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Liberal Leader Mark Carney talks to Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre during the French-language federal leaders' debate in Montreal, Wednesday, April 16, 2025.

NEPEAN, ONT. – Diana Fox Carney introduced her husband beneath blue skies at a large outdoor rally in his chosen Ottawa-area riding of Nepean on Sunday.

“Mark is unflappable because he puts in the prep work that is necessary,” she said.

Liberals had best hope so because, as the election campaign enters its final week, the assault from the Conservatives on the

tens of billions of dollars of new spending in the party’s platform

has already started.

Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre said on Sunday that he has long argued that Carney is the same as former prime minister Justin Trudeau. “(But) yesterday we learned that Mark Carney is far more costly than Justin Trudeau,” he said, pointing out the platform will add nearly a quarter-trillion dollars of extra debt.

The Conservatives have yet to release their costed platform. When it comes out, it won’t be cheap either, given the size of Poilievre’s tax cut, which the party has said will cost $14 billion a year when fully implemented.

But his claim against Carney is not just spin: Poilievre’s numbers come straight from the Liberal platform.

Over the past four years, the Trudeau government racked up cumulative deficits of $235 billion (2024–25’s is an estimated $48.3 billion).

Over the next four years,

the Carney Liberals are projecting deficits of $225 billion

.

If Canada enters a recession and unemployment rises, that number is only going in one direction.

This moment is far more dangerous for the Liberals than the debates — and all the signs are there that they were well aware of the potential for things to go south.

The platform was released on the Saturday morning of the Easter long weekend, hardly prime time.

But it had to come out at some point and, despite their best efforts to make the costing document so complex that it would baffle students of Byzantium, it was obvious to even the most innumerate of reporters that we were dealing with some pretty large numbers.

Carney has been clear from Day 1 that his big ideas — reorienting the economy and “catalyzing” private investment — require some serious prime pumping.

The prep work Liberals hope Carney has done is to sell a strategy for this moment that deflects the Conservatives’ criticism that the new boss is even worse than the old boss.

Carney never fails to mention that we’re in the crisis of our lives. “In this crisis, do we want to meekly accept what America wants, or do we stand up for ourselves and each other,” he said in Nepean.

Yet even the loyalists waving “Never 51” signs (against becoming America’s 51

st

state) likely find the prospect of adding $225 billion to the national debt an eye-watering prospect.

Carney told his audience that he will make sure his government “spends less, so that it can invest more.”

His distinction is that the Liberal government under Trudeau spent too much on consumption and too little on productive investments: a ratio of two-thirds to one-third. Carney says he plans to reverse that ratio: increasing the operating budget at a rate of just two per cent a year, down from nine per cent over the past decade, and focusing new spending on capital projects like ports and highways.

But will voters understand that nuance?

The platform

has created an opportunity for a Conservative counter-offensive

— a chance to win back Liberal switchers worried about passing on too much debt to the future generations. “That inflationary debt will drive up the cost of food, housing and everything else,” said Poilievre.

The Liberals are banking that the fear and anger generated by President Donald Trump’s talk of the 51st state convinces voters that Carney’s prescription of meeting this crisis with “overwhelming force” justifies layering on more debt.

Millions of Canadians have already voted and most polls still give the Liberals a healthy lead. But this is not over yet. Conservative hopes have been resurrected on Easter Sunday.

National Post

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One mark of a healthy society with a bright future is one with babies, says economist Ross McKitrick — “a lot of babies and children being born and raised here. And that’s not happening.”

McKitrick is the author of a

new analysis on Canada’s free-falling birth rate,

which has been steadily declining for 15 years and now sits well below 2.1 births, on average, per woman, the level needed to replace the population.

From a high of 3.7 during the mid-20th century baby boom, Canada’s birth rate plummeted to 1.4 by 2020.

In 2022, it dipped again, to 1.3, “the lowest recorded over more than a century of data,” Statistics Canada then reported. Except it tumbled further still, reaching a new record low in 2023 of 1.26. Canada is now part of the “lowest-low” fertility countries, joining South Korea, Spain, Italy and Japan, a “fertility crash” that McKitrick says demands federal attention.

How to boost birth rates in high-income countries is a subject academics have been late to the game to address, McKitrick said. It’s shaped as much by social changes as economic factors. However, some responses are doable, McKitrick and others say, including making housing more affordable, boosting the “duration and generosity” of parental leave benefits and increasing tax deductions for dependents, with deductibles increasing with each additional child.

“There should be larger financial rewards for young couples that have children,” McKitrick said, adding that it may be more effective to try to coax families that already have one child into having a second or third.

Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre took heat for tying human “biological clocks” to housing affordability, but he wasn’t overstating the situation, said McKitrick, a professor of economics at the University of Guelph. A couple’s optimal reproductive career — a woman’s, notably — roughly ends in their late 30s, which is now “not the time of life when young people can aspire to home ownership.”

“It’s really become apparent that our adult children aren’t able to get settled in a house on the same timeline we did,” said McKitrick, who’s in his late 50s. “They’re looking at best at maybe being able to afford to buy a house when they’re 50, instead of thinking about it in their late 20s.”

Housing isn’t by any stretch the only factor keeping people from procreating. However, fertility dips as the cost of living rises, his analysis for the Macdonald-Laurier Institute showed, and the decline in Canada’s domestic birth rate should be recognized as a major public policy problem, for several reasons, he said.

Canada’s social programs and pensions and health benefits were designed and implemented on the assumption there would be “large, young populations coming up behind us to pay the bills,” he said.

In addition, surveys suggest young Canadian women are having fewer kids than they’d like, which suggests a gap between “the life that people aspire to and the life they’re actually getting,” McKitrick said.

“If that’s what they want and it’s not happening, there’s some obstacle there. There is something that’s impeding people from achieving this life goal.”

