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People's Party of Canada leader Maxime Bernier took his campaign to the U.S. where he appeared on an episode of the Tucker Carlson Show.

Unable to partake in the federal leaders’ debates this week, Maxime Bernier found a different medium to attack his opponents and push the People’s Party of Canada’s platform: The Tucker Carlson Show.

In the roughly hour-long face-to-face interview

posted Wednesday afternoon

, the former Stephen Harper-era cabinet minister was equally critical of Liberal Leader Mark Carney and Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre, calling them both “fake patriots.”

“They are using the fear of the tariffs and the economic situation in Canada to promote themselves with a fake patriotism,” he claimed at one point, lamenting how U.S. President Donald Trump’s tariffs became the focal point of the election.

“The campaign is not Carney against Poilievre. No, both of them are fighting Trump and the tariffs.”

The duo also spent considerable time talking about former prime minister Justin Trudeau, whom Bernier claims destroyed Canada “economically, socially and culturally,” and the PPC’s focus on ending mass immigration as the most important election issue.

Here’s more of what they said.

On Mark Carney and Pierre Poilievre

While most Canadians likely see the Liberal and Tory leaders as opposed on many issues of greatest importance to Canadians, Bernier was content to lump them into the same pot on many, including Trump and the U.S., the carbon tax and climate change, war in Ukraine and Gaza, government spending and taxation, immigration policies and the

CSIS investigation into foreign interference in the 2019 and 2021 elections.

“The Chinese Communist Party was giving money to some candidates of Chinese origin,” Bernier said, referring to a National Security and Intelligence Committee of Parliamentarians (NSICOP) report that suggested some members of parliament were “semi-witting or witting” participants.

“They said it, and we want to know the names of these people, but Poilievre and Carney, and Trudeau before that, they don’t know, ‘It’s a secret. We won’t tell you who these people are.’”

A February report from the public inquiry on foreign interference led by Justice Marie-Josée Hogue

dismissed the notion of any “traitors” in parliament.

At one point, Carlson asked why the leaders, and Trudeau, “clearly … really hate Canadians.”

“What they like, it’s power,” he replied.

Bernier took separate shots at the main party leaders, too.

 Prime Minister Mark Carney, left, and Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre.

He referred to Carney as “the globallist-in-chief” for his association with the World Economic Forum and the United Nations.

“For Canadians right now, it’s like a Trudeau 2.1. But he looks more competent because he was the governor of the Bank of Canada.”

He said the former Bank of England governor is also getting a boost from mainstream media presenting his campaign in a more favourable way.

As for Poilievre, whom Carlson referred to at one point as a “pretty sinister fraud,” Bernier said his former colleague and the party are “Conservative” in name only. He also criticized their use of slogans and focusing on Trump as an enemy of Canada, while not explaining how he’ll end the deficit.

“They don’t want to do a campaign to help Canadians and put our country first. Now it’s all about, ‘Oh, the tariffs. We need to do counter tariffs,’” he said.

One of the principal slogans of Poilievre’s campaign is

“Canada first — for a change.”

On Justin Trudeau

The show’s cold open starts with Carlson asking who Trudeau was “working for.”

“I can tell you, Tucker, he was not working for us, for Canadians,” Bernier replied, quickly citing the restrictions Ottawa put in place during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Bernier was arrested in July 2021 after appearing at a small anti-restriction rally in southern Manitoba. He pleaded not guilty but was eventually fined over $2,000.

Bernier said he was “speaking about freedom” much the same as the Freedom Convoy participants were during their weeks-long protest in downtown Ottawa, which resulted in Trudeau’s government enacting the Emergencies Measures Act.

“But at the end, we were successful, because a couple of months after that freedom convoy, all these authoritarian measures disappeared,” Bernier claimed.

 Prime Minister Justin Trudeau finishes his speech at the Liberal leadership announcement in Ottawa on Sunday, March 9, 2025.

At a couple of points in the interview, Carlson tries to bait Bernier into talking about the Medical Assistance in Dying Act, suggesting Trudeau’s government was paying to kill “tens of thousands” of citizens and wondering why the former Liberal boss “is not in jail for destroying an entire nation.”

At another point, he probes the PPC leader about whether he or anyone in the Canadian government believes Trudeau is the son of former Cuban President Fidel Castro,

a myth that has long since been debunked.

Bernier instead pivots to another topic, such as alleging Trudeau was also responsible for doubling the national debt during his 10 years in office, from $600 billion in 2015 to $1.2 trillion in 2025.

He said Trudeau created “the perfect storm” by allowing “mass immigration” to Canada in tandem, resulting in a declining GDP.

“That’s the legacy of Justin Trudeau,” he said.

On immigration

In fact, Bernier told Carlson he had hoped to make “mass immigration” the focal point of the election. He references the term more than a dozen times during their chat.

“People don’t understand that last year in Canada, we had 1.3 million foreigners coming to our country. For a country of 40 million people, that is mass immigration.”

Bernier said neither leader will address the topic during the campaign because both the Liberals and Conservatives are “pandering to these ethnic communities for votes” to secure more ridings and achieve a majority government.

A PPC government, he said, would impose a moratorium on immigration to allow for Canada’s housing sector to catch up to the existing demand.

“If you are the leader of a nation, your first responsibility is to work for your people and it’s immoral what they’re doing right now because they’re helping foreigners more than Canadians.”

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The University of Waterloo is just one Canadian university that has experienced an increase of interest from south of the border.

Canadian universities are receiving increased interest from prospective American students in the midst of federal cuts to U.S. institutions and revocations of foreign student visas.

The University of Toronto is reporting that it received many more U.S. applications by its January deadline for 2025 programs.

“The university is seeing a meaningful increase in applications over previous recent years for the 2025-26 academic year from potential U.S. students,” a spokesperson for the U of T media relations office told National Post in an email.

Similarly, the University of Waterloo, renowned for its engineering and computer science faculties, is reporting an increase in interest from south of the border.

Some faculties such as “engineering have seen increased interest and applications from potential students. Anecdotally, we have seen an increase in U.S. visitors to the UW Visitors Centre on campus, and web traffic that originates in the U.S. has increased by 15 per cent since September 2024,” David George-Cosh, senior manager of media relations at Waterloo, told National Post in an email.

It should be noted that the closing date for programs at both universities was the end of January, shortly after the presidential inauguration and prior to the increasing crackdown of the Trump administration on U.S. universities. Therefore, any increased interest in U.S. citizens coming to Canada may not be fully realized for some time, one university official said on background.

