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Liberal Leader Mark Carney

Mark Carney

gave a heck of a performance

at a Monday press conference in Fredericton. Political newbie he may be, but when it comes to casual Liberal hypocrisy and entitlement, he might as well have been born in a manger in Shawinigan.

First, Carney lavished praise on the late Pope Francis. Which is fine! I am as atheist as they come, and very fond of capitalism as a general concept — as is Carney, apparently — but I have quite a lot of time for

Francis’s washing-the-peasants’-feet

vision of Christianity

, and his skepticism of the dominant global economic system. The world has enough energetic and well-connected capitalists to survive an alternative spiritual vision being offered them on a Sunday morning, should they choose to hear it.

It’s just that, well, not so long ago, Carney

said the articles of his Catholic faith were purely a private matter

. He suggested — as faithful Liberals often do, when asked — that those beliefs were firewalled off from his political views, specifically (having been asked by a reporter) vis-à-vis abortion. The recently deceased so-called

”Cool Pope” certainly wasn’t cool enough to be cool with

abortion.

Now look at Carney’s fulsome tribute to the late pontiff in New Brunswick on Monday: “Pope Francis was a voice of moral clarity, spiritual courage and boundless compassion. He was in many respects the world’s conscience, never hesitating to challenge the powerful on behalf of the vulnerable,” he averred.

Carney used an anecdote about meeting Pope Francis that he has deployed before, including in

his 2021 book Value(s): Building a Better World for All

. The occasion was a 2014 summit of various business, academic and policy-making bigwigs

held at the Vatican, titled

“The Global Common Good: Towards a More Inclusive Economy.” (Carney was there representing the

Swiss-based Financial Stability Board

, of which he was then chair.)

“Pope Francis surprised us by joining (us for) lunch,” Carney wrote in the book. “(Francis) observed that: Our meal will be accompanied by wine. Now, wine is many things. It has a bouquet, colour and richness of taste that all complement the food. It has alcohol that can enliven the mind. Wine enriches all our senses.

“At the end of our feast, we will have grappa. Grappa is one thing: alcohol. Grappa is wine distilled,” Carney recalled Francis saying. “Humanity is many things — passionate, curious, rational, altruistic, creative, self-interested. But the market is one thing: self-interested. The market is humanity distilled.”

“(Francis) called on us to reintegrate human values into our economic lives,” Carney said in Fredericton. “He reminded us that markets don’t have values — people do, and it’s our responsibility to close that gap and turn that grappa in to wine.” Carney “committed” himself to “meeting that challenge.”

If I didn’t know better, I would think these were the words of a prime minister who is quite serious about his Catholicism, and whose faith very much impacts the way he thinks about politics and public life.

And that would be fine too, if he hadn’t essentially disavowed the notion before.

“My faith is private” is the standard to which religiously observant Liberal and Tory ministers have been allowed to hew for most of my lifetime, though in more recent years Conservatives have not been afforded that courtesy. (

Readers may recall a ludicrous episode in 2022

, in which several high-profile morons took offence at Poilievre’s bog-standard Easter greeting in a newspaper ad: “He is risen.” They actually thought he was referring to himself.)

That has always been a clumsy, facile demarcation. No politician would argue that their

non

-religious philosophical convictions have no effect on their day-to-day decision-making — that they’re guided by nothing but day-to-day political expediency. Why would they, when their convictions are divinely inspired?

In any event, later in the press conference, a reporter from La Presse asked Carney why he had earlier accused Poilievre of intending to use the notwithstanding clause to override abortion rights, when Poilievre has in fact totally forsworn any government legislation on abortion whatsoever.

“It’s not an accusation, it’s a fact,” Carney responded, astonishingly. His reasoning: Because Poilievre has indicated a willingness to use the notwithstanding clause to keep violent people in prison for longer, there’s no telling where he would stop.