Pro-natal policies encouraging “the more babies, the better,” aren’t without critics, with some worrying of a more troubling trend that exalts masculinity while oppressing women. Critics have argued the planet is in a state of

“ecological overshoot”

and that climate change and growing scarcities of resources like fresh water are bigger problems than countries not producing enough babies. Fertility rates are also strongly correlated with gender equality and giving women more liberated reproductive choices.

When Poilievre said his party “will not forget that young 36-year-old couple whose biological clock is running out faster than they can afford to buy a home and have kids,” his Liberal opponents accused him of engaging in

“absurd” and “misogynistic”

rhetoric.

However, data suggest

32 per cent of Canada’s youth and young adults can’t afford to buy a new home or move to a new rental.

Some of the backlash “comes from not wanting a ‘conservative man’ to talk about issues pertaining to fertility,” said Andrea Mrozek, a senior fellow at the non-partisan think tank, Cardus.

However, globally, the dialogue is switching from “we have too many people and a malthusianism kind of falling off the edge of the globe picture,” to one of understanding the data for what they are and that populations across the world will be in decline, Mrozek said.

“For a long time, we’ve viewed fertility as a linchpin of family life and understanding why we are not having kids is an important conversation to have,” she said.

In 2022, Cardus did just that, employing pollster Angus Reid to

survey nearly 3,000 women ages 18 to 44

on their fertility preferences and plans. The survey found that few women in Canada “have ‘excess’ (undesired) births but that a considerable share of Canadian women will end their reproductive years with ‘missing’ children, that is, reporting that they desire more children that they will not likely have.

“Women with ‘missing’ children are not an exception,” Cardus senior fellow and demographer Lyman Stone wrote in his report, She’s (Not) Having a Baby.

“They make up almost half of women near the end of their reproductive careers, and they reported lower life satisfaction than women who achieve their family-size desires.”

In other words, Canada’s slumping birth rate is not so much about wanting fewer, or no, children as it is about barriers to childbearing.

Most women in their 30s said they would like two or more children, despite the pandemic and other global events that may have left them rethinking having kids, Stone wrote. While women in the Prairie provinces reported the highest fertility desires, and women in Atlantic Canada the lowest, “in general, across every province, women intend to have fewer children than they say would be ideal for them.”

What’s stopping them? Women under 30 who want more children — women “in the immediate process of making decisions about their fertility and family before too much is ‘locked in’ by the passage of time,” Stone wrote — were presented with a list of 33 possible concerns. The top five reasons that lowered their likelihood of having a child in the next two years were “want to grow as a person,” “desire to save money,” “need to focus on career,” “kids require intense care” and “no suitable partner.” Lower on the list were lack of paid leave, global overpopulation and housing costs.

Caring for “tiny humans” is intensive, Mrozek said. “Work-life balance issues are, of course, real problems for families,” Stone acknowledged.

However, the level of intense parenting that’s become the norm today — lots of extracurricular activities, “carefully curated cognitive-development experiences” — may be leaving couples feeling overwhelmed and daunted by the idea of having children, he said.

Personal growth was the top rated reason cited for not planning to have children in the next two years. “The surprise to me is that we live in a culture today where we no longer view having children as part of personal growth,” Mrozek said.

The housing issue is part of the financial picture, the “desire to save money” piece, for young people today, she said. “While people will disagree on the levers that can be pulled to help — more affordable housing, especially entry-level housing? Enhanced maternal leave? — we need to understand first that we’re facing low fertility and go from there,” Mrozek said.

It’s important for policy makers to help women avoid unwanted pregnancies, Stone wrote. However, “in a society in which women have agency over their reproduction,” it would also seem reasonable to help women achieve wanted ones, he said. “Currently, one half of the women in Canada effectively achieve only one side of that equation by the end of their reproductive careers.”

However, another

Macdonald-Laurier report

found that younger Canadians are delaying leaving home (which, again, requires access to affordable housing) and delaying marrying or living common law. The proportion of “single and never married” 25- to 29-year-olds rose from 45.2 per cent in 2001, to 58.5 per cent in 2021. For 30- to 34-year-olds, the single and never marrieds rose from 25.1 per cent to 34.3 per cent over the same time period.

“Not only are young people not having babies, but they’re also not even forming couples,” McKitrick said. “They’re not getting married and forming households in the way previous generations did, and marriage and fertility are closely tied together.”

There are limitations to using immigration to try to solve the problem, he said. “The barriers to fertility affect immigrants and Canadians alike,” he said. “We bring people to Canada, and then they stop having babies.” Family reunification is one of the pillars of Canada’s immigration policy; many older relatives also come. “We end up importing a demographic profile that’s not all that different from what we already have here,” McKitrick said.

His recommendations focus on tax policy changes. “Hungary made aggressive tax changes (tax breaks and loans) to signal to young people, ‘We want you to have children and if you do it, we’ll reward you.’”

Canada needs longer maternity leaves, higher income replacements and higher dependent deductions, he added.

It’s not entirely obvious what the answers are, or what policies tried by other countries, if any, have been effective at budging birth rates in a meaningful way, McKitrick said. High-income nations have only begun to grapple with the problem. But it should be a matter of public discussion, though he understands why politicians are reluctant to broach it. Consider the reaction to Poilievre’s comment. “People take offence,” he said.

“But if a large number of young people are thwarted in one of the most important elements of wellbeing, that would be very sad.”

National Post

This is the latest in a National Post series on How Canada Wins. Read earlier instalments here.

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Pope Francis waves from the Popemobile on his way to attend World Youth Day celebrations in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, on July 26, 2013.

It has been this way for centuries: Any time a Pope dies, a process to pick his successor is triggered. The papal contest can be the stuff of fiction, such as with the Oscar-contending film Conclave, but the non-fiction version has plenty of drama too — even if it’s behind closed doors.

