the case for Canada and to make the case for the North American relationship,” Poilievre told The Elev8 Podcast, which comments on Canadian politics.

Prime Minister Mark Carney’s efforts to strike a deal with U.S. President Donald Trump to lower or outright remove his tariffs on Canadian goods have dominated his first four months in office since winning the April federal election.

That election saw Poilievre try to keep his focus on cost-of-living and crime issues, which prompted concerns within his own party and internal debates that he was failing to pivot fast enough to address the Canada-U.S. relationship.

Before the campaign began, Poilievre decided against voicing public support for what former prime minister Justin Trudeau termed as his “Team Canada” approach for dealing with the U.S., with Conservative caucus members making scant mention of Trump.

Since then, Poilievre has stated that Conservatives were willing to work with Carney’s government to help secure a deal for Canada, but that he has not heard back.

Reached for comment, his office did not provide specifics when asked how Conservatives would decide it was “the appropriate time” to talk to American lawmakers.

A spokesman reiterated that Poilievre and his critic for Canada-U.S. relations “have reached out multiple times to offer any and all help to the Carney Liberals in negotiations with the Americans,” however, their “invitation has not been accepted yet, but it remains on the table.”

“While it is normal for Opposition leaders and (critics) to maintain relationships with their U.S. counterparts, we believe negotiations should be conducted along one official channel,” the spokesman said.

“Conservatives remain ready to assist securing the best deal for Canada. We will always put Canada first.”

A response from the office of Intergovernmental Affairs Minister Dominic LeBlanc, who is Carney’s lead on negotiating with Trump officials, has not yet been returned.

LeBlanc returned on Wednesday from his latest meeting in Washington with U.S. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick. Carney and Trump spoke by phone on Aug. 21, the day before the prime minister announced Canada was dropping some of its retaliatory tariffs.

LeBlanc told The Canadian Press upon his arrival back in Canada that the meeting with Lutnick was “constructive.” The pair met on Tuesday morning for 90 minutes, roughly 30 minutes longer than what was initially scheduled. While the details are still being negotiated, both LeBlanc and Lutnick agreed to keep their conversations private.

During the podcast, Poilievre said his thinking when it came to getting involved in discussions with the Americans was that it should be “lawmaker-to-lawmaker” and “executive-to-executive.”

“I would not meet the executive branch, officially, of a foreign country without at least seeking some sort of cooperation with the government,” he said.

“Otherwise, the risk is that you’re trying to create a dual negotiating track, and I don’t think that is good for the country.”

The Conservative leader also pointed out that when Brian Mulroney met with former Republican president Ronald Reagan in 1984, before he would go on to win that year’s election, Mulroney did so with the “blessing” of former Liberal prime minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau, and that Canada’s ambassador to Washington was present.

In terms of who Poilievre has spoken to, his office pointed to comments he made last month to CBC that he had spoken informally to Republican Rep. Pete Sessions and other American politicians who were attending the Calgary Stampede, where he reiterated Canada’s position, but has not engaged in formal discussions or travel to the U.S.

Poilievre has accused Carney of breaking the promise he made during the spring election campaign that he was the leader most able to negotiate with Trump by so far failing to strike a deal.

He has also said that Carney has offered more concessions to the American president than Canada has received in return, pointing to the scrapping of the digital services tax, which would have targeted U.S. tech companies, and the lifting of Canada’s counter-tariffs on U.S. goods in compliance with the free trade agreement between Canada, the U.S., and Mexico.

Carney has defended doing so as necessary to strike a deal with the U.S., and defended his approach by saying Canada was paying one of the lowest tariff rates, given U.S. exemptions to goods covered by the countries’ free trade agreement, which is scheduled for review in 2026.

While a large majority of Canadian goods are covered by the deal, the country is still dealing with U.S. tariffs applied to certain sectors, such as steel and aluminum, lumber, automobiles, and copper.

-With files from The Canadian Press

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A Kawartha Lakes Police cruiser is shown in this undated photo.

A man who allegedly broke into a Lindsay, Ont., apartment, leading to a fight that resulted in charges against both him and the resident, was armed with a crossbow during the incident, according to court records. He was also on probation from previous charges.

Michael Kyle Breen, 41, of Lindsay was already wanted by police at the time of the Aug. 18 incident for unrelated offences. He has since been charged with possession of a weapon for a dangerous purpose; breaking, entering and theft; mischief under $5,000; and failure to comply with probation.

Court documents filed in the case on Wednesday say that he destroyed a window and screen to gain access to the Kent Street home of Jeremy David McDonald, and that he was armed with a crossbow at the time. They also note that he was under an 18-month probation order that included the requirement to “keep the peace and be of good behaviour.”

Further documents show he was charged with damaging or destroying a window in July; with illegal use of a credit card and possession of stolen goods in May; with failing to attend a court date in March; and with failing to report to his probation officer last year.

McDonald, 44, has been charged with aggravated assault and assault with a weapon. Court documents filed last week say he “did endanger the life” of Breen. The charge sheet alleges that McDonald used a knife.

“Officers arrived on scene and learned that the resident of the apartment had woke up to find another male (intruder) inside his apartment,” police said in a statement at the time. “There was an altercation inside the apartment and the intruder received serious life-threatening injuries as a result of that altercation.”

Police said the intruder was transported to a nearby hospital and later airlifted to a Toronto hospital.

The charges against McDonald drew much attention, with the premier of Ontario weighing in.

“So this criminal that’s wanted by the police breaks into this guy’s house,” Doug Ford said at a press conference last week. “This guy gives him a beating, and this guy gets charged, and the other guy gets charged, but — something is broken.”

Yesterday, at a press conference to announce the start of work on Highway 413, Ford took a moment to again address the issue.

“We’ve got to get tough on this crime,” he said. “People are fed up, and I’m wishing all the best for our friend in Lindsay. I don’t know who it was, but people are at their peak with this violence.”

He added: “They’re just at their wits’ end that the judges keep letting people out on bail. So we’re going to hold these guys accountable, and I will be all over the prime minister about bail reform.”

Federal Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre also addressed the matter. “The law needs to be clear,” he said in a post on Instagram, “that if someone comes into your house uninvited to steal your property or harm your family, you need to be able to do whatever is necessary to stop them.”

He continued: “My message to the criminal thugs who are invading the homes of Canadians … is that you should be in serious danger if you go into someone’s house illegally and try to harm them, and if you don’t want to be harmed then don’t invade someone’s house and don’t threaten their security.”

CBC News reported that two acquaintances of Breen separately told them the two men knew each other before the break-in, but both Kawartha Lakes police and McDonald’s lawyer Steven Norton declined to say whether there was any connection between them. Court documents did show that they live about three blocks away from each other in Lindsay.

Last week, Kawartha Lakes Police Chief Kirk Robertson issued a statement addressing the charges against McDonald. “It is important to remember that charges are not convictions; they are part of the judicial process, which ensures that all facts are considered fairly in court,” he said.

“Under Canadian law, individuals have the right to defend themselves and their property,” he continued. “However, it is important to understand that these rights are not unlimited in Canada. The law requires that any defensive action be proportionate to the threat faced. This means that while homeowners do have the right to protect themselves and their property, the use of force must be reasonable given the circumstances.”