It was a bizarre, stupid argument that certainly did not turn any grappa into any wine. Presumably Poilievre would “stop” wherever he wanted to “stop,” right? It’s like saying “if we let the government make one law, there’s no telling what other crazy laws they might make.” No one accuses

Quebec’s notwithstanding clause-loving politicians

of plotting against abortion rights, because that would be idiotic.

The irony,

as University of Ottawa law professor Stéphane Sérafin noted in National Post last week

, is that under existing case law, Poilievre wouldn’t

need

the notwithstanding clause to outlaw abortion. It’s Liberal dogma that the Supreme Court has definitively adopted abortion-on-demand as the only acceptable policy, constitutionally, but that never actually happened. As on many issues, neophyte though he may be, Carney seems to have had decades of self-serving Liberal cant and tactics downloaded directly into his brain.

National Post

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A United Airlines jetliner heads in for a landing at Denver International Airport after a winter storm swept through the region Tuesday, Jan. 16, 2024, in Denver.

A United Airlines plane bound for Edmonton, Alberta was forced to make an emergency landing after a rabbit was sucked into the engine earlier this month, according to audio recording of the flight.

“Every once in a while, a little burst of flame’s coming out the right engine,” said a crew member in a recording posted by LiveATC.net, a website that provides

live feeds of air traffic control

. The plane took off, leaving the Denver International Airport on April 13 just after 7 p.m.,

per flight tracker FlightAware

. However, the aircraft didn’t make it to its destination. Instead, one of the pilots declared that there was an emergency on United Airlines flight 2325.

“We think we lost our right motor,” said the pilot.

The crew was told a rabbit had gone through the engine just as the plane was leaving the runway,

ABC News reported

.

The pilot replied: “Rabbit through the number two, that’ll do it.”

Per ABC News, there were 153 passengers and six crew members on the flight.

One video shared by Edmonton-based social media account YEGWAVE on Instagram showed the inside of the plane during the incident. Passengers could be heard shouting “fire” as flashes of yellow lit up the cabin.

One passenger

Scott Wolff told Good Morning America

he heard “a loud bang” and there was “a significant vibration in the plane.”

“Every few moments there was a backfire coming from the engine, a giant fireball behind it,” said Wolff. “Everyone in the plane then started to panic.”

Although the flames continued, Wolff said the plane continued to climb. The Boeing 737-800 ended up returning to the Denver airport “after the crew reported striking an animal while departing,” the

Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) said

. Per FlightAware, the plane landed around 8:20 p.m. — less than an hour and a half after takeoff.

One person, Wyatt McCurry, saw the engine fire from the airport. He told Good Morning America his stomach dropped.

“I just thought, ‘I’m going to see a plane go down,’” he said.

“Our flight from Denver to Edmonton (UA2325) returned safely to Denver to address a possible wildlife strike,” said United Airlines in a statement to ABC News. A

spokesperson for the airline told People Magazine

that after the aircraft returned to the gate, the airline “lined up a new aircraft to get our customers on their way.” FlightAware shows that another plane

departed the Denver airport

just after 10:10 p.m. the same evening, and arrived in Edmonton at 1 a.m. on April 14.

According to the FAA

, wildlife strikes with planes are increasing in the United States and elsewhere. “About 291,600 wildlife strikes with civil aircraft were reported in USA between 1990 and 2023,” the administration said, with about 19,400 strikes at 713 U.S. airports in 2023 alone.

“Expanding wildlife populations, increases in number of aircraft movements, a trend toward faster and quieter aircraft, and outreach to the aviation community all have contributed to the observed increase in reported wildlife strikes,” the FAA said.

There have been around 75 incidents involving rabbits between 1992 and 2024, according to the FAA’s wildlife strike database. In 2024, there were only four such incidents.

The FAA is investigating the incident.

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Wrights Front Range Lighthouse in Prince Edward Island, which is deemed to be a rural area for the purposes of the Canada Carbon Rebate.