UBC Vancouver is reporting a 27 per cent jump in graduate program applications for the 2025-26 academic year, as of March. That compares to all of 2024.

The B.C institution told the

Reuters News Agency

, that it reopened admissions to U.S. citizens, with plans to fast-track applications from American students hoping to begin studies in September.

Gage Averill, UBC Vancouver’s provost and vice president of academics, told Reuters that the spike in U.S. applications has been spurred on by the Trump administration revoking foreign students’ visas as well increased scrutiny of their social media activity.

In particular, he noted “the development of a centre that’s reading foreign students’ social media accounts.”

However, Canadian institutions must contend with their own challenge — the federal government cap placed for a second year on the number of international students allowed to enter the country.

There are fewer spots for international students in 2025 than in 2024. “For 2025, IRCC plans to issue a total of 437,000 study permits, which represents a 10% decrease from the 2024 cap,” said Immigration, Refugees, and Citizenship Canada

in a January statement

.

The IRCC has issued a breakdown of the 2025 target for study permits by province or territory. However, there are no specifications regarding how granting admissions should be distributed – to U.S. applicants or otherwise.

U of T media relations responded broadly regarding that issue, telling National Post: “Our capacity to enroll international students fits within our provincial allocation based on the federal limits.”

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From left, Liberal Leader Mark Carney, Bloc Quebecois Leader Yves-Francois Blanchet, New Democratic Party Leader Jagmeet Singh and Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre.

This week, John Ivison is joined by regular panelists, Ian Brodie and Eugene Lang, to discuss the fall-out from the French language debate on Wednesday night and to put it in the context of the race to elect the 45th Canadian Parliament. Brodie is a former chief of staff to prime minister Stephen Harper, and Lang was chief of staff to two Liberal defence ministers.

Lang said that Liberal leader Mark Carney didn’t dominate the debate. “But he didn’t need to. He needed to get out of there without being really beat up badly. And I don’t think he was beat up badly,” he said.

Brodie conceded that Carney emerged relatively unscathed. “He’s at a disadvantage since he obviously doesn’t really speak French. And he’s at a bit of a disadvantage (because) he’s also in his first televised leaders debate at this level … I thought he was on the defensive, but nonetheless, didn’t really speak to any serious policy issues. He had to say: ‘Sorry, I’m not Justin Trudeau. I just showed up here.’ But didn’t really have an answer to how the team and the program is any different from what we’ve had over the last 10 years.”

There have been some Conservative commentators suggesting that Carney’s admission that “I’ve just arrived” was the equivalent of John Turner’s admission in the 1984 leaders’ debate with Brian Mulroney that he “didn’t have an option” but to proceed with Pierre Trudeau’s patronage appointments. Ivison asked if disassociating himself from Justin Trudeau’s government works for Carney?

Brodie said he doesn’t think that’s a plausible argument. “I think that when we get to the ballot box, Canadians are looking to make a judgment on the last 10 years of a country that’s poorer, weaker, and more divided. For better or for worse, he’s the guy who’s leading that party. And over the course of the past three weeks, we’ve seen all these folks who were major figures in the Trudeau government, who had planned to retire, now coming back to sign up for Mr. Carney’s team.”

Ivison suggested that Carney is still trying to straddle being the agent of change and being the defender of Trudeau policies like dental, pharma and daycare.

Lang said that is an inherent contradiction.

“I guess what he’s trying to say is the leader of the Liberal Party changes everything in the Liberal Party, even if the leader of the Liberal Party doesn’t fundamentally change the cabinet, because the cabinet hasn’t fundamentally changed. And there’s a lot of policy continuity. They’re keeping a lot of the things in place, apart from the apparently hated carbon tax. So there is a tension there at a minimum, if not a contradiction.

“But it doesn’t seem to be hurting because he has the right demeanour for the times. I think that’s really his great strength. In a normal election, I don’t think this demeanour would work very well. Normally we measure leaders around intangibles like charisma and personality. None of that seems to really matter this election because of the crisis (with the U.S.)

“He has a very even temperament, seems for the most part, or a calming sort of bland, almost bureaucratic tone that normally I don’t think would work very well, but seems to be fit for the moment,” he said.

Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre attempted to appear amiable, avoided the slogans that have been so prominent in his campaign and concentrated on the affordability issue.

But he was often on the defensive, not so much because of the other leaders, but because of questions that asked him about imposing pipelines on First Nations, returning Haitian refugees, cutting international aid and abolishing the CBC.

Brodie said Poilievre faced challenges at two levels. “One, he had to continue to prosecute the case that we’ve had 10 years of poor, weaker, divided (government). ‘Do you want four more years of that?’ And I think on that front, he actually did pretty well. I’m not sure that Carney had great answers about how much of a change his next four years, if he got them, would be.

“And, secondly, there’s the prosecutor case on the individual issues. I know some of the questions were not in Mr. Polievre’s wheelhouse. But I think he did well considering these are probably issues he doesn’t really especially want to talk about. But on housing, cost of living, and on getting our own economic house in order to go toe to toe with Trump for the next four years, I thought those were good answers. He didn’t lose his cool….(and) his advantage in the language, I think, showed through,” he said.

NDP leader Jagmeet Singh did lose his cool with the moderator, Patrice Roy, at one point, complaining that he wasn’t being given enough time to talk about healthcare, which was not a designated topic on the night. But his team was happy with the way he went after the other leaders — attacking Carney for being the chair of Brookfield Asset Management when it bought rental housing units and then jacked up prices; going after Bloc Québecois leader Yves-François Blanchet for being as “useless as the monarchy” in voting against dental and pharmacare; and for challenging Poilievre for wanting to make Canada more like the U.S.

Lang said he wouldn’t be doing any high-fives if he were Singh, given the NDP’s precarious position in the polls.

“But you’re right, he did have to show a bit of fire in the belly, maybe a bit more energy than the others…He tried to really get people to engage on the subject of health care a number of times when they were discussing subjects that had nothing to do with health care. He’s trying to get that on the agenda because he believes, I guess, that they have some brand strength and some credibility on healthcare that the other parties don’t have. It was the usual kind of NDP shibboleths, if not ideology around healthcare, there was nothing new there at all. But clearly he sees that as an issue where maybe he could make some gains. I’m surprised he didn’t try to take more credit for this allegedly popular dental care program,” he said.