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Alberta Minister of Seniors, Community and Social Services Jason Nixon.

OTTAWA — Alberta Social Services Minister Jason Nixon is calling on Ottawa to scrap the standalone application form for the new

Canada Disability Benefit

.

Nixon said in a

letter to federal counterpart

Patty Hajdu that those receiving Alberta’s

Assured Income for the Severely Handicapped

(AISH) and other provincial disability benefits should automatically receive the CDB.

“As social services are within provincial responsibility, I am … requesting that the federal government defer to Alberta’s provincial eligibility requirements to streamline access to federal disability supports,” wrote Nixon.

Nixon wrote in the letter that the federal application requirements, which could include

paying out of pocket

for a medical examination, present a “significant barrier” to access in Alberta and beyond.

“(W)e’ve heard concerns from Albertans with disabilities who are encountering barriers in applying for the CDB,” wrote Nixon.

Applications for the

maximum $200 per month

federal benefit opened in late June.

Medical examinations to determine one’s eligibility for the benefit can run between $200 and $400 in Alberta, according to the Office of the Advocate for Disabled Persons.

The Liberal government committed in the April 2024 federal budget to

reimburse medical examination costs

, but has yet to put forward details about how reimbursement will work.

As it stands, Canadians with disabilities may claim these costs as medical expenses on their tax returns.

In the meantime, the province has committed to

reimbursing medical examination costs

for AISH recipients applying for the federal benefit.

Hajdu’s office confirmed Thursday that the letter had been received.

We will review it and respond in due course,” wrote Hajdu’s spoksperson Aissa Diop in an email.

Alberta’s Advocate for Persons with Disabilities Greg McMeekin said in an email that he agreed that Ottawa should reduce barriers to enrollment.

(M)any Albertans with disabilities are well beyond the point of frustrated getting access to (the CDB) …

The federal government should make access to the benefit easier, such as automatic enrollment for people on existing disability benefits,” wrote McMeekin.

Yusuf Ariyo, a support worker with the Edmonton-based Voice of Albertans with Disabilities, said the organization has seen an uptick in requests for help with benefit applications since the CDB rollout started.

“It’s our job to help them navigate the benefits system, but there’s limits to what we can do,” said Ariyo.

Lee Stevens, an independent social policy consultant based in Calgary, said that the application process is one of multiple mistakes the federal government made in its implementation of the benefit.

“(They) could have easily automatically enrolled everyone who already qualified for the disability tax credit, therefor avoiding extra costs like medical assessments,” said Stevens.

Stevens said it was also a mistake not to design the benefit as a refundable credit, which created a risk of provinces like Alberta

treating it as non-exempt income

.

She added that she suspects the point of the application form was save the federal government money by driving down the uptake of the benefit.

National Post

rmohamed@postmedia.com

Our website is the place for the latest breaking news, exclusive scoops, longreads and provocative commentary. Please bookmark nationalpost.com and sign up for our daily newsletter, Posted, here.


The number of U.S. citizens seeking refugee status in Canada this year has already surpassed all of 2024's asylum applications.

Like the inaugural year of Donald Trump’s first presidency, the number of U.S. citizens trying to flee the country by seeking refugee status in Canada is on the rise.

The Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (IRB) updated

its statistics

last week to show that 245 applications have been referred to its refugee protection division (RPD) as of June 30 — 41 more than in 2024.

In fact, the number of U.S. asylum seekers in the first half of 2025 is the most Canada has received in the past five years and could very well surpass the 423 referrals RPD got in 2019.

Following an overhaul to Canada’s refugee system in December 2012, the high-water mark came in 2017, Trump’s first official year in office, when IRB fielded 869 referrals. (Only 226 applications were recorded in the three years before he entered politics.)

Several hundred of the 2017 applications were still pending a decision at year’s end and carried over into 2018 when another 642 were received.

And even after almost half of those were rejected, 964 pending cases at the end of that year carried into 2019, which saw 423 applications.

New claims over the next three years fell to well under 200, but it wasn’t until 2022 that the pending list got below 300, only to climb back to 328 at the end of 2024.

Refugee protection claims referred before the 2012 overhaul
are not published on the IRB’s website.

Even as applications from the U.S. have increased, Americans, as they’ve done historically, make up only a small percentage of the more than 55,000 people referred this year, a fifth of whom were applicants from India. (As of June 30, there are more than 40,000 pending cases from the Asian nation.)

Due to the Canada-U.S. bilateral

Safe Third Country Agreement (SCTA)

, most of the Americans seeking asylum and refugee status have or will be denied.

The treaty, implemented in 2004 and beefed up in 2023, requires asylum seekers arriving at either country’s formal land border or waterways crossing to apply for protection in the first safe country they reach.

“Only countries that respect human rights and offer a high degree of protection to asylum seekers may be designated as safe third countries,” according to

Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC).

“To date, the United States is the only designated safe third country.”

Citing privacy concerns related to potentially identifying claimants, IRB doesn’t publish the number of people who were accepted, but the data shows that most are rejected, abandoned, withdrawn, terminated by a Canada Border Services Agency officer or ended for other reasons, such as the person’s death.

In 2023, for instance, of the 157 referrals received, 123 were rejected and another 32 were withdrawn or otherwise ended.

IRB’s data doesn’t specify the nature of the claims, but an individual’s claim must meet certain criteria under the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act to obtain refugee status under the internationally recognized 1951 Convention related to the Status of Refugees.

“Convention refugees are people who have a well-founded fear of persecution because of their race, religion, nationality, political opinion or membership in a particular social group. Membership in a particular social group can include sexual orientation, gender identity, being a woman, and HIV status,” according to IRCC.

“Persons in need of protection must show that if they return to their country of nationality, they will face a danger of torture, a risk to their life or a risk of cruel and unusual treatment or punishment.”

One of the Americans in search of refugee protection is Dan Livers, a 51-year-old from Michigan who recently kayaked across the Detroit River to Ontario, putting ashore in LaSalle, about 12 kilometres south of the Ambassador Bridge in Windsor.

 Dan Livers, of Michigan, who kayaked across the Detroit River on Aug. 5, 2025, is shown on the Windsor waterfront with Detroit in the background on Aug. 21, 2025. Photo by Millar Holmes-Hill /Windsor Star

The U.S. Army Veteran told the

Windsor Star

that he’d fled the U.S., not because of Trump, but because he feared retaliation for criticizing a Michigan non-profit affiliated with state service dog programs.

“I left the country because I was afraid for my life,” he said. “Nobody wanted to live like that. I wanted to go somewhere that is peaceful.”

Others have left the U.S. due to Trump’s executive orders and policy changes that roll back LGBTQ rights, especially those of people who identify as transgender.

Kaitlyn and Ted Berg of Illinois told

CBC

they left the U.S. for a host of reasons, but were particularly concerned with Trump’s position on gender, as one of their children is transgender, while another identifies as gender fluid.

“I want a comfortable life for my kids,” Kaitlyn said. “That’s all I’m asking for, comfortable and safe.”