This month, the Canada Revenue Agency is sending out its final Canada Carbon Rebate payments to eligible Canadians. But the CRA has also announced that it may have overpaid some individuals, and it wants that money back.

In the “what has changed” section of its website, it notes: “The CCR rural supplement was paid out to some people who were not entitled to get it. To maintain a fair and equitable tax system, the CRA is required to recover any overpayments or payments made in error.”

The site says affected taxpayers will receive an official notification starting April 15.

The CRA defines the rural supplement as a 20 per cent top-up for residents of small and rural communities. The agency’s website includes maps of municipal areas so people can

determine if they’re eligible

for it or not.

Prince Edward Island is considered one rural community, but the rest of the provinces where the CCR is paid — Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, Ontario, Newfoundland and Labrador, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia — are divided.

The rural supplement can be claimed by ticking a box on page two of your income tax forms. National Post has reached out to CRA to determine if errors in self-reporting are the reason for the overpayment, and also how many people are affected.

The amount of the rural supplement varies from province to province, ranging from $22 for an individual in Nova Scotia to $45.60 in Alberta. Spouses and dependants receive a smaller portion of that amount.

The final CCR payments are due to go out on April 22, but that could be delayed for anyone who has not yet filed their 2024 taxes. Individuals who file later will receive their final payment once their 2024 return is assessed.

When Mark Carney became prime minister in March, he signed an order-in-council that ended the consumer carbon tax and, with it, the CCR payment. April 1 marked the end of the tax, and the current payment will be the final one.

Robin Boadway, Emeritus Professor at Queens University, has pointed out that this last payment will actually be for taxes that will never be collected.

“The issue is pretty straightforward,” he told National Post. “The carbon tax rebate was paid in advance of carbon tax revenues being collected. When the carbon tax was terminated, no more revenues were coming in, so there was no longer a basis for continuing the rebate.

“In effect, the upcoming rebate will be for carbon taxes that will not be collected, so the revenues to finance it will have to come from federal government general revenues. So, those persons who are eligible for the rebate will be getting a transfer that is not really a rebate for carbon tax revenues.”

He estimated the cost at between $2.7 billion and $3 billion.

Our website is the place for the latest breaking news, exclusive scoops, longreads and provocative commentary. Please bookmark nationalpost.com and sign up for our daily newsletter, Posted, here.


Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre speaks to members of the Canadian Association of Retired Persons, CARP, during a campaign stop in Toronto on April 21, 2025.

OTTAWA — Pierre Poilievre’s Conservatives will run $100 billion in deficits over four years thanks in part to a bevy of tax cuts, according to their costed platform released on Tuesday morning, hours after millions of Canadians have already cast their vote.

The document reprises all of Poilievre’s commitments made during the campaign, including sweeping criminal justice reforms, repealing a collection of Liberal environmental and energy laws and regulations as well as tax cuts to boost home construction.

Over four years, a Polievre government would incur a roughly $31 billion annual deficit in 2025-2026 and 2026-2027, $23 billion in 2027-2028 and nearly $15 billion in 2028-2029.

Overall, the plan promises to cut the federal government’s program spending by roughly $23 billion and boost revenue by $17.8 billion over four years. But the vast majority of the increased revenues come from a projected $20 billion in tariffs collected this year from Canada’s response to the trade war launched by the United States.

Poilievre has frequently promised

that any counter-tariff revenue would go back to Canadians in the form of direct support or tax cuts and that “not one penny will go to other government spending.” But it was not immediately clear in the platform how that $20 billion was being redistributed as proposed tax cuts in 2025-2026 appeared to amount to roughly $11 billion.

The Conservatives are not committing to balance the budget within Poilievre’s first four years in office. They promise to run $100 billion in budgets during a first full term, which is roughly $40 billion less than currently projected by the Parliamentary Budget Officer.

The platform includes new promises or additional details to previous commitments by the Conservatives over the election campaign.