Who might be in line to become the next Pope? Here are a few cardinals seen as potential candidates:

Pietro Parolin

The Italian-born Parolin, 70, is a longtime Vatican diplomat who has been its Secretary of State since October 2013 and a cardinal since February 2014. The son of a store manager and a teacher, he chaired the 2014 meeting that led to briefly thawed ties between the U.S. and Cuba, and has criticized Ireland’s decision to approve gay marriage. He has criticized Israel’s war in Gaza following Hamas’s October 7, 2023, terror attack.

Fridolin Ambongo Besungu

The Congo-born Besungu,65, has served as archbishop of Kinshasa since 2018 and elevated to cardinal the following year. He has spoken out in favour of democracy in Congo and has is seen as a staunch supporter of social justice and opponent of the exploitation of Congo’s natural resources.

Wim Eijk

The Netherlands-born Eijk, 71, pursued medicine before turning to the priesthood. He was appointed cardinal in 2012 and was a part of the conclave which chose Pope Francis in 2013. He has served on the executive board of a pro-life doctors’ group in the Netherlands. He is known as a conservative, firing a transgender employee and criticizing Francis’s more liberal positions.

Peter Erdo

The Budapest-born Erdo, 72, was appointed archbishop in 2003 by Pope John Paul II. He has been called “one of the leading ecclesiastical figures of our time,” and participated in the conclaves that chose both Francis and Benedict. He has spoken against divorced Catholics receiving communion. In 2015, he attempted to bring the Catholic faith to African countries under communist regimes, having experienced imposed secularism in Hungary.

Luis Antonio Tagle

The Manila-born Tagle, 67, is a former archbishop of Manila and a prelate within the Evangelist denomination. He likes to go by his nickname, Chito, and is seen as progressive on social issues. He helped draft the history for the Second Vatican Council and has been a theological lecturer and speaker. In 1997, he was appointed as a member of the International Theological Commission and participated as an expert at the Special Assembly for Asia of the Synod of Bishops the following year. He was part of the 2013 conclave which elevated Pope Francis.

Raymond Burke

The Wisconsin-born Burke, 76, is an Irish-American traditionalist who has clashed with Francis, and was evicted from some church roles and reportedly even his Vatican apartment. The former high school religion teacher was ordained as a Cardinal in 1995 by Pope John Paul II. He later served as Archbishop of St. Louis. He founded the Shrine of Our Lady of Guadalupe; her story reportedly sealed his commitment to Catholicism.

Mario Grech

The Malta-born Grech, 68, was appointed pro-Secretary General of the Synod of Bishops by Pope Francis in 2019, and cardinal a year later. He has been identified as Pope Francis’ potential successor by the New York Post. He is supportive of reaching out to Catholics ostracized because of their sexuality or marital status. Of negative attitudes towards homosexuals and divorcees in the church, he has said “they are out of tune and they’re non-Christian.”

Matteo Zuppi

The Rome-born Zuppi, 69, was appointed cardinal in 2019 by Pope Francis and has been president of the Episcopal Conference of Italy since May 2022. In his youth, Cardinal Zuppi provided service to disadvantaged communities including marginalized children, elders, the terminally ill, immigrants and homeless people. He was made a honourary citizen of Mozambique for his role helping end the civil war in 1992, and in 2023 carried out a Ukraine peace mission at Francis’ request. On June 2, 2023, he was appointed as judge of the Vatican City State Supreme Court for a year.

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Pope Francis led a politically-charged papacy, with sympathies that veered to the left, writes Michael Taube.

The world has been shaken by the unfortunate news of Pope Francis’s passing. Many Catholics and non-Catholics kept the Pontiff in their thoughts and prayers, and now begin to evaluate his life and legacy.

Francis, who was born Jorge Mario Bergoglio in Buenos Aires, Argentina in 1936, was often described as a left-wing Pope. Brent Budowsky

depicted

Francis in a Nov. 26, 2013, op-ed in The Hill as someone who “can fairly be called a liberal populist reformer on matters of economics, finance, poverty, social justice, education and healthcare.”

He was taught by the Jesuits, whose members emphasize a worldview focused on social justice and awareness and take

vows

of poverty, chastity, and obedience. His political sympathies regularly veered to the left like his childhood teachers.

He opposed the excesses of laissez-faire capitalism and the free market economy, and

described

it in 2020 as a “dogma of neoliberal faith.” He wrote a controversial May 24, 2015,

encyclical

on ecology, Laudato Si (Praise Be to You). He suggested we’re in a period of “global environmental deterioration,” depicting the climate as a “common good” and said “we cannot adequately combat environmental degradation unless we attend to causes related to human and social degradation.”

He also had an unusual pipeline to the ideological underpinnings of communism and Marxism. In his

autobiography

, Life: My Story Through History, Francis apparently received communist literature from a woman named Esther. She was a biochemist and a communist and atheist who apparently respected different viewpoints — including the future Holy Father’s.

While Francis appreciated the publications that Esther gave him, they weren’t treated as gospel.

“I never embraced communist ideology,” he wrote, and “my reading of these things was on an intellectual level only.”

After he became Pope, he noted that “some people claimed that I spoke about the poor so often because I was a communist or a Marxist myself.” This clearly aggravated him, since he felt “talking about the poor doesn’t necessarily mean one is a communist: the poor are the flag of raw gospel and are in Jesus’s heart.” Moreover, he suggested “poverty has no ideology; the Church has none either, and shouldn’t: as I say so often, it isn’t a parliament! Not everything can be reduced to factions on the right or left.”

Francis rarely lived by those words and sentiments. He was one of the most heavily politically charged Popes we’ve had.