Our website is the place for the latest breaking news, exclusive scoops, longreads and provocative commentary. Please bookmark nationalpost.com and sign up for our daily newsletter, Posted, here.


McGill University campus.

It was Matt Durnin, principal of the consultancy Nous Group, who first mentioned his company’s horrific nickname.

In an interview about Nous’s swift and controversial rise to dominance of Canada’s market in strategic management advice to universities, Durnin said Nous remains a company that is “small enough to have a bit of personality.”

So it does. Trouble is, that personality has a dark side. The nickname is “Nousferatu,” as in the vampire, because of what critics describe as a reputation for selling a slash-and-burn template for saving bankrupt universities by making them go ruthlessly corporate; by streamlining campus governance to concentrate power at the top; by guiding university administrations in cuts to staff and programs that arguably compromise their core mission; and by tracking dubious “benchmarks” for performance evaluation in a single-minded pursuit of budget efficiency.

At the 20 or so major Canadian universities where Nous has showed up since the pandemic, the nickname has caught on, and at their upper-floor headquarters in Toronto’s financial district, Nous itself seems to revel in it.

“I’d wear it on a T-shirt,” Durnin said.

In barely five years, this consultancy founded in Australia by ex-McKinsey types (although Durnin said Nous is as much a “reaction” to the larger consulting firm’s intense corporate culture as a “descendant” of it) has capitalized on Canada’s crisis in university financing.

Nous arrived in 2019 to find their new clients struggling against inflation, in many cases with tuition frozen and operating grants stagnant, but with budgets balanced thanks to high-paying foreign students, whose numbers have since been deeply cut with no new revenue stream to replace their tuition.

Every Canadian university suddenly seemed to have the same problem. This is fertile ground for consulting, particularly if, like Nous’s model, it is based on extensive surveys and benchmarks to compare institutions against each other.

So Nous’s experience at the University of Sydney, for example, informed their earliest Canadian work on Laurentian University’s plan to emerge from insolvency, which then informed their work at the University of Alberta, which informed their work at Queen’s, which is informing their work today at McGill, Waterloo and others.

This is Nous. Most people have not heard of it. It rhymes with “mouse,” and derives from the Greek word for reason, not the French word for us. In Britain and Australia, to say someone has a “nous” for something is to say they have an intuitive knowledge, a clever knack, a useful insight. But it does not have the same currency in Canadian English. It is a witticism that has failed to translate cultures and is just as likely to be pronounced in Canadian academia these days as “noose,” often with a wisecrack about hanging.

The way their most strident critics see it, Nous is rebuilding the ivory tower with everyone still inside. And like their nicknamesake vampire, someone had to invite them in.

A new national standard

This success in Canada has taken Nous Group from a small Australian consultancy to the purveyor of the driving strategic management vision of many, if not most, big Canadian universities, more than 20 across almost every province, with similar work in the United Kingdom.

A new office in Vancouver this year testifies to growing work in the Canadian West, after leading the University of Alberta’s major restructuring in 2020, and encountering their first major campus pushback at Queen’s last year.

That uproar,

which forced the school’s principal into a damage-control CBC Radio interview, was prompted by a new provost who, in December 2023, told a faculty town hall about major budget cuts: “Unless we sort this out, we will go under.”

A week previously, Queen’s had signed its client service agreement with Nous, with terms to create “an overarching narrative” of a “case for change.”

The provost’s threat that Queen’s would “go under,” however, made that narrative spin out of control. Faculty got their backs up. Department heads spoke out to say the budget cuts were 

being dictated from on high in a hurried 
panic
,
guided by blunt strategy. They said the

proposed elimination of any course with fewer than 10 students would mean the end of foreign language instruction, except maybe German; it would keep senior students in everything from chemistry to art conservation out of special lab work; and it would mean the classics department would no longer offer Latin or Greek.

Today, Nous consultants are at work at York University in Toronto, where James Andrew Smith is an associate professor in the department of electrical engineering and computer science.

“Central management has a crisis narrative,” he said in an interview. “That’s never said out loud. Nobody wants to invoke Laurentian (in Sudbury, Ont., which filed for creditor protection in 2021 and closed programs, the first and only publicly funded Canadian university ever to do so). It gets phrased as, ‘We don’t have enough money, so you’re going to have to give up resources and services.’ And then they take the money away.”

He just doesn’t believe in this crisis, not at a school that just opened a new campus in Markham, Ont., with plans for more expansion.

“It’s hard to reconcile a crisis of money when the university is spending and planning to spend hundreds of millions of dollars,” Smith said.

“I see that we’re a billion-dollar institution that’s pinching pennies when we should be spending money on innovation and providing better services to students and faculties,” he said. “You don’t get out of a crisis by doing less. You get out of crisis by doing more and better. If we follow through on centralization and amalgamation of work units at the university, we will make it less innovative, nimble and responsive to the world around us and our students.

“The problem is that centralizing decision-making and making middle management go up the chain for everything doesn’t make for a nimble or efficient organization … I think the strategic consultants are a waste of time and money,” Smith said.

His view is that there is a co-ordinated effort inspired by Nous to shift the blame for budget problems from chronic government underfunding to inefficient university overspending.

In the interview, Nous executives were blunt in rejecting this perspective.

“We don’t say the solution is you should advocate for more money,” said Tim Kennedy, also a Nous principal, a sort of non-equity partner.

Kennedy and Durnin were reluctant to speak in detail about individual clients or take credit for decisions made on their advice. But they did aim to correct what they see as rampant inaccuracies in campus gossip about their work.

Kennedy said the University of Alberta is one of only two examples of advising on changing leadership structure, and they took that on because the project was moving at breakneck speed, with budget cuts of 20 per cent overnight.

The other was Laurentian University, where Nous worked on a management and operations review in the restructuring plan, af

ter the shock of the insolvency and the loss of nearly 200 jobs in this unprecedented collapse of a public university.

“We were new and probably naive,” Kennedy said. But he noted they have been successful because they have been willing to look at difficult and contentious stuff.

Now, though, they bristle at getting all the negative attention, when larger consultancies such as Deloitte are doing similar work. Kennedy said the scrutiny that has come down on them, especially after the well-organized anti-austerity movement at Queen’s last year, makes it hard for university leaders to use Nous.

Still, they are finding a way.

Before Nous’s arrival in Canada, the university consulting game was dominated by big accounting firms whose work was primarily in systems technology, advocating expensive investment rather than shorter term transformative change.

University funding crisis

It was a stroke of luck, then, for Nous to expand into Canada at a time when schools were in a funding crisis, with operating grants stagnant and tuition capped. No one wanted to upgrade their systems. They wanted to save money, find efficiencies, cut costs.

Since then, a cap on foreign students, who pay four times the tuition fees as Canadians, has delivered a further dent to university budgets. In Canada, post-secondary institutions have three main sources of funding: public money (provincial and federal), donations and tuition revenues.

“We arrived on the back of big-tech investments that did not deliver,” Durnin said.

Durnin expresses sympathy for university leaders, who are usually not used to making radical or extreme change but are almost forced by circumstance into it. Kennedy said Nous aims to give university leaders confidence in these hard decisions.