The party is proposing to “streamline” the public service by replacing two out of three public servants who quit the bureaucracy. It is also committing to reducing government spending on consultants — which grew near exponentially under the Liberals — to 2015 levels.

Within 100 days of the election, a Conservative government would also identify 15 per cent of federal buildings and lands to sell in order to create more housing.

The document also makes further criminal justice proposals, such as barring convicted murders from seeking parole if a victim’s body is not found.

“Convicted murderers should never be given parole when they are withholding information or evidence that grieving families can use to get closure,” reads the document.

More to come.

National Post

cnardi@postmedia.com


Bloc Quebecois Leader Yves-Francois Blanchet (L) and Canadian Prime Minister and Liberal Party chief Mark Carney leave the stage following the English Federal Leaders Debate broadcast at CBC-Radio-Canada, in Montreal, Canada, on April 17, 2025.

BAIE-SAINT-PAUL, QUE — The Bloc Québécois seems to be climbing back in the polls with a week to go before election day.

And leader Yves-François Blanchet, who is a lifelong fan of the now-defunct Quebec Nordiques, bought what would have been unexpected not so long ago: a Montreal Canadiens jersey, predominantly red, white, and blue, in a Quebec City store.

“It’s like collaborating with Ottawa while awaiting independence,” Blanchet said on Monday morning.

A few hours later, he joined two dozen fans in Charlevoix to cheer on the Habs as they opened their playoff series against the Washington Capitals. At the restaurant, Blanchet proudly, it seemed, wore his new jersey and declared it was a “compromise.”

Because for a Bloc leader, red isn’t exactly a favourite colour. But Blanchet now openly admits that “no matter how many Bloc Québécois MPs there are, Mr. Carney will be Prime Minister.”

And that doesn’t seem to bother him.

Blanchet, who asked Mr. Carney to commit to better collaboration with the opposition parties during last week’s English-language debate, told reporters he exchanged cell phone numbers with the Liberal leader after the debate. He said he was pleased with Carney’s gesture, knowing that he never received Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s phone number.

“I am reasonably optimistic that we will be able to collaborate in the direction of the converging interests of Quebec and Canada,” he said.

Blanchet is now seeking to rally traditional French-speaking nationalist voters to his party. Since the beginning of the campaign, many questions have been raised about the need for a strong Bloc representation in Ottawa.

Many separatist voters told National Post that this time, they would vote for a federalist party because of Donald Trump’s threats of tariffs and annexation.

The Liberals know this. The Bloc, which held 33 seats when Parliament was dissolved,

could lose

five, ten, or even a dozen seats next Monday, mainly to the Liberals.

Mark Carney’s plane landed in Quebec City on Monday evening before campaigning in the province on Tuesday. It means both leaders will be in the Quebec’s Old Capital the same day.

For the better part of the campaign, the Bloc was trailing the Liberals by about 20 points in Quebec. Though, according to

Abacus Data

, it seems Blanchet was able to win support and shift the perception in the French debate.

It now appears that the party has managed to gain a few points here and there, according to several polls.

Blanchet is trying to convince Quebecers to grant him the balance of power.

“It can work… Canada is choosing Mark Carney with a level of certainty that allows Quebecers, if they wish so, to return to the Bloc,” he said Sunday night.

He argues that in a democracy, people are elected to sit in a Parliament and get along to operate the territory for which they are responsible.

On Monday morning, at a press conference in front of Quebec’s National Assembly, Blanchet was hammering the immigration issue, asking for Ottawa to give Quebec “all the powers” in this file.

His goal is to replicate the results of the 2019 and 2021 elections, when the Bloc lagged in the polls and then prevented a Liberal majority in the final days after the debates.

At a subsequent press conference in Charlevoix, with the St. Lawrence River in the background, Blanchet said the coming days would be dedicated to meeting with Quebecers from across the province.