Brodie said Singh’s attack on Carney over buying up low-cost housing and that, as chair of Brookfield, he  then jacked up the rents, was the attack line of the evening. “I thought that was the best single point with a proof point, probing at one of Mr. Carney’s weaknesses. I wish he’d led with that at the beginning of the campaign. It might be doing better if he had shown that kind of focus off the top of the campaign,” he said.

On healthcare, Brodie said the NDP has a specific interest in healthcare because it relies on healthcare unions for support. “They have to talk about what a great system it is because their supporters are the only people who still believe that. Everybody else is looking for some bigger change here in order to get just basic access to basic tests, as those wait lists continue to grow and people find their health is suffering. I’m not surprised that the Liberals don’t want to talk about healthcare. It doesn’t work for them the way that it used to. It really only works for the NDP because they have to keep those healthcare unions (happy). They are the only people who think the current system is working because after all, it is working for them,” he said.

Ivison said Blanchet had a couple of good moments — one, when he called Carney’s fiscal plan “a Harry Potter financial framework,” and again when he said Ottawa’s intervention at the Supreme Court on Quebec’s Bill 21 means “Quebec taxpayers are paying to oppose a Quebec bill in a Quebec jurisdiction.”

Lang said the jurisdictional issue may not work as well in this election than in previous ones.

“But I thought he had the best substantive critique of the night, with his reference to the Harry Potter magic that would be required to make not just the tax cuts affordable, but all of the numbers add up. I noticed that the media is criticizing the Liberals and the Conservatives for not releasing costed platforms before the debates. (That) is very strange. If you’re releasing an election platform on the Saturday of Easter weekend, you really don’t want a lot of scrutiny paid to it. What they’re both (Liberals and Conservatives) offering, and Blanchet was driving at this, is what I call ‘the trifecta’ — significant tax cuts in the case of Mr. Poilievre,  non-trivial tax cuts in the case of Mr. Carney; significant spending increases on the part of Mr. Carney and non-trivial spending increases on the part of Mr. Poilievre; and, reduced deficits in both cases, all in the context of no material cuts to government programs. So no pain for anyone. All in the context of the worst trade war in a hundred years.

“This is the trifecta, or as Van Morrison would say, The Great Deception. This kind of thing has never been achieved by any federal government. It’s probably not achievable in any context, especially in the current context, where the projections are that the Canadian economy is probably going to go into a recession, when tax revenue will go down and the automatic stabilizer expenditures on things like Employment Insurance are destined to go up,” he said.

With 10 campaigning days left, Lang said the polls appear to be converging, as the Conservatives eat into the Liberal lead.

“But (they’re) running out of time. Maybe if you had another six weeks, those lines would continue to naturally converge and you could have a competitive election. If those polls are correct, the election day will not be a competitive election unless something happens over the next 10 days. I don’t think Poilievre can fundamentally change that dynamic. I think it would take an exogenous force or a scandal in the Liberal campaign to really change it,” he said.

The polls do suggest a narrowing in the race, but most still give the Liberals a six point lead. Carney remains more popular than Poilievre, and Donald Trump’s desire to make Canada the 51st state remains a live issue. None of that is good news for the Conservatives.

Brodie said he was surprised that in the past week, Poilievre chewed at Carney’s lead, half a point a day.

He attributed that to Trump staying out of the campaign and the continual reference to 10 years of poor Liberal government.

“I don’t think there’s a need for a knockout punch (in the English language debate),” he said. “What I think (is needed) is five or six lines of attack against Mr. Carney that can be replicated over social media and traditional media over the next seven days to accelerate that kind of half-point a day erosion of Mr. Carney’s support. He has to be able to accelerate that kind of half-pointed day for the next 10 days. If he can move half a point a day for the next five days, he comes very close to tying in the popular vote. And if he can accelerate that to three quarters of a point, he wins.

“The challenge in this debate is not to throw a 50-yard pass down the field, to use a terrible sports metaphor. He’s got to move that little piece every day where people start to have doubts about: ‘Yeah, who is this guy Carney? What is his plan for the future of the country? The Trump thing looks like it might be more manageable than we thought three weeks ago’.”

“He’s got just enough time, if he can speed up the erosion of Mr. Carney’s support, to pull that off for election day. It’s a different campaign than the Conservatives were planning before Christmas, needless to say. It’s a different campaign than they would have run in January. But I think it’s the campaign that they’re faced with right now.”


A polling station at an Elections Canada office in the Hill Park Building in Mission was open for early voting on Wednesday April 16, 2025. Gavin Young/Postmedia

Since Mark Carney

became

Prime Minister on March 9, the Liberals have been leading in most opinion polls. The reason for this significant shift was fear, anger and revulsion about U.S. President Donald Trump’s tariffs. This, in turn, was combined with an unfounded belief that Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre was Trump’s Canadian equivalent, in spite of the fact the two leaders have vastly

different

political and ideological beliefs.

Carney has taken advantage of this good fortune that dropped in his lap. The Liberal strategy has been to lionize the progressive vote to combat Trump’s tariffs and turn this election into a two-party race. It’s worked to their advantage thus far.

That is, until recently. Cracks appear to be developing as support for the New Democrats and Bloc Quebecois have slowly improved in some polls. While left-wing frustrations against Trump, U.S. Republicans and Poilievre’s Conservatives remain intact, there are now indications that Canadian progressives don’t view Carney as being a political saviour as much as they did before.

Here’s one example.

The NDP has been steadily polling in the 8-9 per cent range of Nanos Research’s rolling telephone survey of decided voter intentions since April 7th. The

high

was 9.5 per cent on April 11, and the

low

was 8.1 per cent on April 7. The most recent Nanos

data

puts the NDP at 8.3 per cent on April 15. Conversely, the BQ has been on a recent uptick. Nanos listed them at 6.6 per cent on April 7. Bloc support fell into the 5 percent range for several days (with 5.2 per cent on April 12 being the low point), and then jumped from 5.5 per cent on April 14 to 6.2 per cent on April 15.

Some Post readers may consider this data to be nothing more than minor shifts. They could also point out that other pollsters list the NDP and BQ at lower percentages. In reality, you have to pay closer attention to what the trend line is showing and what it could potentially mean by election day on April 28.

The NDP is likely going to get crushed in this election. Some political commentators and columnists (including me) have suggested that if Canada’s socialist alternative reaches around 10 per cent, it will tighten riding results in voter-rich provinces like Ontario and B.C. Conversely, the BQ has been averaging around 6 to 7 per cent in national polls since the 2011 election. In the last federal election in 2021, it won 32 seats with 7.64 per cent of the total vote.