On campuses, public notice of Nous’s involvement is rarely trumpeted from the highest office. It often comes to wider knowledge when administrators start explaining why they have taken certain decisions, often about budgets, and how this will contribute to the university’s “renewal.”

Now, though, it is plain that Nous Group’s model of renewal is becoming a national standard for how to run a university in Canada.

Some critics say they need it, and more, that universities are stagnant and bloated, and selling an experience that won’t get students a job.

At its extreme, the view is that universities offer wide-eyed undergrads the chance to waste their parents’ and the government’s money on too many courses that are either loosey-goosey fripperies like sociology, or pseudo-intellectual indulgences like philosophy.

Nous is more sophisticated than this. They recognize the tight spot university leaders are in. Universities are neither glorified trade schools, meant to produce specific kinds of workers, nor glorified high schools, meant to teach everyone the same basic stuff. They aim higher, but they find it increasingly hard to afford it.

“I love the idea that funding will come back,” Durnin said. “I just don’t think that’s realistic.”

Kennedy said their role is to support “institutionally led” renewal. He said they do not advise cutting programs, that those decisions are all the product of university leadership. But when it’s pointed out that these cuts tend to happen when Nous is around, as when Queen’s proposed to eliminate any course with fewer than 10 students, Kennedy said they are simply a “good scapegoat.”

In fact, Kennedy said, cutting academic programs doesn’t even save money, a point also often made by Nous’s sharpest critics. What saves money are things such as making sure each faculty does not run its own human resources or information technology department, for example, but rather uses one for the whole school.

Provincial governments find program cuts politically attractive, Kennedy said, because they look like tough decisions and appeal to voters. What gets cut, though, rarely costs a lot of money in the first place.

The real way to balance a university budget is to measure inefficiency and eliminate it, Kennedy said. It is to compare the efforts of other schools with the same problems, and to emulate their successes while avoiding their failures.

“It’s not a race to the bottom. It’s what can you do with increasingly less budget,” Kennedy said.

He and Durnin evince a hint of smugness when they say university leaders should “lead” and be “financially literate,” as if that were a novelty.

They reject the accusations that they advise universities to “corporatize,” or “managerialize,” preferring the word “professionalize.”

But others think Nous’s “renewal” is a misleading concept, a sly branding of a corporatization mission that seeks only cost savings through blunt budget cuts justified by inflated claims of crisis based on hysterical readings of an increasingly complex table of benchmarks.

The Nous pitch makes it seem as if universities are just like taxis in the early days of Uber. “Transform,” they say. “Renew.” The “… or die” bit is merely implied.

For some politicians and partisans, this crisis narrative is basically what they already think and want to hear about universities. But for many who work in academia, there is an existential threat afoot.

A race to the bottom

“It feels to me like a race to the bottom,” said Rob Kristofferson, president of the Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations, who is also a historian at Wilfrid Laurier University in Waterloo, Ont. “We’re losing sight of the fact that universities need to be efficient, but they are not businesses. The faculty that I’ve talked to are very worried about these reviews.

“It’s more profitable to recycle the same solutions over and over again. In fact, we often see the same solutions in the reports we’ve seen,” Kristofferson said.

He said this “endless search of efficiencies distracts from the real problem, which is provincial underfunding.”

Universities know they must operate with care and efficiency, but the savings from strategic management reviews are a “drop in the bucket” compared to what’s needed, Kristofferson said. In not one of the reviews that OCUFA has seen have the recommendations come close to solving the school’s financial sustainability challenges, he said.

“Even if you implemented every recommendation, that university would still be going deep into the red going forward,” Kristofferson said.

So, like it or hate it, the idea is to take this old model of academia and make it new and efficient, relying heavily on data to track newly designated performance benchmarks, like a running report card that compares each ivory tower against the others in what Kennedy calls a “common language.”

One fundamental problem is that universities won’t ever be new again. There is no blank slate for a new vision, as at some plucky startup. Universities in general are older than constitutional monarchy, and some of Canada’s universities are older than Canada itself. They are not just stuck in their ways. They are embedded into economies, social structures, cities, provinces, civilization.

So, if a global consulting firm manages to create a large, streamlined university that runs according to corporate principles and evaluates its progress toward its goals via a proprietary model for benchmark tracking, juiced by artificial intelligence, and if it does all this inside of five years, that’s not “renewal.” That’s just “new.”

Nous’s “renewal” therefore looks more like reinvention, and not everyone in Canadian academia is OK with that project, or with outsourcing it to Bay Street suits.

How the Nous model works

When Nous comes to campus and gets down to work, it goes something like this: First, there is a contract. National Post has obtained the Client Services Agreement between Queen’s University and Nous Group Holdings, signed by Durnin in December 2023.

It says Nous will create a “transformation roadmap” that includes developing “an overarching narrative” of a “case for change” to guide the “sequencing and timing of major initiatives required to achieve the stated goals.”

It says Nous will create a “transformation office” to centrally co-ordinate this and promote “a single view of change.”

This agreement lists a pre-tax total price of $172,800.

But that is not all Nous offers. The Post has also obtained the extensively redacted Subscription Services Agreement between Queen’s and Cubane Consulting, which covers data collection, post-submission data review, a service effectiveness survey, and an overall services review workshop.

Nous bought Cubane and its survey system UniForum in 2021 after using it for several years.

This was the primary reason Nous was controversial on Canadian campuses before it even arrived. For example, in 2019, the use of UniForum surveys at the University of Toronto led to a union grievance and settlement. It ruled librarians did not have to submit to the survey or, indeed, as they saw it, to snitch on allegedly underperforming colleagues. In England, at University College London, academics similarly circulated a standard reply text to justify their unified refusal to take part in the survey, on similar grounds.

The agreement describes the legal terms for how Queen’s joined Cubane’s University Operations Forum on Dec. 1, 2023.

UniForum is described in the contract as “a private forum for Universities who want to work together to improve efficiency and effectiveness of support services at their University. The Forum provides the means to collaborate in structured studies with the support of facilitators. The objectives of the studies are to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of support services operations at the Participating Universities.”

These include (but are not limited to) universities in Australia and New Zealand as well as Canada, the contract says.

Some universities hire Nous for consulting but do not join UniForum, and vice versa, Kennedy said. But often they are bought as a complementary package.

National Post has obtained one of these UniForum surveys, which was taken of administrators at a Canadian university.

Offering a scale from “less important” to “critical,” it asks the respondent to say how important various services and supports are to their work. It also asks them to measure their present satisfaction.

These include financial services, such as support to prepare and use budgets, manage accounts and annual reports, and access to preferred suppliers “for tendering for major equipment or services.”

The survey asks the same about the university’s marketing to Canadian undergraduate students and recruiting of graduate students; support in running websites; and “support for developing and managing marketing material and accessing media coverage for my unit.”

It asks about support in applying for grants; complying with research integrity and ethics rules; commercializing research and legal support for research agreements.

It asks about information technology support, building maintenance and general office administration, such as buying materials and services for day-to-day work, co-ordinating travel details, and managing university-issued credit cards and personal expenses.

It asks about support in managing discipline and grievances, exams and special consideration processes, and monitoring graduate students’ progress in research programs from thesis to examination.