“We’re going to go to many, many places. We’re going to be very, very mobile,” he said. “We’re going to bring back topics rather than bring new ones. It’s about involving as many people as possible in the shortest possible time.”

In a pig farm a few kilometres away, some workers told reporters that they were afraid of Trump, but that they would likely end up voting for the Bloc because it’s a known commodity and one that defends Quebec’s identity.

Blanchet argued that his party could play a role of watchdog and benevolent supervision to ensure the protection of Quebec’s interests throughout the mandate. This is the objective of his campaign, particularly during his final week.

National Post
atrepanier@postmedia.com

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Luc Berthold, Conservative MP and candidate for the riding of Mégantic—L'Érable, poses in Thetford Mines, Quebec, on April 18, 2025. Berthold is campaigning despite battling cancer.

SAINT-LAMBERT, QUE — Alexandra Mendès didn’t know she had cancer when she was trying to oust former prime minister Justin Trudeau.

The bleeding started early last summer. She wasn’t really bothered with it. It didn’t hurt, she felt fine, she thought it was normal women stuff.

At the time, dozens, if not hundreds, of the Quebec Liberal MP’s constituents in Brossard—Saint-Lambert wanted her boss out. Personally, she didn’t want Trudeau to leave. But she had a mission: to convince someone to leave who wanted to stay.

“It was a total collapse,” she said of her party and her prime minister. “So, I was part of all the meetings, all the efforts, including the famous letter that we read to the prime minister (to ask him to leave).”

And yet, she had blood in her urine. As the days went by, she didn’t worry about it. The caucus revolt was in full swing, and she was in the front row.

On Parliament Hill, chaos reigned in a tumultuous fall session. The NDP withdrew its support for the Liberals. Americans elected Donald Trump as U.S. president. The Conservatives called for an election. The Bloc Québécois threatened to join the Conservatives, and the Liberal caucus was desperate.

Then the real drama occurred on Dec. 16, when finance minister

Chrystia Freeland resigned

, blaming Justin Trudeau and his “costly political gimmicks” for her decision.

Meanwhile, Mendès’s bleeding wouldn’t stop. She drove back home after the Freeland bombshell and when she went to the bathroom, she couldn’t pee. When she finally did, there were blood clots.

Four days later, she underwent surgery to stop the bleeding, and a biopsy was performed.

“I didn’t have a very difficult recovery. Not difficult at all. On (Dec. 23), I cooked all day,” she said in a long interview at her campaign headquarters in Saint-Lambert.

There was a tumour in her bladder. Was it cancer?

Four weeks after her surgery, she hadn’t heard anything, so she tracked down the doctor who told her the diagnosis: it was bladder cancer.

“I was surprised. I was very surprised,” she said, rubbing her face with a tissue.

 Liberal MP Alexandra Mendès for Brossard—Saint-Lambert is running for re-election in the 2025 federal election. She was diagnosed with bladder cancer in January and is undergoing treatment while campaigning. (Credit: Liberal Party)

At almost the same time, three other members of Parliament from Quebec were getting almost the same devastating diagnosis. Conservative MPs Jacques Gourde and Luc Berthold were both diagnosed with prostate cancer, and Bloc Québécois MP René Villemure with kidney cancer.

All of them are running to keep their seats in the

2025 federal election

on April 28, mere weeks or months after their diagnoses. They are not the first candidates to run in a federal election with cancer. NDP leader Jack Layton did so in 2011, although most Canadians were not aware until

he succumbed to the disease

weeks after his party had its most successful election in history. And these Quebec candidates certainly won’t be the last, at least statistically. According to the

Canadian Cancer Society

, 675 people are diagnosed with cancer every day in Canada.

Running in a six-week federal election campaign is a sprint that can feel like a marathon. But these four brave MPs are also fighting for their lives, literally, undergoing exhausting chemotherapy, radiation treatment and surgery.

Not one of them considered abandoning their race.