Pope John Paul II, an ardent anti-Communist who supported capitalism and defended individual rights and freedoms, always separated his personal views from his role as spiritual leader of the Roman Catholic Church in a way that Francis never could. Pope Benedict XVI had similar views to Pope John Paul II, but kept things in check and was more interested in reading and intellectual study and research. Even Pope John Paul I and Pope John XXIII, who were both identified with liberal theologies, paled in comparison to Francis’s thunderous roar against capitalism and conservatism.

 Nun pray at the statue of John Paul II outside the Gemelli hospital where Pope Francis was hospitalized.

If progressives want to claim Francis as one of their own, however, that would also be a mistake. His religious beliefs were fairly traditional, conservative and in line with Church doctrine.

Francis was opposed to abortion and euthanasia,

saying

at a New Year’s Mass at St. Peter’s Basilica on Jan. 1, “I ask for a firm commitment to respect the dignity of human life from conception to natural death, so that each person may cherish his or her own life and all may look with hope to the future.”

He, like many leading Catholic leaders, rejected capital punishment and

stated

the “death penalty was inadmissible.” While he once said

premarital sex

was “not the most serious sin,” his 2022

paper

The Catechumenal Itineraries for Married Life reemphasized his position and the Church’s that “chastity teaches the timing and the method of true love.”

And while Francis

appointed

several women to the Dicastery for Bishops and as undersecretaries, he didn’t break with the tradition of male-only Cardinals.

In fairness, Francis did some good work on various non-ideological fronts. He built a following with young Catholics and used social media to his advantage. He continued the tradition of Pope John Paul II and Pope Benedict XVI in building stronger ties to the Jewish community and

visited

Israel in May 2014.

The first South American-born Pope, he worked hard to extend interest in Catholicism across Latin America. He emphasized outreach with the Muslim community,

visiting

Abu Dhabi in 2019 and Iraq in 2021. He even became the first Pontiff to

address

a joint session of the U.S. Congress in 2015.

Francis was, in many ways, an everyman pope. His faith, compassion and generosity of spirit was undeniable. He always seemed friendly and approachable, too.

“I would like to smile always,” he wrote in a response to a child’s letter reprinted in his book Dear Pope Francis, which meant he would “smile at God…to thank him for all the good he does for people.”

While I and others had many points of disagreement with Francis, his papacy was that of someone who believed in uplifting people and society as a whole.

National Post


FILE: Pope Francis arrives for the weekly general audience at St Peter's Square in The Vatican on November 13, 2024.

In the first chapter of his autobiography, “Hope,” Pope Francis served readers a reminder that his passionate defence of migrants and refugees originated in deeply personal as well as theological roots.

Although he is hailed as the first Argentinian pontiff of the Roman Catholic Church, his extended family emigrated to the South American country from the Calabria region of Italy in 1922, only 16 years before the future pope’s birth on Dec. 17, 1936.

Francis devoted the opening of his life story to that migrant’s tale. In doing so, he brought attention to the twist of fate that made his own existence possible. His grandparents, along with their son Mario, had their hopes of sailing to South America on the SS Principessa Mafalda in October 1927 dashed. Between Italy and Argentina, the Mafalda went down at sea with a loss of between 300 and 600 lives.

“That shipwreck was the Italian Titanic. (The) story was told in my family. It was told in my barrio, my neighbourhood. It was sung about in the popular songs of migrants on both sides of the ocean,” Francis writes in “Hope,” his autobiography that was released in January.

Had the son Mario and his immigrant parents been among the victims, later memorialized in story and song, there would have been no Jorge Mario Bergolio to be chosen by the conclave of Cardinals in 2013 as Pope Francis, the Vicar of Christ on Earth.

“That is why I’m here now. You cannot imagine how many times I have found myself thanking Divine Providence,” Francis wrote in “Hope.”

The metaphor of the shipwreck narrowly avoided and bad luck begetting greater good fortune clearly extended beyond Francis, himself. The Barque of St. Peter, an out-of-fashion seafaring term for the world’s largest Christian denomination and its 1.3 billion adherents, is now seen in various states of repair. One is that it’s making a vital course correction. Another is that it’s becalmed and running low on provisions. A third has it listing dangerously to the port side.

The debate over the metaphor intensified on Feb. 14 when Francis was hospitalized in Rome with double pneumonia. The implication of an 88-year-old human being bedridden and unable to breathe properly was obvious cause for concern. The usual Vatican fog that described the condition as “complex” only fed death watch fever.

“It’s pure reason that the older you get, each time you go into hospital with a major illness, the less likely you’re going to come out,” said Luke Stocking, interim director of the major Canadian Catholic social justice agency Development and Peace.

Stocking is among the Catholics called to assess Francis’s legacy. He believes history will judge it positively overall. Critics might target a papal penchant for “messiness” or for certain “symbolic gestures” that tended to lead nowhere, appeared as grandstanding, or entirely backfired, he acknowledged.

“But those things speak to me, and to a lot of us, within Development and Peace and the wider Church, as showing simplicity, closeness, a more pastoral way of being the Church. The point Francis always makes is that it’s about the mission of announcing the Gospel. His vision of the Church is the people of God walking together, and I think that’s most important.”

He notes the environmentally oriented 2015 encyclical Laudato si’ brought secular attention to the Church until secularists realized Francis meant an understanding of “nature” far beyond tree-hugging, shrub-cuddling, or being BFFs with Bambi. For the faithful, it and other encyclicals of the Francis era brought refreshed, contemporary vocabulary to traditional understanding of “the interconnectedness and indivisibility of our relationship to the Earth, to God and to each other,” Stocking said.

That interconnection, he agreed, has been integral to Francis’s reawakening of the Christian conviction amid the choice between ideas and humans, when we should always choose the human.

“Sometimes choosing humans over ideas can lead to messiness, but at the core of our faith is a person, not an idea. Jesus is not an idea. The Incarnation is a person.”

Gerry Turcotte, president of St. Mark’s and Corpus Christi College on the UBC campus in Vancouver, says Francis has had such a powerful impact on young people because of his ability to unite profound theology with common understanding.