Both parties aren’t far away from these targets. There’s enough time to reach them.

Moreover, if we focus solely on the NDP, it largely depends where its voter concentration ultimately ends up. This party is chock full of centre-left to far-left ideologues who will support them to the ends of the earth. They don’t need a huge percentage of the popular vote to win seats or play spoiler in three-way races across Canada.

Remember what

happened

in the recent Ontario election. Premier Doug Ford and the PCs won a third straight majority government with 80 seats and 42.97 per cent of the vote. Marit Stiles and the NDP defied expectations, however, and formed the Official Opposition once more by winning 28 seats with only 18.55 per cent of the popular vote. Bonnie Crombie and the Liberals only took 14 seats in spite of winning 29.95 per cent.

Could a similar scenario happen in the federal election? Of course.

While the Conservatives don’t necessarily need the NDP to reach 10 per cent or higher, or the BQ to jump to 6 per cent or above, both results would provide an additional boost to Poilievre’s chances of winning. Hence, he has a golden opportunity to help drive a bigger wedge into the Liberal strategy and break apart the progressive vote even further.

What sort of strategy should he employ? Here are two ideas.

First, Poilievre should suggest that Canadian progressives seriously question whether Carney actually has the ability to negotiate with Trump on tariffs, Canadian safety, security and more. Carney may be an economist, but he’s also politically inexperienced, awkward, curt, arrogant and rather impersonal and standoffish. The President could easily tear him to shreds during negotiations, and start mocking him the way he did with his predecessor, “Governor”…err, former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau.

How would this be an improvement, exactly?

Second, Poilievre should keep pointing out that Carney has stolen more policy ideas from the Conservative campaign than anyone else. If the recently reassigned Liberal operatives really wanted to use their “

Stop the Steal

” buttons effectively, maybe they should have designed them with Carney in mind!

The PM removed the hated carbon tax that his Liberal Party implemented seven years ago, which the Conservatives wanted to

axe

from the start. Carney has called for

stronger measures

against criminals and gangs,

cancelling

the capital gains tax increase, and

eliminating

the GST on first home purchases. These policies have all largely been associated with the Conservatives for years. This

led

one reporter to ask him in March, “Why didn’t you run for the Conservative Party?”

Canadian progressives shouldn’t be supporting a weak-kneed Liberal Prime Minister who plucks ideas from the Conservative playbook and has been openly plundering their vote from their preferred political parties. Maybe they’re finally coming to this realization.

National Post


An Ontario judge has more than doubled the  sentence for Martin Moore, whose string of crimes includes trying to disarm a police officer by attempting to take his taser.

An Ontario judge has more than doubled the “unhinged” recommended sentence for a man whose string of crimes includes trying to disarm a police officer.

Lawyers for both the Crown and Martin Moore recommended in the Ontario Court of Justice that he get 120 days in jail for breaking into a home in Barrie last July, and attempting to take a taser from the police officer who responded. Moore, 34, was being sentenced at the same time for fraud for using someone else’s bank card to buy gift cards on Dec. 29, 2024, and punching a police officer on Jan. 6 who responded to a call of a man standing in the middle of an intersection impeding traffic.

“With respect, I find that the joint submission is so ‘unhinged from the circumstances of the offence and the offender that its acceptance would lead reasonable and informed persons, aware of all the relevant circumstances, including the importance of promoting certainty in resolution discussions, to believe that the proper functioning of the justice system had broken down,’” Justice Angela L. McLeod wrote in a recent decision.

“The sentencing submissions were brief and a joint position was proffered,” said the judge. “No case law was submitted in support of the joint position. The primary submission was that the court should accept the joint position, without question.”

Instead, McLeod sentenced Moore to 300 days in jail, though with the credit for time served before sentencing, he’ll only serve 162 of them.

The sentencing saga began after Moore plead guilty to attempting to disarm a peace officer, break and enter, fraud under $5,000, and assaulting a cop.

“It is an accepted and entirely desirable practice for Crown and defence counsel to agree to a joint submission on sentence in exchange for a plea of guilty,” said the judge.

“Agreements of this nature are commonplace and vitally important to the well-being of our criminal justice system, as well as our justice system at large. Generally, such agreements are unexceptional and they are readily approved by trial judges without any difficulty. Occasionally, however, a joint submission may appear to be unduly lenient, or perhaps unduly harsh, and trial judges are not obliged to go along with them.”

On April 14, 2024, Martin entered into a formal agreement in front of a judge known as a recognizance to resolve a charge of assault with a weapon, said the decision. “The statutory terms including a requirement that he keep the peace and be of good behaviour were in place for 12 months.”

Four months later, on July 14, 2024, “a good citizen called his neighbour who was at work in Toronto to advise him that someone had broken into his home next door,” McLeod said in her decision, dated April 7.

“The homeowner rushed from Toronto to Barrie and found Mr. Martin sitting on his back porch eating breakfast. Mr. Moore had broken into the residence. The lock of the garage had been broken.”

The homeowner called police.

“Police arrived and spoke with Mr. Moore who falsely identified himself as Joseph Smith,” said the judge. “After some time, he admitted that he was in fact Martin Moore. Police learned that Martin Moore was wanted on a warrant for an allegation of an assault with a weapon and was on the … recognizance for an offence of assault with a weapon.”

Police told Moore he was under arrest.

“A struggle ensued and Mr. Moore attempted to disarm the officer. The officer was fearful that he would grab his taser and it would be used against him,” McLeod said. “Mr. Moore was eventually taken to the ground.”

Moore’s efforts to disarm the cop “put himself, the officer, the homeowner and the neighbourhood at risk for harm,” said the judge.

Moore was released from custody, then on Dec. 29, 2024, “a community citizen was notified by his bank of suspected fraudulent transactions from the night before,” said the judge. “His bank cards were then locked. Various cards were used at a convenience store and used at least twice to purchase gift cards.”

Moore was arrested for the fraud, then released again.

Then on Jan. 6, “concerned citizens called to report that a man was standing in the middle of an intersection and impeding traffic. Police arrived on scene and the man told police that his name was Jack. Police identified the man as Mr. Moore and noted that he was wanted on a warrant for aggravated assault,” McLeod said.

“Police attempted to arrest him, but he attempted to run. He then punched the officer in the side of the head with a closed fist. A physical struggle ensued, in the middle of the intersection. Two citizens became involved to assist the officer until back up arrived.”