The diagnosis

In December, Villemure was with colleagues in Montreal for a training session. He was tired, it had been a busy time in Ottawa. But that morning he was so exhausted he fell on the ground. He thought he had pneumonia and went to see his doctor. After a series of tests, he was told on the phone that he had kidney cancer.

That was in February. He faced imminent surgery to remove a kidney.

“It’s like a shovel hits you in the face,” said Villemure, who is running for re-election in Trois-Rivières. “When you see the word ‘cancer,’ you see death. It’s as simple as that.”

Luc Berthold, 59, knows that feeling well. The MP for Mégantic—L’Érable—Lotbinière

is a prominent member of the Conservative Party, appointed deputy leader in 2022 (a role now held by Melissa Lantsman and Tim Uppal), and formerly served as shadow minister of health. Berthold learned he had prostate cancer after regular medical monitoring and some additional screening. His oncologist recommended surgery.

“Prostate cancer is an invisible cancer. I was not sick and I just kept going … But you always have (the diagnosis) on your mind. You’re always wondering when they’re going to remove it, and if the cancer has spread,” said Berthold.

According to the Canadian Cancer Society, surgery for prostate cancer may have side-effects such as swelling in the genital area, urinary incontinence and erectile dysfunction.

“What would have been more difficult was to have continued living with cancer. I didn’t even question the consequences for a moment. Let’s go!” Berthold said in an interview with National Post.

On Feb. 10, as Berthold was preparing for surgery scheduled for two days later, he received the worst news of his life: his son had committed suicide. “I asked to postpone the operation,” he said. But after discussing it with his wife, Caro, they decided to go ahead with the procedure.

“Since then, my emotions have been mixed. I haven’t been able to cope with the cancer, even though I live with the consequences of the operation every day,” he said in an emotional phone conversation in the early days of the election campaign that officially began on March 23.

“It’s very difficult to combine the pain of losing a son with all that,” he added.

What he does know is that if he hadn’t seen a doctor last year and had all those tests, he would not have learned he had cancer. The disease was detected early and the risk of spread reduced.

 Luc Berthold, a Conservative MP running for re-election in Mégantic—L’Érable—Lotbinière, with Dr. Thierry Dujardin (Urology) at L’Hôtel-Dieu de Québec, after his cancer surgery in February.

His Conservative colleague, Jacques Gourde, 61, from the riding of Lévis—Lotbinière, is in the same boat. Last year, he finally went to see his family doctor for a battery of tests. “I’ve been a little neglectful about my health. Political life means we work for others, but we often forget ourselves,” said Gourde.

First elected in 2006, Gourde is well known in Ottawa for his frequent, colourful and intense speeches in the House of Commons. In February 2022, during the Freedom Convoy protests in Ottawa, as tensions were on the rise in Parliament, Gourde took the floor to ask then-employment minister Carla Qualtrough about the 1,610 people with addresses outside Canada who had received the Canada Emergency Response Benefit during the pandemic, at a cost of $11.9 million.

“Is there a vaccine for Liberal incompetence?”

Gourde screamed

in French. Everyone in the House laughed, including Qualtrough. That’s who Gourde is — a passionate man with a sense of humour who loves his work.

His cancer diagnosis came in early January. He’s glad he took those screening tests, which led to further examinations and the diagnosis.

What would voters think?

All four of these candidates with cancer struggled with how to tell their constituents. How many details would they divulge? Would they even be able to run for office again?

“You have to keep it very close because you can’t have people start speculating. And you need to be able to keep that message tightly controlled so that it doesn’t spin in a bad way,” said Karl Bélanger, who was press secretary for former NPD leader Jack Layton.

Bélanger was one of Layton’s closest advisers during his 2011 election campaign. Layton had prostate cancer and died in August of that year. Bélanger recalls the difficulty when his boss had to break the news.

“It’s a very personal (matter), and each individual deals with this differently … Sometimes they go on a sick leave and then they come back. So, you know, timing is also part of the equation. You don’t choose when you get sick,” Bélanger said.