It asks, in short, about everything a university administrator might do.

It asks about everything. The results, therefore, are a measure of everything. Or so seems the promise. Somewhere in those results lies a way to make universities fiscally sound. Somewhere in those numbers is a problem to which “renewal” is the solution.

To use the common corporate metaphor of fat, flesh and bone, this survey purports to be a scan to bring the fat into focus. Then you just cut it out.

Durnin insists that the benchmarks don’t give you answers, they just help you ask the right questions.

But a reputation as villainous bean-counters is at least a reputation. Things were looking good for the business of offering crisis advice to broke universities.

“Canada offers an exciting growth opportunity for Nous and I am thrilled that we are able to expand our team there,” said Tim Orton, the Australian founder and managing director of Nous Group, in October 2020. How could a man with a name like that fail to succeed in Canada?

“Our higher-education clients in Canada are already experiencing the benefits of our expertise, developed over more than 20 years, and we look forward to welcoming more clients in that sector and others,” Orton said.

Durnin said they initially saw the Canadian landscape as historically well-funded, but on a downward trajectory that did not look like it would ever get better. For a consultancy, that’s a rosy picture. And it has held up. Canadian universities are still in crisis. Dalhousie University, for example, which joined UniForum in 2022, issued a lockout notice to faculty on Aug. 20 over a contract dispute spurred by a budget deficit.

Deb Verhoeven is a professor of women’s and gender studies at the University of Alberta who has closely followed Nous’s growth both in her native Australia and in Canada.

She describes a new rhythm settling into universities, especially the University of Alberta, in which middle-ranking administrators feel their fate is “informally tethered to the top dog,” and so there is a general sense of precarity, in which nothing is certain because senior management is just going to change again in a few years.

University leadership is becoming a class apart, she said, no longer senior academics who have risen through the campus ranks, but more like movable CEOs.

She argues that this process of “managerialization” is accelerated when the all-important benchmark data is considered the property of senior administrators.

Kennedy acknowledges a cultural change in university leadership, especially in the role of the provost, once a stepping-stone toward the top office, now more of a mercenary position, destined for a “one and done” term of employment as the person to blame for hard cost-cutting decisions.

‘Nousferatu’ or the vampire

Long before Nous got tagged with the Nousferatu nickname, the vampire metaphor was frequently summoned in criticism of big money institutions such as universities and banks.

Karl Marx, the original critic of capitalism’s Gothic dark side, wrote that “Capital is dead labour, which, vampire-like, lives only by sucking living labour, and lives the more, the more labour it sucks.”

The writer Matt Taibbi famously described investment bank Goldman Sachs in Rolling Stone magazine in 2010 as “a great vampire squid wrapped around the face of humanity, relentlessly jamming its blood funnel into anything that smells like money.”

Similarly, Verhoeven and colleague Ben Eltham applied the metaphor to Nous after observing its early work in Australia and Alberta, and drawing a crucial distinction between vampires and zombies.

In a 2024 edition of the journal Review of Education, Pedagogy and Cultural Studies, they wrote: “Universities and management consultants are locked in a danse macabre … a mutually dependent relationship designed to sustain each other at the expense of the public.”

“We question the implicit proposal of a pre-history of university innocence corrupted by brutal exterior forces into unrecognizable monstrosities,” they wrote. “Rather than see universities or academics as victims of involuntary transformation who have retreated into sordid states of survival, we might wonder at the ways in which universities, and many managerial academics, have actively participated in the systems that now characterize these workplaces.”

In other words, the fate of the modern Canadian university experience, in which every school hires the same consultancy for the same kind of renewal, is not a zombie story about some foreign virus infecting pure minds, evacuating their brains.

Quite the contrary. It’s a vampire story, about vice-chancellors being promised new life indefinitely, endless renewal, in exchange for blood.

Zombies bring about wastelands devoid of humanity. But “vampires work together to reestablish the systems they menace, and this makes them especially useful for understanding the mutually beneficial role of consultants in the processes of corporatization of public institutions like universities,” Verhoeven and Eltham wrote. You can’t just blame the vampire. Their victims invited their own fate and paid handsomely for it.

So, as they expose their necks to consultants, the danger to Canada’s top universities is not that they could become brain-dead. It is that they could become consultancies.


Graham Brown, president of Toronto Revolver Club, at the club's shooting range, in Toronto, on June 7, 2022.

Toronto’s last shooting range has won a legal battle against Ontario’s chief firearms officer.

The Toronto Revolver Club (TRC) took the province’s chief firearms officer (CFO) to Ontario’s Superior Court of Justice after a 2024 inspection where the Ontario Provincial Police inspector who holds the position visited the 120-year-old non-profit’s facility and issued a new shooting range approval containing several conditions.

“One of these conditions required the closure of two of the TRC’s ten firing lanes for safety reasons,” Justice Shaun Nakatsuru wrote in a recent decision.

But the judge found the CFO “has no authority to attach conditions to the shooting range approval,” according to his decision dated Aug. 25.

The court heard that under the Canada Firearms Act, the CFO can revoke the approval entirely for the Revolver Club, thus shutting down the city’s last shooting range. But he doesn’t have the power to attach conditions to an approval.

The CFO told the court that the law implied he has the power to do anything “practically necessary to achieve” the purpose of the act, which “is to enhance public safety.”

The CFO argued “that in this case, conditions are practically necessary to ensure that a shooting club takes appropriate measures with respect to a shooting range’s design and operation to achieve public safety.”

While “courts must refrain from unduly broadening the powers of such regulatory authorities through judicial law‑making, they must also avoid sterilizing these powers through overly technical interpretations of enabling statutes,” lawyers for the CFO argued.

“It is submitted that the power to attach conditions on a shooting range approval should be implied because doing so is necessary to give effect to the object behind the regulatory regime.”

The judge did not agree with that position.

Nakatsuru pointed to the precedent of New Brunswick’s Springfield Sports Club Inc., which had applied for approval to continue to operate its shooting range.

“The process was delegated to the CFO for the Province of New Brunswick. The CFO granted the approval but attached a series of conditions. The New Brunswick Court of Appeal held that the CFO had no authority to impose any conditions,” said the judge.

Nothing in the Firearms Act or its associated regulations “gave (New Brunswick’s) CFO any authority to attach conditions to the approval of the club’s application,” Nakatsuru said.

But he pointed out Ontario’s CFO “is far from powerless in ensuring the objectives of Parliament are met,” said the judge.

If the club doesn’t “shut down two of their firing lanes because of the safety concerns in their design, the CFO can revoke the approval for the entire shooting range,” said the judge.

“This interpretation of the act and regulations is far from being absurd. It is one that protects public safety and yet permits the shooting range to operate for the benefit of its members and public.”

Both sides in this legal squabble “agree that there is no express statutory or regulatory provision that allows the CFO to attach conditions to a shooting range approval,” said the judge.

The Firearms Act “limits the CFO’s authority on approval of a shooting range to ensuring the applicant meets specific operational requirements in its application,” Nakatsuru said.

“The CFO’s jurisdiction is limited to ensuring the key information in the application is accurate and that the shooting range complies with the regulation.”