The court heard Moore “has been struggling with depression and his life ‘took a downward spiral during Covid,” said the decision. “He turned to drugs and has been using a variety of street drugs ever since. It should be noted that he does not have an official mental health diagnosis.”

His case contains “many, many, many aggravating factors,” said the judge, who also sentenced Moore to a year of probation.

“I have nothing more than the bare submission of defence counsel to substantiate the undiagnosed mental health struggles of Mr. Moore, and as such a longer term of probation is required to assist in his assessment and rehabilitation,” McLeod said.

“There is no current plan of release or rehabilitation and Mr. Moore presents as a risk to the community with his string of violent offences over the last year.”

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Premier Danielle Smith during a press conference in Edmonton, Tuesday April 15, 2025.

In 2019, Danielle Smith was a Calgary broadcaster with a talent for reflecting Albertans’ anger back at her audience.

At the time, four years into Justin Trudeau’s first term, collapsed oil prices were crippling the provincial economy, pipelines had been cancelled and Albertans were angry about Liberal legislation affecting the energy sector.

“Election day is shaping up to be the most disunifying event in Canada in recent history, but it doesn’t have to be,” Smith wrote in her regular Calgary Herald column, just days before the 2019 federal election. “It could also be the moment where Alberta finally decides to stop acting like a national doormat and take charge of its future.”

More than five years later, Smith is now premier, and Albertans — and other Canadians — are musing openly about just what election 2025 could do to national unity.

“I want Canada to work … I also want Canada to work for Alberta, and it hasn’t for the last 10 years because of terrible policies by the Liberals,” Smith said recently.

The man Smith replaced, Jason Kenney, says that in 2019, when he was premier, the reasons for the anger were easy to find — Bill C-69, C-49, the cancellations of the Northern Gateway and Energy East pipeline. Now, Kenney says, it’s more basic: Albertans are simply baffled that the Liberals under Mark Carney could possibly be re-elected.

“There’s a general sense in Alberta that the Liberal party is hostile to our core industries, and a frustration that despite the manifest incompetence of the government on virtually every issue over the past decade — which would be a view held by like three-quarters of Albertans — that it’s a government that might get re-elected,” Kenney said.

 Former Alberta Premier Jason Kenney speaks at the official launch of the Canadian Energy Centre on Dec. 11, 2019.

As premier, Smith is rattling Confederation with talk of alienation, national unity crises and provincial rights. This, coupled with her diplomatic efforts south of the border and engaging with Trump-friendly audiences, have made her a lightning rod for a certain sort of Canadian — especially at a time when patriotic sentiment is soaring, and very much a ballot issue.

Those Canadians — generally those from outside Alberta and Saskatchewan, although she has her local critics, too — see her diplomacy and her national-unity musings as a kind of treason, even if Smith would argue she’s trying to improve Canada, not destroy it.

“I really hope that we can get Canada on Team Alberta because Team Alberta has always been on Team Canada,” she said recently.

There are three key things that are driving her critics mad, and rippling through the federal campaign.

The first: her visit to Mar-a-Lago to meet Donald Trump in January, her appearance alongside U.S. podcaster Ben Shapiro in Florida in late March, and comments made to a Breitbart podcast saying Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre was more “in sync” with the Trump administration than his opponent. The second: her decision to remain offside with the other Canadian premiers’ united response to U.S. tariff threats. And, third, her insertion of nine demands onto the national electoral agenda, lest there be an “unprecedented national unity crisis.”

“The idea of a national unity crisis is probably more real than a lot of people in Ottawa would like to think, and at the same time, not as real as the biggest pushers of Alberta separation would like to think,” says Brad Tennant, a long-time conservative activist in Alberta, who’s also with Wellington Advocacy.

It’s enough to have caught the attention of The New York Times, which this week described Smith as being on the vanguard of the Canadian right. And, in contrast to the bullish response from the federal Liberals to U.S. intransigence, Smith is taking a different tack.

“I’m happy to be good cop,” she told the Times.

Smith, as she did in her days as an incendiary columnist and radio host, is channelling and perhaps fuelling Albertans’ anger, and directing it outwards. It’s an altogether different environment than it was in 2019, when a bunch of big-rig truckers set off for Canada’s capital in the first iteration of the convoy to Ottawa.

Each year in Ottawa, the biggest names in Canadian conservatism gather for an annual conference hosted by the Strong and Free Network. It’s a place where conservative fellow travellers can meet and network and otherwise further the evolution of Canada’s conservative movement.

Smith told the conference that Albertans are “soured” on a Liberal government, blaming the policies of former prime minister Justin Trudeau for a “beaten down” economy. Whether or not there will be a national unity crisis precipitated by Alberta depends on how the next government — Liberal or Conservative — acts, she said.

“It depends on what the reaction is. If they don’t address those issues, then we’re going to have to see what the reaction of Albertans are,” Smith said.

In that, Smith was referring to the nine demands she made to Carney the day they met in late March. They include scrapping the Liberals’ clean-electricity regulations, reforming the regulatory regime established by Bill C-69, ending the ban on single-use plastics, and others.

If Smith was vague on what the reaction of Albertans would be, others have been less shy about stating it outright.

A group of devoted separatists, including two former Conservative members of Parliament, are organizing a delegation to Washington, D.C., hoping to meet with American officials on the possibility of Alberta becoming the 51st state. They want a secession referendum by December 2025. (Alberta has legislation that allows citizens to bring forward province-wide referenda.)

Preston Manning, the father of the Reform party, wrote in the Globe and Mail in early April that a vote for Mark Carney would be a vote for the end of Canada, as the prairie provinces stampeded towards secession.

The perception outside of Alberta, and even to an extent inside Alberta, is that this is an outright threat: Give us what we want, or we’re out.

 Preston Manning takes part in a panel discussion during the Canada Strong and Free conference in Ottawa on Friday, May 6, 2022.

Matt Solberg, a partner with New West Public Affairs, who worked on Smith’s transition team in 2023, says he doesn’t see those comments that way.

“This is a bit of a reality check,” Solberg said. “I think she’s saying ‘if we want to make everyone’s life easier, let’s acknowledge these priorities.’”

On Saturday mornings, Smith goes back to her roots. She appears on Your Province. Your Premier on the Corus radio network. A couple weeks ago, a caller phoned in, asking if the premier was a “closet” western separatist.

“It’s hard not to notice your contempt for Team Canada,” the caller said.

“I disagree,” Smith said. “I was just down in the U.S. with my Team Canada jersey on.”