“Being president of a Catholic university throughout his papacy has allowed me a particular view of the Pope’s way of connecting with younger people, of making them feel valued in the faith, and knowing the Church wants to hear their voice,” Turcotte said.

But while he lauds Francis for his outreach to other faiths as well, Turcotte suggested it’s too early to judge the Pope in terms of measuring what he has accomplished against the hope he generated at the conclave a dozen years ago.

“For ultra conservative Catholics, he was too radical. For liberal Catholics, (he) was not going far enough. The reality is he aimed to be a balancing force and, above all, a connector. In the end, I believe we’ll come to see Pope Francis was more of a traditionalist than he is given credit for.”

McGill University’s Douglas Farrow, a professor of theology and ethics, as well as a holder of the Kennedy Smith Chair in Catholic Studies, agrees that one of Francis’s legacies will be divided loyalties. But he isn’t convinced that will be the faithful’s fault for misunderstanding the Franciscan papacy. Rather, Farrow said, it’s integral to the Pope’s nature.

“He is a man of contradictions. He came in (to the papacy) saying to young people ‘go and make a mess.’ He’s leaving as an old man who has followed his own advice and made a mess. Even his parting gift of an enormously large college of Cardinals is likely to be quite a mess when it meets (to choose the next pope),” Farrow said.

He disputed a common claim that the problem lies in Francis’s weakness as a theologian or, as one senior Canadian cleric said to me privately: “You know, he’s an idiot. Well, not so much an idiot as a Jesuit. They like to make a mess.”

Farrow believes that judgment ultimately underestimates Francis’s intentionality.

“It’s not like he (was) bumbling around. He (had) a pretty shrewd mind. He (had) his own quite idiosyncratic understanding of theology, the human person, and the Church — and he messed with other people’s understanding of all those. But (was) his own (understanding) actually coherent? I don’t think so.”

Like a ship’s captain stranded between two shores, Francis’s theology was “incompatible at key points” with the tradition of the Church: “Therefore, it’s inevitably incoherent because he’s sitting in the chair that is responsible to maintain that tradition,” Farrow said.

Farrow stressed he is not at all suggesting, as some die-hard, self-styled traditionalist Catholic conspiracy theorists insist, that Francis set out to deliberately wreck the Barque of Peter on the reefs of liberal secularism or any other such political category.

“What he (did) is take an idiosyncratic, and even autocratic, approach to his own function as Pope, and used it to undermine the authority of (Catholic) tradition, the authority of other bishops, and left us asking ‘Does this man really know what he’s doing?’ Ultimately, that’s a Divine judgment. But you can’t have it both ways.”

And yet Francis’s own autobiography illustrates that in some ways you can. His family, unable to leave, were saved to finally arrive in the land where a future Pope was born.

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Conservative Party of Canada Leader Pierre Poilievre holds a rally in Windsor, Ont. on Friday, April 11, 2025.

For Cole Theule, age 19, voting day on April 28 will be his first time casting a ballot in a

federal election.

The Winnipeg native who is studying at the University of Ottawa, comes from a family with a tradition of supporting the New Democratic Party, provincially and federally. His father even worked to help local NDP candidates.

“Acceptance, inclusion, encouraging immigration, those kinds of ideas, as well as wealth distribution such as higher taxes for the rich and more government-assisted programs, were all things I was taught growing up,” Theule said.

But once Theule moved away from home and began living on his own, he began to question those values. He will be voting for the Conservatives on April 28.

“Living on my own has opened my eyes,” said Thuele. “Lots of those economic principles don’t necessarily work, and that’s why I believe… maybe it’s time for a Conservative government,” he said.

Thuele said the other political parties are not doing enough to support young people in their daily lives. “What is expected of me is to be financially responsible and support people around me, and I don’t think that an economy run by the Liberals can allow me to do that,” he said.

He is not alone. Young men are the most likely demographic to support the Conservatives and leader Pierre Poilievre, according to David Coletto, CEO of Abacus Data public opinion researcher.

“There’s a general feeling that the system isn’t working well for them right now. They feel isolated. There’s a little bit of disconnection from a lot of the things going on,” said Coletto.

Overall, for Gen Z this is a cost-of-living election, finds

Abacus Data polling.

The demographic places the cost of living as their top concern (46 per cent), followed by housing affordability (33 per cent) and then dealing with U.S. President Donald Trump (23 per cent). In comparison, boomers put dealing with Trump as their first concern above everything else, at 47 per cent.

“Today’s youth are like their parents — they’re more concerned about affordability and cost of living,” said Carleton University political science professor Jonathan Malloy. “It’s probably the number one issue you find across all groups in that age.”

But while young men are coalescing around the Conservative leader, the movement has not been universal with the age group. A March poll by Abacus Data in March found 41 per cent of men under age 30 supported the Conservatives compared to 23 per cent of young women.

Colletto said the difference in political opinion between young men and women is a relatively new phenomenon, and the effects of the change have yet to be seen. “I think it reflects both the cultural and economic changes that we’ve seen around the world,” he said.

Constantine Piccone is Theule’s roommate. They decided to live together because they could not afford the costs of living solo. Piccone is also motivated to vote Conservative because he said, “they’ll make the economy a bit better and give us more money to actually cover these costs.”

Yet another reason he began aligning himself with political conservatism is his belief that Canada has progressed too far to the left politically. He said young men have been left politically alienated. “I think there’s an epidemic of men right now who are being criticized for normal things men do.”

Piccone said a number of his young male friends feel the same way. “There are a lot of (social media) posts going around saying, ‘Hey, you shouldn’t be this, shouldn’t be that,” he said.

 Constantine Piccone (left) and Cole Theule are roommates in Ottawa. The two young men are voting Conservative in the 2025 Federal Election.