This, the judge said, “is in stark contrast to the express authority given to a chief firearms officer (in the Firearms Act) to impose conditions, for instance, on a licence or an authorization to carry or transport firearms.”

The Supreme Court has ruled “that the existence of a ‘gap’ in the powers granted to a regulator or tribunal does not require the implication of a power to fill that gap, since the legislative scheme in question ‘could just as easily be read to mean that Parliament intended the gap to exist,’” Nakatsuru said.

“In my opinion, that is the case here.”

According to the judge, “permitting conditional shooting range approvals risks the exercise of discretion by the CFO unguided by regulatory boundaries. Said differently, a discretionary power in these circumstances may lead to the imposition of conditions with only a tenuous connection, if any, to the objectives of the act. For example, a condition restricting the hours of operation of a shooting range on religious holidays.”

In Nakatsuru’s view, “Parliament has chosen an ‘upstream’ solution by not permitting a discretion in the first place.”

The judge ordered the province’s chief firearms officer to pay the club’s $7,500 legal tab.

Toronto Revolver Club President Graham Brown wouldn’t agree Wednesday to an interview about the matter.

“We have no comment to make on the court case at this time, which is still subject to a possible appeal,” Brown said in an email.

Ontario’s CFO did not respond immediately to a request for comment late Wednesday.

The Toronto Revolver Club dubs itself the oldest handgun club in Canada.

Founded in 1905, the club “has operated its current range for more than 70 years, and has had thousands of members including athletes contending nationally and abroad in firearms competitions,” Nakatsuru said.

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Manitoba Premier Wab Kinew and Prime Minister Mark Carey meet during the First Ministers' meeting in Saskatoon on Monday, June 2, 2025.

OTTAWA — Now that the expansion of the Port of Churchill in northern Manitoba is

likely to be among the federal government’s list of nation-building projects

, Manitoba Premier Wab Kinew is confident the venture could pave the way for another one of his top priorities.

The Kivalliq Hydro-Fibre Link, an Inuit-led project, proposes a 1,200 kilometre transmission line connecting Manitoba’s grid to five communities in southwestern Nunavut — providing them with renewable energy to reduce reliance on diesel and bringing reliable internet.

Kinew told the National Post he believes the project — which would be Nunavut’s first land-based infrastructure link to southern Canada — can still make it on Ottawa’s list of nation-building projects. The first projects are set to be announced within two weeks.

“We want to build big things in this country,” Kinew said earlier this week. “How about we build a corridor that connects Western Canadian resources to international tidewater in Hudson Bay, and then we spur north from there and light up the territory to our north?”

“I think the long story short is that we can pursue both of those opportunities,” he added.

Kinew has put much of his political weight behind the initiative in the past months,

ordering Manitoba Hydro in April to set aside 50 megawatts of power

from expiring export contracts towards the development of the hydro-fibre link between Churchill and Nunavut.

Kinew also

signed a joint statement with his Nunavut counterpart, P.J. Akeeagok

, declaring their commitment to advance the project connecting their two regions.

Kinew and Akeeagok both put the Kivalliq Hydro-Fibre Link high on their list of priorities when they met with Prime Minister Mark Carney in Saskatoon back in June. The federal government has vowed to come up with a small list of executable projects.

On paper, the hydro-fibre link project meets the criteria set forth in the Building Canada Act. Its proponents say it will strengthen Canada’s autonomy, provide economic benefits to the country, advance the interest of Indigenous peoples and address the climate crisis.

“If we have the opportunity to light up the North, including some communities in northern Manitoba that are still running on generators, to me, that’s a climate win alongside an economic win,” said Kinew, adding that he was “still engaging on a lot of the details.”

In addition, it is expected to have a quick turnaround, with construction set to start in 2028 and the transmission line is expected to be fully functional by 2032, according to Anne-Raphaëlle Audouin, the CEO of Nukik Corporation which oversees the project.

The federal government is no stranger to the project, having already spent millions for the development stages and environmental fieldwork for it to move forward.

Since 2021, Kivalliq Hydro-Fibre Link has been mentioned in three consecutive federal budgets, has been consistently recommended for federal support by the House of Commons finance committee, and has been mentioned in different reports, said Audouin.

However, she admits that the project is expensive, with a price tag now estimated at more than $3 billion. While it has the support of the Canada Infrastructure Bank, which would fund part of the project, the rest of the funding — private equity and tax credits — is still uncertain.

Audouin said “everything’s pointing to the fact” that the hydro-fibre link project could end up on the government’s major projects list and expressed hope it would help secure the rest of the financing.

“Being on that list would probably actually attract capital because now you’ve got the backing of the federal government identifying you as a project that’s worthy of proceeding. If anything, it props you up as a project,” said Audouin in a recent interview.

“Until they release the list, it’s anybody’s guess,” she said.

Speaking in Berlin on Wednesday, Natural Resources Minister Tim Hodgson said the government’s new major projects office — which will be the main point of contact to help fast-track those priority initiatives — will be launched by the end of the week.

“Today is Wednesday, so it’ll either be Thursday or Friday,” he said in a press conference.

 Prime Minister Mark Carney said this week that Ottawa will be formally announcing investments for the expansionof the Port of Churchill in Manitoba — shown here in 2024 — as well as the Port of Montreal in the next two weeks.

Hodgson, however, declined to say who would oversee this office and if the government already has a list of major projects ready to go. The Privy Council Office (PCO) also did not respond to the National Post’s questions on appointments and the list as of deadline.

Carney revealed during his travels to Europe this week that his government would be formally announcing investments with respect to new port infrastructure in the next two weeks — notably the expansion of the Port of Montreal and the Port of Churchill.

Carney specifically singled out the Port of Churchill, which he said could “potentially” unlock pathways to ship liquified natural gas and critical minerals to Europe. Kinew said his phone “blew up” as soon as the prime minister mentioned the project on Tuesday.

Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre said he was “glad” that Carney had noticed his proposal to develop the Port of Churchill, more than three years after he proposed it, but expressed skepticism that this expansion project would actually see the light of day.

“What I find incredible is that he has been in power for 170 days and not only is there not a single shovel in the ground on any of these projects, there are not even firm proposals for these projects,” said Poilievre, who was speaking from Charlottetown, P.E.I.

“It’s more Liberal show business rather than getting it done.”

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Lucie Quigley, owner and president of Gutter Saver Pro, based in Musquodoboit Harbour, Nova Scotia.

WASHINGTON, D.C. — Darya Kosilova’s online vintage store, specializing in garments from the 80s and 90s, has drawn attention from celebrities, including Hailey Bieber.

Her Vancouver-based Cherish the Label has been in business for five and a half years, and for much of that time, Kosilova has enjoyed six-figure years, with nearly 90 per cent of her sales going to the United States. But this year, orders have dropped amid trade tensions, and Kosilova is concerned that things are about to get a whole lot worse.

Like many small business owners, Kosilova has shipped the vast majority of her U.S.-bound parcels without incurring duties because the contents, valued under $800, qualified for the de minimis exemption. But as of Friday, Aug. 29, President Donald Trump is cancelling the 95-year-old trade policy that allows these low-value goods to enter the U.S. duty-free.