At this point, what Smith has promised is a “what’s next” panel. When Kenney became premier, he initiated the Fair Deal Panel, which toured the province and revisited a number of issues that could see Alberta wrest some power from the federal government. While it’s unclear what Smith’s version of the panel would look into, she says it would listen to Albertans and see what they want to discuss.

“We just want to go around the province, see how people are feeling and see if there are any other referendum issues that they want us to put on the table,” said Smith.

The Corus host, Wayne Nelson, noted that Smith has, over the past few months, furthered perceptions of disunity in the Canadian response to U.S. tariffs and the renewed talk of Alberta independence.

“It’s nonsense. The one issue I disagreed with is we cannot have an export tax or export restrictions on oil and gas, that is the one issue that I have disagreed with and I think I am standing up for Albertans in that regard,” Smith said.

In mid-January, Smith declined to sign a joint statement of Canada’s premiers, because it included the potential use of an export tax on oil and gas as a negotiating lever with the United States.

Alberta separatism is, and always has been, a fairly niche sentiment. The Angus Reid Institute found in a recent poll that only 24 per cent of Albertans believe their province is respected by the rest of the country; 30 per cent say they’d like to see Alberta separate. A large figure, certainly, but nowhere near a majority.

But there’s a distinct partisan divide here. What separatists do exist, the Albertans who are the most incensed at Ottawa, the most angry about the structure of Confederation, tend to be conservative voters.

In 2023, Environics pollsters found 83 per cent of UCP voters said Alberta wasn’t given enough respect, compared to 37 per cent of NDP supporters. Smith’s chief of staff, Rob Anderson, is the author of the 2021 Free Alberta Strategy.

 Prime Minister Justin Trudeau meets with Alberta Premier Danielle Smith as Canada’s premiers meet in Ottawa on Tuesday, Feb. 7, 2023 in Ottawa.

In a province where conservatives have been far more successful at deposing conservative premiers than opposition parties have, it pays to keep an eye on party sentiment. It was angry conservatives — not angry NDPers — who ushered Kenney out the door.

For Smith, keeping that base happy is crucial to her political survival. And, ironically, as much as she probably wants a Poilievre government in Ottawa, a conservative in Alberta’s going to have much better electoral luck with a Liberal in the prime minister’s office.

“She’s more than a one-note band, but her biggest note is fighting with Liberal Ottawa and if that gets taken away, she has more political challenges than if it doesn’t get taken away,” says Ken Boessenkool, a long-time Alberta political strategist.

On the very first day of the federal election, Pierre Poilievre launched his campaign with Parliament Hill as his backdrop.

In what was surely not the start that he would’ve wanted, Poilievre was forced to answer questions about Smith. She had told Breitbart News the Trump administration would find Poilievre more “in sync” with their goals than the Liberal alternative. She also hinted that the tariff talk was pushing Canadians towards the Liberals, undoing what, just weeks before, had looked like a surefire Conservative victory.

Poilievre largely elided the issue: “My response is that the president has said that he thinks it would be easier to deal with a Liberal, and with good reason, the Liberals have weakened our country,” he said.

Erika Barootes, a senator-elect, podcaster and past president of Alberta’s United Conservative Party, said that interview caused some problems at the start of the campaign.

“But I think that they’ve — the premier’s office — have corrected their tactic of how to engage or speak during a federal election, and I think that that’s democratically and diplomatically the right shift that they made,” Barootes said in an interview.

Boessenkool was one of those who, nearly 25 years ago, authored the Firewall Letter to then-premier Klein, arguing that Alberta could increase its power within confederation. But he’s become a staunch Smith critic — particularly around questions of Alberta separation and talk of national unity crises.

“Look, every time she talks this way, it drives every progressive voter to say, ‘What’s my best pathway to defeat my local Conservative MP?’” says Boessenkool.

Of course, not everyone sees it that way. It’s not clear any of this is registering for voters — particularly in areas of the country beyond the Prairies where both the Liberals and Conservatives are vying for seats.

“I don’t really buy the premise that it’s actually something Canadians care about,” says Solberg.

The polling shows Canadians are concerned about issues wholly divorced from Alberta’s anger over a fourth Liberal term. Canadians tell pollsters they care about affordability, housing and Trump.

If election 2019 was “disunifying” — before the COVID-19 pandemic, before Kenney lost his job, before then-Conservative leader Andrew Scheer lost his job, before his successor Erin O’Toole lost his job — election 2025 must be orders of magnitude more important, at least for Smith.

She may not be able to predict how Albertans will react, but the pundit premier will continue to channel that sentiment. And everyone else in Canada will wonder what she means by it.


Canada's Liberal Leader Mark Carney (L) gestures towards Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre (2nd R) during the French-language Federal Leaders' debate at Maison de Radio-Canada in Montreal, Quebec, Canada, on Wednesday.

OTTAWA — Strawberries became an unexpected topic at

Wednesday night’s French debate

in Montreal, with three of the four party leaders saying they’ve stopped buying American berries amidst trade tensions.

“I buy Quebec strawberries, and I do my own shopping by the way,” Bloc Québécois Leader Yves-François Blanchet told debate moderator Patrice Roy, when asked to name one U.S.-made product he no longer buys.

Blanchet’s aside was a cheeky shot at Liberal Leader Mark Carney, who acknowledged to Radio-Canada earlier this month that he doesn’t

buy his own strawberries

anymore, now that he has a staff to do his daily chores as Canada’s prime minister.

Not to be left out, NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh told the moderator that he now goes out of his way to buy a range of Canadian-grown produce, including both strawberries and apples — a fruit Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre famously chomped on in

a viral 2023 video

.

“I do my own shopping, and I cook at home,” Singh said, one-upping Blanchet.

“Everybody is eating a lot of strawberries today,” quipped Roy following Singh’s response.

Poilievre called the lighthearted exchange a “delicious conversation” and added that Canadian sourced beef is the top sirloin in his household.

“I buy Canadian beef, it’s the best beef in the world,” said Poilievre, who grew up

in Alberta’s cattle country

.

“But I never buy American strawberries either,” he added.

For his part, Carney said that he’s stopped buying U.S. beer and wine — though the LCBO’s

ban on American booze

prevents residents from purchasing those products.

The English debate is scheduled for 7 p.m. ET on Thursday.

National Post

rmohamed@postmedia.com

Get more deep-dive National Post political coverage and analysis in your inbox with the Political Hack newsletter, where Ottawa bureau chief Stuart Thomson and political analyst Tasha Kheiriddin get at what’s really going on behind the scenes on Parliament Hill every Wednesday and Friday, exclusively for subscribers. Sign up here.