Part of Poilievre’s appeal for young men, said Colletto, is that “they’re attracted to somebody who’s promising to fundamentally change the direction of the country.”

While much has been made of the generational divide in the 2025 federal election, a gender gap is widening with men and women showing increasingly different voting intentions and impressions of the main political leaders.

At the start of the election campaign, the split between men and women intending to vote for the Liberals was less than one point among all respondents

in Abacus polling

, with 32 per cent of men versus 31 per cent of women. For the Conservatives, there was a seven-point difference — 39 per cent of men compared with 32 per cent of women.

As the campaign has progressed, according to Abacus, 37 per cent of men said they intended to vote Conservative, versus 30 per cent of women – still a seven-point difference. But for the Liberals, a widening gap of men (39 per cent) versus women (35 per cent) reflects the Liberals picking up more male votes from elsewhere, mainly from the NDP.

When it comes to impressions of the two main leaders, neither Carney nor Poilievre rate particularly high on “relatability” for both men and women, but the difference is more stark for the Conservative leader, finds Abacus. Thirty-nine per cent of men say Poilievre understands people like them, but among women this is eight points lower.

The Abacus gender data is from four surveys conducted since the campaign began: A survey of 1,487 18+ adults in Canada from March 17 to 20, a survey of 1,800 18+ adults from March 24 to 26, a survey of 1,763 18+ adults from March 31 to April 3, and 1,900 18+ adults April 3 to 8.


“As prime minister, I will axe the inflation tax,” Conservative Party Leader Pierre Poilievre said Sunday.

OTTAWA — Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre is pledging to cut the federal government’s bloated budget for outside consultants by $10 billion annually, if his party wins government, returning consultant fees to levels last seen under the Harper Conservative government.

Poilievre made the promise on Sunday in a grocery store in Surrey, B.C., where he stood behind a sign on his podium that read “Axe The Inflation Tax” — a twist on his anti-carbon-tax “axe the tax” slogan. He was joined by many of his local candidates in the area. He noted that increased federal government spending has driven up inflation.

“As prime minister, I will axe the inflation tax,” he said. “We will do this by cutting waste, capping spending, reducing deficits, taxes and inflation. We will cut bureaucracy, foreign aid, handouts to corporate insiders, special interest groups and consultants.”

Poilievre said he would specifically address the “inflated” cost of consultants, which have doubled since the Liberals took power in 2015. Poilievre claims the current levels of outsourcing are costing the average family more than $1,000 in federal taxes.

“This is insane,” he said during his press conference. “That’s why I’m announcing today I will cut the federal government’s budget for consultants by $10 billion, bringing it back to the level it was under (former Conservative prime minister) Stephen Harper.”

With only one week to go in the campaign, Poilievre has been pounding the message that a re-elected Liberal government will add trillions of new inflationary debt that will drive up costs for consumers and that only a change in government will prevent that scenario.

Last year, the federal government spent $20.8 billion on “professional and special services” according to public accounts.

A compilation from the Globe and Mail

found that 85 per cent of that amount — $17.8 billion — was outsourced to companies.

 A view of the inside of the House of Commons in Ottawa.

That occurred despite the government pledging in budget 2023 to reduce spending on professional services, particularly management consulting, by roughly 15 per cent.

The federal government was spending $8.4 billion in 2015, the year former prime minister Justin Trudeau’s government first took power, but that amount rapidly ballooned during and after the pandemic when public servants were putting in place new programs at a rapid pace.

For years, Conservatives have been critical of the federal public service’s reliance on outside consultants which they say were to blame for the extra millions spent for the runaway costs of the ArriveCAN travel-document app during the pandemic.

At the same time, Poilievre — who represents Carleton, an Ottawa riding where many bureaucrats reside — has also

vowed to shrink the public service.

His party clarified that attrition through voluntary retirements and resignations would ensure that federal bureaucracy

would be reduced by 17,000 jobs per year.

Liberal Leader Mark Carney’s platform, unveiled Saturday and

promising nearly $130 billion in new spending

, is committing to “significantly reducing reliance on external consultants, while improving the capacity of the public service to hire expertise in-house.”

It also mentions that a re-elected Liberal government would cap, not cut, jobs in the federal public service, but it does not commit to a specific number.

“Federal workers deliver essential services to Canadians and are critical to helping Canada meet this moment of crisis. As part of our review of spending we will ensure that the size of the federal public service meets the needs of Canadians,” the Liberal platform said.

Liberals are expecting $28 billion in savings from “increased government productivity.”

The New Democrats and the Bloc Québécois have also released their respective platforms, making the Conservatives the only party not to have done so yet. Poilievre spokesperson Sam Lilly said the party’s full platform is expected in the “coming days.”

Poilievre seemingly dismissed criticism over the lack of a platform in the last stretch of the campaign, telling reporters Saturday that they already knew “95 per cent” of his plan.

Poilievre has vowed to cut government waste and “unleash” Canada’s economy by removing “removing anti-development laws, red tape and destructive taxes,” which he says will add half a trillion dollars of extra economic growth over the next five years.

He claims higher economic growth, not taxes, will produce $70 billion in additional revenue.

Poilievre has also promised to implement a $14 billion annual income tax cut that would save the average worker $900 per year and families up to $1,800 per year. The Liberals and the NDP have also promised tax cuts, although they are not nearly as generous.

Canadians turned out for advance voting this weekend in record numbers.

Elections Canada’s preliminary estimates

showed that nearly two million Canadians voted last Friday on the first day of the advance polls. They are open until Monday and election day is April 28.

National Post

calevesque@postmedia.com

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Prime Minister Mark Carney stops to speak with children as he makes his way through a crowd of supporters during a campaign stop in Brantford, Ontario on Friday, April 18, 2025.