“I only have one of everything in stock, so it takes a lot of effort and push on my end to get this product out into the world, and I can only sell it once,” Kosilova said. “So, if all of a sudden my market just disappears, it’s a big impact.”

With nearly four million de minimis packages entering the U.S. each day, international businesses and shippers are scrambling to determine whether they can still get their products into the U.S. — and at what cost. The new duties will be at the country of origin’s International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) tariff rate or, for six months, at a flat duty rate ranging from $80 to $200 per package.

While many Canadian products qualify under the Canada-United States-Mexico Agreement (CUSMA) and can avoid the new duties, that’s only true of businesses that meet the CUSMA rules of origin — a certification process many small traders previously ignored due to the de minimis exemption.

Now, sellers of Canadian-made goods are scrambling to obtain proper certification. As a curator of vintage clothes, however, Kosilova cannot easily provide the required documentation to prove where components of her sales items were made.

How we got here

De minimis, which means “of trifling importance,” was set up to spare the U.S. government from having to collect duties on imports of little value. It started in 1938, under the Tariff Act of 1930, allowing for imports of up to $1 in value to enter the U.S. duty-free.

While many countries offer some form of a de minimis exemption, Washington’s level became an outlier. Over time, the values grew. By 2015, it was $200, with roughly 134 million de minimis parcels entering the U.S. A year later, the limit rose to $800, and 220 million packages flooded in, and by last year, a whopping 1.36 billion units arrived.

More than half of those shipments came from China, which has long been accused of using the exemption to send fraudulent products and illicit drug components into the U.S. market. So few were surprised when Trump ordered that the de minimis exemption be suspended for China and Hong Kong in May. The rest of the world was told via the One Big Beautiful Bill Act that it had until July 2027 before the exemption would expire — but an executive order issued under IEEPA in late July upended that, catching many off guard.

Canadian businesses have made good use of the exemption, with just over 85 per cent of Canadian exporters shipping to the U.S., according to Statistics Canada.

Fearing the worst

Larger Canadian businesses are used to dealing with clearing customs and paying duties. But now, small and medium-sized businesses are trying to work out solutions for shipping in bulk and, where needed, leasing warehouse space in the U.S.

Mark Becker, CEO of Wisconsin-based G10 Fulfilment, a 3PL company offering storage and inventory management, said small Canadian businesses either have to “figure out how to get the customer to pay more for their product,” or they will have to stock goods in a U.S. warehouse. Or both, given that the latter adds operational costs.

This is especially true for businesses whose products contain components originating from places like China, Vietnam, or India, because the new duties relate to the origin countries, not the sellers’.

Jesse Mitchell, director of business development for Strader-Ferris International, a Canadian & U.S. customs brokerage, cross-border logistics, and warehousing company, offered an example: If an international business ships a $200 shirt to the U.S. but that shirt was originally made in China for $10, the duty could end up being several times more than the cost to make it.

“Those companies are going to be in big trouble,” said Mitchell. “If they owned a 200,000 square foot warehouse in Canada and 80 per cent of their business was in the U.S., they’re going to be shot,” he said, noting how they will have to downsize in Canada and open a warehouse in the U.S.

 Darya Kosilova’s Vancouver-based online vintage store, Cherish the Label, has predominantly shipped packages valued under $800, which qualified for the de minimis exemption.

But even businesses selling CUSMA-compliant products are worried.

Lucie Quigley, owner and president of Gutter Saver Pro, based in Musquodoboit Harbour, Nova Scotia, is proud to make her ladder gutter protectors in Canada — notably with Texas-made plastics — but worries she may soon have to move products to storage in the U.S.

Quigley has a certificate of origin under CUSMA, so she should receive a zero per cent tariff, but she fears she’s still not in the clear. She cited confusion and said that based on what she has gleaned from shippers, she believes she has two options. “I either have to pay for clearance on every shipment, and the pricing around that is not very transparent … or I have to look at finding a warehouse in the U.S.”

Thousands of entrepreneurs are looking for U.S. warehouse space, but they’ve only been given a few weeks to pivot — and it’s a process that normally takes many months.

Becker says he is quoting more Canadian businesses at the moment than he ever has, but he can’t offer immediate solutions. “I’m already starting to get into the busy season,” he said. “By October, I can’t be moving new customers in. It would just be a recipe for disaster [before the holidays].”

But it’s not just Canadian firms vying for U.S. space – it’s global. “We’re talking hundreds of thousands of companies that are in trouble that now need to find footprints in the States,” Mitchell said.

Given the rapid pace of change and the confusion around pricing, several countries or their mail carriers — including France, Germany, Japan, the UK, Australia, Austria, India, Denmark, and Switzerland — have suspended some shipments to the U.S. as they await clearer guidance. Shipping delays and uncertainty, in turn, are bound to lead to supply chain hiccups.

Clark Packard, a research fellow and trade expert at the Cato Institute, expects the U.S. policy change to raise shipping costs and shipping times, while hurting small and medium-sized businesses in both Canada and the U.S.

“A small business in the United States that’s buying products, coming from Canada or wherever, under the de minimis exemption, you should expect significant delays and higher prices,” he said.

Still, many shippers, businesses, and U.S. authorities are thrilled by the change.

The fentanyl crackdown

According to the Centers for Disease Control, an estimated 48,422 Americans died last year from fentanyl overdoses – down from 76,282 in 2023. De minimis shipments, particularly from China, have long been blamed as an easy conduit for sending precursor chemicals for fentanyl into the U.S.

Brian Townsend, a retired supervisory special agent with the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration, spent years fighting the fentanyl scourge in America. In fact, in retirement, he’s still fighting – providing drug training to first responders, parents, and youths.

The DEA and other U.S. authorities are tackling the drug problem from many angles, and one of them is the mail system, he explained.

“Drug traffickers are using the de minimis loophole to send fentanyl and other illicit drugs and contraband, knowing that it’s going to go through no or minimal inspection,” Townsend said.

Most trade experts recognize the advantage of closing this path for illicit drugs. Andrew Hale, a senior policy analyst at Heritage Foundation, said he and his colleagues want the U.S. to maintain the de minimis exemption at $800.

“But throw China out of it. That’s been our position,” he said, acknowledging that de minimis shipments from China are used to smuggle drugs.

Reducing the number of packages flooding the U.S. market will reduce the workload for customs and postal workers, experts noted. Between 2016 and 2024, there was over a 500 per cent increase in parcels flowing into the U.S. under the exemption.

Finally, getting rid of de minimis could help boost some firms doing business in the U.S. It makes it harder for bad players to manipulate the system and underprice U.S. competitors with fraudulent customs forms and even fraudulent products, Becker said.

It should give those who are committed to doing business in the U.S. “a fair shot,” he said, of not being undercut by those skirting taxes to win on price.

Still, with so much fluctuation in U.S. trade policy this year, many are wondering whether the change will stick.

What’s next?

Quigley, for one, hopes Mark Carney can come to an agreement with Trump that will help reverse the trade tensions, including the scrapping of de minimis.

“Our prime minister is not doing what he promised in his campaign,” she said. “He promised to negotiate and to come up with a good deal.”