Canada's Liberal Leader Mark Carney (R) and Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre chat following the French-language Federal Leaders' debate at Maison de Radio-Canada in Montreal, Quebec, Canada, on April 16, 2025.

OTTAWA — What is going on with the polls this

federal election

campaign?

Click here to review the Q&A with Leger pollster Andrew Enns.

 

Things are looking tighter between Mark Carney’s Liberals and

Pierre Poilievre

’s

Conservatives

with just over 10 days left before the votes are tallied. That’s still a massive and shocking shift for the Tories, who had held a strong lead for over a year before

President Donald Trump

began threatening Canada’s economy and Liberals brought in

Carney

as their new leader, after the resignation of the unpopular Justin Trudeau in January.

How did the Conservatives suddenly fall into second place, despite the fact that their polling support numbers are higher than they’ve been for the last two elections?

In fact, some Conservatives are skeptical that the polls truly reflect the reality on the ground, given that

Poilievre has been holding massive rallies

, at times with more than 10,000-people strong, and Carney’s campaign has been unsettled by controversies and gaffes. Are the polls really capturing all the Conservatives’ supporters who tend to be younger and have been less politically engaged in the past?

Meanwhile, the

NDP

’s support appears to have collapsed compared to previous campaigns and the

Bloc Québécois

is struggling to keep up with the Liberals for support in Quebec. Where have these supporters gone, and why did they suddenly switch so early in the campaign? Does that also mean they could switch back? What happened to Quebec’s strong nationalist voters?

Well, it depends who you ask. Different pollsters are showing different results, with some polls even showing the Conservatives tied with the Liberals or in the lead. The latest Postmedia-Leger poll also shows that Liberal support is overwhelmingly based on fear of Trump, while Conservative support is heavily based on hope for a better future. Results from various pollsters nevertheless show consistently that Carney is perceived by more voters to be able to handle the tariff war with Trump, while Poilievre is considered stronger on domestic issues including cost of living, immigration, and law and order.

Andrew Enns, executive vice president of Leger, the official pollster for Postmedia and the pollster with a consistent record of accuracy answered reader questions on Thursday. The latest Postmedia-Leger poll came out Wednesday, and Andrew took questions about it, about what’s really happening with the polling this election campaign, and how pollsters are measuring support given the difficulty in reaching certain segments of the population.
The conversation was moderated by Stuart Thomson.

This is a historic election and a lot could still change in the next 10 days. Review Enns’ answers in the comment section below.

National Post


Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre has said his government, if elected, would use the notwithstanding clause in the Charter to pass a law allowing judges to give mass murderers consecutive sentences.

As Canadians are set to mark the 43rd anniversary of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms on Thursday, Pierre Poilievre promised this week that his government would invoke a never-before-used section at the federal level to keep mass murderers in prison until death.

The Conservative leader first

pitched the idea of utilizing Section 33

last year, but his new pledge comes as Canadians are about to head to the polls with crime and safety still a major issue, even in the shadow of Donald Trump’s tariffs and the ongoing affordability crisis.

However, unlike those issues and others influencing decisions on April 28, it’s likely that for many voters, the complexity of the notwithstanding clause may require added context as a campaign topic.

Here’s what you need to know.

What is the clause, and how was it meant to work?

Without delving into an eye-glazing history of the

Charter

’s 1982 signing and proclamation, the notwithstanding clause — sometimes called override power — is a “legislative instrument” added at the behest of the provinces to allow “provincial legislatures or the federal department to declare that an Act … shall operate notwithstanding certain provisions in the Charter of Freedoms,” explained Dave Snow, University of Guelph political science associate professor, whose areas of focus include criminal justice and constitutional law.

“To be frank, most of the important rights — your fundamental freedoms in Section 2, your legal rights in Sections 7 through 14 and your equality rights in Section 15.”

 The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

Sections dealing with language, mobility, and democratic rights are untouchable.

The clause can only be applied for five years at a time, after which government must vote to re-enact the law. With mandated four-year election cycles, this allows the public to weigh in on government’s use of power.

When and where has the clause been used before in Canada?

It’s never been used at the federal level, though members of parliament have brought forward private bills, none of which have passed.

Last year, Bloc Quebecois MP MP Denis Trudel put forth a bill that would effectively put into law the reasonable time limits established by the Supreme Court in its 2016 Jordan decision by

invoking the clause to create an exemption

to those deadlines to primary designated offences — the most violent and serious crimes under Canada’s Criminal Code.

Provincially, however, it’s been used 27 times to varying degrees of success, mostly by Quebec (17), the chief critic of the Charter and the only province other than Saskatchewan to successfully use the clause for the first 15 years of its existence.

The most famous use of the clause, Snow said, was in 1988 when Quebec invoked it to circumvent the Supreme Court’s ruling in the

French-only signage case.

After that, “there’s this big gap between 1989 and 2018 when only one province outside of Quebec passes a law invoking” the clause, Snow pointed out.

That was Alberta, which successfully used it in a 2000 bill to limit marriage to a man and a woman, only to have it rendered useless because matrimony is under Ottawa’s constitutional purview.

In 2018,

Saskatchewan became the first province to use it since 2005

, though it was later deemed unnecessary, after which Quebec employed it again, and Ontario did so twice. Saskatchewan was the last to see it succeed on a law surrounding parental consent with regards to pronouns or names their children use at school.

“The polling data I’ve seen shows that, as an abstract thing, Canadians tend to be more opposed to (the notwithstanding clause) than in favour,” Snow told National Post. On

Saskatchewan’s most recent

, however, he said “most polling showed that more people favoured the use of it than did not, not just in Saskatchewan, but everywhere in Canada.”

Still, Snow insisted that it’s unexpectedly become a “Quebec thing” in recent years as it’s been used to promote French language and culture.

 Dave Snow, University of Guelph political science associate professor.

What does the clause have to do with mass murderers?

For first-degree murder in Canada, there is a mandatory 25-year sentence before parole eligibility.

In 2011, the Stephen Harper-led government brought in

a sentencing provision

giving judges the power to apply consecutive life sentences for individuals found guilty of multiple murders.

Two likely come to mind for Canadians: 2014

New Brunswick Mountie-murderer Justin Bourque

and Alexandre Bissonnette, who massacred six Muslim people at a Quebec mosque in 2017.

Bourque got 75 years before parole, while Bissonnette was dealt 40.