WHITBY, ONT.  — On

this week’s Ivison video

, regular guest Eugene Lang referred to “the trifecta — or what Van Morrison

would call The Great Deception.”

Lang, an experienced Liberal operative, was talking about the tendency of governments to promise to simultaneously reduce taxes, increase spending and balance budgets.

“This kind of thing has never been achieved by any federal government,” he said. “It’s probably not advisable in any context, especially not the current context, where the prospects are that the Canadian economy is probably going to go into a recession, where the tax revenues will go down and automatic stabilizer expenditures on things like employment insurance are destined to go up.”

Yet, that’s exactly what the Liberal policy platform promises to do.

It commits to a $20 billion income tax cut, “investments” of $129 billion, and a balanced operating budget within three years, eliminating the current $15 billion operating deficit.

These documents are not drawn up under oath and there appear to be a number of highly presumptuous assumptions.

For one thing, the baseline for all the calculations is a Parliamentary Budget Officer report from March, when the tariff situation was still in flux.

For another, the platform books $30 billion in savings from productivity improvements over three years. All governments say they will make savings, improve program efficiency and cut red tape but they generally don’t make them the backbone of their revenue assumptions.

More prudently, the platform only includes tariff revenues for the current year. I asked Liberal Leader Mark Carney if that suggests he thinks the trade war will be resolved in 2025.

He replied that it is more a matter of fiscal caution. “I don’t think we want to rely on those revenues,” he said.

Two decades of covering revenue projections have bred a deep cynicism. It is a truism that governments should be judged by results, not intentions.

That said, the Liberals should be commended for taking on problems deeply ingrained in the Canadian economy.

The focus of the platform is capital spending. In 2021, the Liberal platform devoted 65 per cent of its “investments” to the operating budget — consumption — and just 32 percent to capital spending on projects designed to generate future revenues.

In this document, that ratio is reversed: 33 percent on operations and 64 percent on capital.

The intent is to trigger private sector investment through government intervention designed to reduce uncertainty and bolster confidence among investors.

Carney said the Trudeau government spent too much and invested too little. He said the new plan would reduce operating spending increases to an average of less than 2 per cent a year, from an average of 9 per cent over the past decade. He said his government would do this without cutting transfers to individuals or to provinces for things like health care.

Dental care, child care and the Canada Child Benefit will all be protected, though the platform does not commit to any expansion of pharmacare. This is the fiscal equivalent of turning base metal into gold.

But there is at least an attempt to tackle the productivity issue.

The platform provides more details on the plan to build trade corridors and eliminate barriers to internal trade; on improved credentials recognition for professionals; and on “major nation-building projects like expanding the Port of Churchill in Manitoba.

Carney has been criticized for saying he will not repeal the former bill C-69, the Impact Assessment Act. But the platform says a Liberal government would establish a “one-window” project review with a maximum two-year timeline (down from five years) and invite provinces and territories to sign cooperation agreements that would allow them to lead environmental reviews.

Carney’s plan for the industrial carbon tax remains opaque. The platform says a Liberal government would “improve” the current system and work with governments to link their large-emitter markets across the country “to establish a long-term signal to lock in investments”.

I asked Carney to expand on this at the morning press conference. He said that the new plan would create opportunities for provinces to opt into an “augmented” system. Large emitters could fund measures that would reduce emissions for people, like retrofits or electric vehicles, he said. He said the government wants to give emitters a chance to save carbon for themselves or for others.

The document says the new plan will “make sure that Canadian industry reduces emissions, is still competitive and is able to withstand America’s trade war”.

But how that will all work is still unclear, at least to me, and Canadians deserve a more fulsome explanation before election day.

Another area where the platform promises to implement policies that are long overdue is in relation to defence. The biggest single ticket item in the platform is a pledge to spend $30 billion on defence on an upfront sticker price basis (or $18 billion on an accrual basis, which is how the government accounts for it in the fiscal framework).

Members of the Canadian Armed Forces will get a pay raise; there will be more investment in housing for the Forces; there are commitments to expand fleets of aerial and underwater drones; and there will be new investments in self-propelled artillery systems and air defence capabilities.

The combined impact will take Canada’s defence spending to two per cent of GDP by 2028-29, though Carney conceded in the press conference that the NATO summit at the end of June might change that timetable. “It is possible that we’ll need to do more,” he said.

It is an ambitious platform, commendable in many ways. Carney, as with all the leaders in this election, wants the best of his country.

But Donald Trump wants to own Canada and Greenland. Just because leaders want something to happen, doesn’t make it a reality.

jivison@criffel.ca

Twitter.com/IvisonJ

National Post

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Vatican Secretary of State Cardinal Pietro Parolin meets with U.S. Vice President JD Vance, his daughter Mirabel, his wife Usha, and their sons Ewan and Vivek at the Vatican, Saturday, April 19, 2025.

VATICAN CITY — U.S. Vice President JD Vance met Saturday with the Vatican’s No. 2 official amid tensions over the U.S. crackdown on migrants, with the Holy See reaffirming good relations but noting “an exchange of opinions” over current international conflicts, migrants and prisoners.

The Vatican issued a statement after Vance, a Catholic convert, met with the secretary of state, Cardinal Pietro Parolin, and the foreign minister, Archbishop Paul Gallagher. There was no immediate word if Vance stopped by to greet Pope Francis, who has been resuming some official duties during his recovery from pneumonia.

The Holy See has responded cautiously to the Trump administration, in keeping with its tradition of diplomatic neutrality.

It has expressed alarm over the administration’s crackdown on migrants and cuts in international aid while insisting on peaceful resolutions to the wars in Ukraine and Gaza. Francis has also changed church teaching to say capital punishment is immoral and made prison ministry a hallmark of his papacy.

Those concerns were reflected in the Vatican statement, which said the talks were cordial and that the Vatican expressed satisfaction with the administration’s commitment to protecting freedom of religion and conscience.