Many trade analysts and Carney himself have pointed out, however, that Canada already has the most favourable trade deal with the U.S. under CUSMA, so it’s unlikely that a tête-à-tête will change a Trump policy impacting the globe.

For now, Canadian business owners should plan on the de minimis exemption disappearing.

“I can tell you we are planning on it not coming back,” said Becker.

But for those hoping to see de minimis revived, there is a legal challenge that could change the game, said Hale.

Any day now, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit in Washington, D.C., should deliver its decision on the legality of Trump’s IEEPA tariffs. If the court affirms a lower court decision against the tariffs, it could mean the de minimis exemption — also an IEEPA measure — could return for some imports.

“The Department of Justice says any potential court order scrapping the IEEPA tariffs would revive de minimis,” Hale explained.

Most experts said some level of de minimis makes sense, but they want to see a lower level to protect against a flood of low-value shipments and better policing of the process to avoid fraudulent and illicit goods from entering the U.S. market.

National Post

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Eating meat does not increase the risk of dying, according to a new study from McMaster University. It may even offer some protection from cancer-related death.

A new study from

McMaster University

says eating meat will not lead to a higher risk of death. It may even offer protective benefits against cancer-related death.

These conclusions run contrary to advice provided by the

Canadian Cancer Society

and in several other studies noted by the

U.S. National Institutes of Health

.

The McMaster researchers published their findings in

Applied Physiology, Nutrition, and Metabolism

, after analyzing data from nearly 16,000 adults, 19 years and older, from the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey.

Researchers looked at how much animal and plant protein people typically consume, then asked whether those patterns were associated with risk of dying from heart disease, cancer or other causes.

They found

no increased risk of death

associated with higher intake of animal protein. On the contrary, the data showed a modest but significant reduction in cancer-related mortality among study subjects who ate more animal protein.

“There’s a lot of confusion around protein – how much to eat, what kind and what it means for long-term health. This study adds clarity, which is important for anyone trying to make informed, evidence-based decisions about what they eat,” explains Stuart Phillips, professor and chair of the Department of Kinesiology at McMaster University, who supervised the research.

The team employed advanced statistical methods to estimate long-term dietary intake and minimize measurement error.

“It was imperative that our analysis used the most rigorous, gold standard methods to assess usual intake and mortality risk. These methods allowed us to account for fluctuations in daily protein intake and provide a more accurate picture of long-term eating habits,” says Phillips.

The researchers did not find any associations between total protein, animal or plant, and a risk of death from cardiovascular disease or cancer. When both plant and animal protein were included in the analysis, the results remained consistent, suggesting that plant protein has a minimal impact on cancer mortality, while animal protein may even offer a small protective effect.

The findings support eating animal protein as part of a healthy diet.

“When both observational data like this and clinical research are considered, it’s clear

both animal and plant protein foods promote health

and longevity,” says lead researcher Yanni Papanikolaou, MPH, president, Nutritional Strategies.

The McMaster study focused on animal protein, not specifically on red meat. Nonetheless, the findings are counter to a large body of scientific thinking about red meat and cancer, such as research published by

the World Health Organization’s International Agency for Research on Cancer.

The Canadian Cancer Society explicitly states that the intake of red and processed meats should be limited: “Eating red and processed meat increases cancer risk.”

Instead the Cancer Society recommends that we eat a variety of proteins, generally choosing alternatives to red and processed meat. (Red meat includes beef, veal, pork, lamb, mutton or goat.)

While not pointing to particular studies on its website, the Cancer Society says: “Research shows a connection between processed red meat and cancer” and if chicken, turkey and fish don’t contain preservatives, they are “better choices” than processed red meats.

It lists several foods that are good sources of protein that can replace red meat: fish and seafood; chicken and turkey; dairy such as yogurt, cheese and milk; legumes such as beans, peas, lentils and soybeans; nuts and seeds’ and eggs.

The McMaster researchers offered the caveat that observational studies such as this one cannot prove cause and effect. However, they can be valuable for identifying patterns and associations in large populations, they added.

It should also be noted that this research was funded by the National Cattlemen’s Beef Association (NCBA). (The organization was not involved in the study design, data collection and analysis or publication of the findings.)

 

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0331 tj separation Alberta Premier Danielle Smith. POSTMEDIA ARCHIVES

OTTAWA — Alberta Premier Danielle Smith has raised some eyebrows among labour advocates after singing the praises of a rural Alberta slaughterhouse accused of exploiting foreign workers.

“I think we need to be careful in putting forward what’s known to be a very difficult and dangerous place for foreign workers as a quote-unquote ‘immigrant success story’,” said Bronwyn Bragg, a geographer at the University of Lethbridge who researches migration and precarious work.

Smith said Tuesday that the success of the local beef processing facility in her home riding, owned by Brazilian multinational JBS, shows why local employers should have more control over Alberta’s intake of migrants.

“I don’t know how JBS manages to find (foreign workers) and use our program (but) they are reaching out throughout the world … to be able to do it. And I think that’s a very positive example of how other businesses would do the same,” said Smith.

Smith said the Brooks, Alta., slaughterhouse triggered a “massive” local population boom by attracting thousands of foreign workers and their families.

She was speaking at an Albert Next town hall in Fort McMurray, Alta., where immigration reform was one of six topics under discussion to be added to next year’s referendum ballot.

Bragg, who recently published a paper on labour dynamics

in Alberta’s meatpacking industry

and regularly visits Brooks for research, says it’s not as booming as Smith makes it out to be.

“I’ve been to Brooks six or seven times this year … and the number one issue there is people can’t find work,” said Bragg.

Bragg said that the plant’s preference for hiring disposable temporary foreign workers (TFW) is locking out locals, including other migrants.

“The refugees and permanent residents we speak to, they’re not getting work either,” said Bragg.

She added that there’s evidence that the plant’s hiring practices have suppressed wages, noting a meat cutter

at the Brooks facility

makes seven dollars less per hour than the province’s median wage, despite the job’s rigours.

The JBS plant (then Lakeside Packers) started pivoting toward TFWs in 2005,

after a bitter strike

led by resettled refugee workers.

She estimates that temporary migrants now make up as

much as 30 per cent

of the plant’s workforce, with the latest wave arriving from Central America.

JBS doesn’t publish statistics on its workforce and a request to the company for this information went unanswered.

Thomas Hesse, the head of the labour union that represents Alberta’s meatpackers, says the facility’s work conditions aren’t anything to write home about.

“We currently have had an issue with (JBS) in terms of breaks for workers to go to the washroom,” said Hesse.

Hesse said that high line speeds and sharp equipment create additional safety issues for workers.

“I’ve heard (meatpacking) described by some experts as one of the most dangerous jobs in the world, measured by rate of injury.” said Hesse.

The facility made national headlines in

the spring of 2020

, after 650 of its roughly 2,800 employees tested positive for COVID, leading to one fatality.

Bragg says she’s seen no evidence that conditions of the plant have improved since the COVID outbreak.

“When a big multinational like JBS comes to town, there are always winners and losers,” said Bragg.

“Unfortunately, the workers are often on the losing end of this.”

 

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