However, both sentences were reduced to the standard

25 years without parole

, and the Harper-era provision was neutered following the

Supreme Court’s unanimous 2022 ruling

against the Crown’s appeal to make Bissonnette wait 50 years for parole eligibility.

Multiple murderer Alexandre Bissonnette ruled eligible for parole after 25 years — not 40

“Under this provision, a court has the power to sentence an offender to imprisonment for life without a realistic possibility of parole for 50, 75 or even 150 years,” wrote the nine judges, led by Justice Richard Wagner.

“In other words, in the context of multiple first-degree murders, all offenders to whom this provision applies are doomed to spend the rest of their lives behind bars, and the sentences of some offenders may even exceed human life expectancy. Not only do such punishments bring the administration of justice into disrepute, but they are cruel and unusual by nature.”

Toronto criminal defence lawyer Danielle Robitaille, who served as an intervenor on behalf of the B.C. Civil Liberties Association in the case, said the decision, which she heralds as “eloquent and moving,” firmly established that everyone — “even the vilest criminal” — is owed a shot at rehabilitation within Canada’s justice system.

“What the court found is that what’s important for the system in a life sentence is that you don’t extinguish the possibility of parole, even though everyone concedes that in these cases of multiple murder, it’s extremely remote that parole would ever be granted and we’ve seen that with our most notorious historical cases of multiple murders,” she told National Post.

 Lawyer Danielle Robitaille.

Snow countered, saying the decision made assumptions about Canadians’ feelings regarding stacked sentences without any evidence of those feelings.

“It’s in these instances where I think it’s perfectly appropriate, whether I agree with the policy or not, for Parliament to say ‘we disagree with this interpretation of rights, we disagree with the way the Supreme Court has determined what both cruel and unusual punishment is, and what a reasonable limit on that is, and we’re going to offer an alternative interpretation.’”

How are Pierre Poilievre and the Conservatives proposing to use the clause?

Poilievre, who cited both Bourque and Bissonnette when making the campaign commitment, said a Tory-led parliament would use the notwithstanding clause to restore the sentencing provision.

“The worst mass murderers should never be allowed back on our streets,”

he said Monday morning

. “For them, a life sentence should mean what it says: a life sentence. They should only come out in a box.”

The Conservatives say the victims’ Charter rights and those of their families forced to testify and relive the trauma at mandatory parole hearings, along with the rights of law-abiding Canadians, are at risk from murderers potentially released.

In their view, a murderer’s punishment should be proportional to the number of people they killed.

“I will use the Charter to protect the Charter,” said Poilievre, who also vowed to only use Section 33 to “fight crime.”

On the campaign trail, NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh said he was already worried about the provinces using the clause “more and more,” while Liberal leader Mark Carney called it a “very dangerous step” that could lead to further “politicization” of criminal justice.

“We have a Charter of Rights and fundamental freedoms in this country, and it’s the responsibility, in my view, of the prime minister of the government of Canada to defend that Charter, those fundamental rights.”

Because few, if any, would stand up for the rights of a mass murderer like Bissonnette, Robitaille recognizes most voters will feel strongly about the topic. But she’s critical of the clause being used to stoke the already “inflamed passions of the Canadian public.”

“Because it’s precisely in this context that the constitutional balance is set up in a way that the Court is responsible for safeguarding and protecting the most outcast, the most vulnerable, protecting the minority against the rage of the majority.

“To use and wield the section to usurp that protection, I think, is irresponsible and distasteful.”

Her biggest fear is seeing Canada’s justice system start to resemble that of the United States, where prisoners are sometimes given sentences longer than any human could imagine living.

Snow disagreed, downplaying any notion of long-standing rights being infringed and said it can be good for a democracy to have elected representatives disagree with the courts on this particular issue.

Politicians leaving everything to the courts, he said, sidesteps a degree of responsibility on topics on which Canadians should be engaged and informed in the event the court gets it wrong.

“I think we’re a healthier country when we at least debate the merits of having some involvement from our democratically elected representatives on these contentious issues of rights, on which I should say reasonable people disagree, reasonable judges disagree, and which in this instance is of a very new interpretation by the Supreme Court of Canada just three years old.”

Our website is the place for the latest breaking news, exclusive scoops, longreads and provocative commentary. Please bookmark nationalpost.com and sign up for our daily newsletter, Posted, here.


NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh following the French federal leaders' debate in Montreal on April 16, 2025.

OTTAWA — The microphone was cut only once during the French-language debate on Wednesday night, and it was to stop NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh from speaking.

Near the end of the debate, Singh accused other leaders of wanting to cut health care when Radio-Canada veteran anchor Patrice Roy, who was moderating the event, said he needed to move on to other subjects because time was limited.

Roy called Singh’s name two times, before counting to three. Singh didn’t stop.

“Cut the mic,” Roy told his producers. Turning to the NDP leader, he said he had let him go on a little longer earlier in the debate, but added he now needed “to speed it up”.

Two minutes later, Singh was asked about Quebec’s controversial use of the notwithstanding clause to protect the French language. He said he agreed with the need to protect French and quickly pivoted to attack Roy, whom he accused of silencing him.

“During this debate, I tried to raise the question of health a few times and Mr. Roy stopped me several times,” he said. “Look at the time on the clock,” he added.

The clock indeed showed that Singh had spoken the least out of all the four leaders on stage at 18:46 minutes. In comparison, the others were closer to 22 or 23 minutes.

“It’s a question of identity in this country. I’m passionate about questions of health and every time I tried to speak about it, Mr. Roy stopped me. It’s unfair,” Singh added.

The moderator said the subject of health came up earlier in the debate but ultimately let the NDP leader say his piece about how he believes other leaders will cut health care.

In the end, Singh ended up speaking for a total of 22:10 minutes, whereas the other leaders spoke closer to 25 minutes.

In his closing remarks, Roy apologized for having cut his microphone.

Speaking after the debate, Singh said he felt very “passionate” in the moment.

“Ultimately, the (time) difference wasn’t as big, but initially I was worried about it,” said Singh about the original time discrepancy between him and the other leaders.

The leader of the New Democrats said he was “really proud” that he was able to make the case to Canadians that his party would “stand up” for free and universal health care.

“It is so fundamental to who we are as a country. We fundamentally believe that we should take care of each other, and health care represents that value. So, I raised that,” he said.

Singh said he spoke with Roy after the debate and there was no bad blood between them.

The English-language debate is set to take place Thursday evening at 7 p.m. ET.

National Post

calevesque@postmedia.com

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