“There was an exchange of opinions on the international situation, especially regarding countries affected by war, political tensions and difficult humanitarian situations, with particular attention to migrants, refugees, and prisoners,” the statement said. “Finally, hope was expressed for serene collaboration between the State and the Catholic Church in the United States, whose valuable service to the most vulnerable people was acknowledged.”

The reference to “serene collaboration” appeared to refer to Vance’s accusation that the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops was resettling “illegal immigrants” in order to get federal funding. Top U.S. cardinals have pushed back strongly against the claim.

“It is clear that the approach of the current U.S. administration is very different from what we are used to and, especially in the West, from what we have relied on for many years,” Parolin told La Repubblica daily on the eve of Vance’s visit.

As the U.S. pushes to end the war in Ukraine, Parolin reaffirmed Kyiv’s right to its territorial integrity and insisted that any peace deal must not be “imposed” on Ukraine but “is built patiently, day by day, with dialogue and mutual respect.”

Vance was spending Easter weekend in Rome with his family and attended Good Friday services in St. Peter’s Basilica after meeting with Italian Premier Giorgia Meloni. On Saturday, after introducing his family to Parolin, the Vances got a private tour of the Sistine Chapel.

Papal rebuke on migration, appeal for prisoners

Francis and Vance have tangled sharply over migration and the Trump administration’s plans to deport migrants en masse. Francis has made caring for migrants a hallmark of his papacy and his progressive views on social justice issues have often put him at odds with members of the more conservative U.S. Catholic Church.

After a public appeal from Francis just weeks before Trump took office, President Joe Biden commuted the sentences of 37 of the 40 people on federal death row. Trump is an outspoken proponent of expanding capital punishment. In one of his only outings since his near-death hospitalization for pneumonia, Francis this past week visited Rome’s central prison to spend Holy Thursday with inmates.

Vance, who converted to Catholicism in 2019, identifies with a small Catholic intellectual movement, viewed by some critics as having reactionary or authoritarian leanings, that is often called “postliberal.”

Postliberals share some longstanding Catholic conservative views, such as opposition to abortion and LGBTQ+ rights. They envision a counterrevolution in which they take over government bureaucracy and institutions like universities from within, replacing entrenched “elites” with their own and acting upon their vision of the “common good.”

Just days before he was hospitalized in February, Francis blasted the Trump administration’s deportation plans, warning that they would deprive migrants of their inherent dignity. In a letter to U.S. bishops, Francis also appeared to respond to Vance directly for having claimed that Catholic doctrine justified such policies.

A Latin concept of love

Vance had defended the administration’s America-first crackdown by citing a concept from medieval Catholic theology known in Latin as “ordo amoris.” He has said the concept delineates a hierarchy of care — to family first, followed by neighbor, community, fellow citizens and lastly those elsewhere.

In his Feb. 10 letter, Francis appeared to correct Vance’s understanding of the concept.

“Christian love is not a concentric expansion of interests that little by little extends to other persons and groups,” he wrote. “The true ordo amoris that must be promoted is that which we discover by meditating constantly on the parable of the ‘Good Samaritan,’ that is, by meditating on the love that builds a fraternity open to all, without exception.”

Vance has acknowledged Francis’ criticism but has said he would continue to defend his views. During a Feb. 28 appearance at the National Catholic Prayer Breakfast in Washington, Vance didn’t address the issue specifically but called himself a “baby Catholic” and acknowledged there are “things about the faith that I don’t know.”

While he had criticized Francis on social media in the past, Vance recently has posted prayers for Francis’ recovery.

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Liberal Leader Mark Carney speaks to supporters during a campaign stop in Brantford on April 18, 2025.

OTTAWA — A Mark Carney-led government will spend $130 billion on new measures over the next four years, with no timeline to balance the federal budget, according to the costed Liberal platform released on Saturday.

Carney said at a Saturday morning announcement in Whitby, Ont., that keeping the spending taps open was part of standing up to U.S. President Donald Trump.

“It’s said that there are no atheists in foxholes, there should be no libertarians in a crisis,” said Carney.

“In a crisis… the private sector retreats and government needs to step up.”

Big-ticket items include $18 billion in new defence spending, including $850 million for military hardware, a $6.8 billion nation-building fund and $5 billion for internal trade corridors.

Liberals claim that the upfront spending on economic integration will grow the national economy by up to $200 billion.

“To unite this country (we) will build one economy where Canadians can work wherever they want (and) (w)here goods can move freely from coast to coast to coast,” reads the platform.

The four-year plan also includes billions in gender and equity-related spending, including $160 million to make the Trudeau-era

Black Entrepreneurship Program

permanent, $400 million for a new IVF program and $2.5 billion for new infrastructure in Indigenous communities.

The platform maintains previously announced funding for Trudeau-era child, dental and pharmacare programs.

New and existing measures will blow a $1.4-trillion hole in the federal budget, with some of this blow being offset by increasing federal penalties and fines for transgressions like money laundering.

The platform also prices in a one-time infusion of $20 billion in revenue from retaliatory tariffs on the U.S.

Carney has said that this revenue

will go directly to workers

and businesses affected by the tariffs.

The Liberal platform gives no timeline for a return to balance but says that the operating budget, which accounts for more than 95 per cent of federal spending, will see a modest surplus of $220 million by the 2028-9 fiscal year.

Carney has said he’ll bring in a new system of budgeting that separates spending on government programs from investments in capital like roads, bridges and military equipment, but hasn’t given specifics on how this will work.

A similar system of capital-based budgeting was

used briefly in Alberta

in the 2010s, under former premier Alison Redford.

“This new approach will not change how Canada’s public accounts are built and will maintain generally accepted accounting principles. It will create a more transparent categorization of the expenditure that contributes to capital formation in Canada,” reads the platform.

National Post
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