The four Quebec candidates said they did not want to hide their news from their voters.

 Bloc Quebecois MP Rene Villemure rises during Question Period in the House of Commons on Parliament Hill in Ottawa in June, 2024. Villemure had surgery to remove a kidney on April 4, but is running for re-election in 2025.

While Mendès posted a video announcement on social media, Villemure decided on a written statement. They revealed they had cancer, that they would have to undergo treatment, and that they would still run for re-election. Their illness doesn’t prevent them from working, they said.

In Villemure’s case, rehabilitation from kidney surgery would take weeks, even months. But he knew he had to tell the public and his colleagues.

“The population has a certain right to know,” said Villemure, who is an ethicist by profession.

After a speech at a winter caucus retreat, Bloc Leader Yves-François Blanchet told his colleagues: “René has something to tell you.”

Villemure explained his cancer to them. There was an immense wave of love and support. “There, I shed a tear,” he said at his Trois-Rivières constituency office.

The other MPs received similar reactions. The Conservative party assured Gourde and Berthold they would help them every step of the way. The Liberals did the same with Mendès. Colleagues even offered to campaign for them. A few Bloc candidates, including the leader’s caravan, did exactly that for Villemure.

 Conservative MP Jacques Gourde during question period in the House of Commons on Parliament Hill in Ottawa on Friday, Dec. 6, 2024. He was diagnosed with prostrate cancer shortly afterward. CREDIT: THE CANADIAN PRESS/Sean Kilpatrick.

All of them say they received hundreds, if not thousands, of messages, calls and kind words in the street. The outpouring of support helped with their decision to stay in politics.

They have been reassured by their doctors that their lives are not in danger. The cancer risk is omnipresent, yet they swear they can represent their constituents.

“Was I afraid of dying? Yes. Less so today, but I don’t like it,” said Villemure.

“I love what I do. I’ve always loved this riding and this job,” said Mendès. “I tell myself that staying home, staring at my four walls and thinking about death would probably be the worst thing I could do.”

Berthold said he would have liked the election to have been called earlier. “If it had been in the fall as requested, I would have been so happy,” he said with a laugh. Back then, he hadn’t yet received his diagnosis, the Conservatives were leading by a wide margin in the polls and were expected to form a majority government.

But here they are, on the eve of the election, running to win.

“Nobody’s running for office thinking they’re going to die,” said Bélanger. That wasn’t what Jack Layton was thinking, he said, and it came as a shock to everyone when things took a turn for the worse after the election. “Not only for the people working with (Jack), obviously, but for all Canadians.”

Campaigning with cancer

 Luc Berthold chats with people at a restaurant in Thetford Mines, Quebec, on April 18. Berthold is campaigning but says he’s taking more time to rest.

Each weekday of the campaign, Gourde sets aside two hours for his radiation therapy treatment. He has 28 sessions in total. “Every day, I go to Lévis to have my radiology treatment. It lasts three minutes. My last day is on May 1, so even on election day, (April) 28, I have to go for my treatment,” he said.

Gourde was present at Pierre Poilievre’s rally in Quebec City early in the campaign, where the Conservative leader announced his Quebec platform. Gourde looked tired. The treatment had clearly been draining.

He has changed his strategy for this campaign. The candidate has had the same team since 2006, and they know the riding inside out. The real race is for second place.

But he’s still campaigning. He’s doing less door-to-door canvassing than usual and is focusing on larger events.

Mendès is tired, too. Her first oncologist told her that her cancer was so aggressive she would have to undergo three months of intensive chemotherapy, have her bladder removed and wear a urinary bag for life.

She got a second opinion. She is currently participating in a clinical trial combining immunotherapy and chemotherapy. Mendès has her treatments every Friday, with a break every three weeks. This treatment plan will last six months.

About two days after treatment, she said she feels better. “My brain is still there,” she said.

In late March at her campaign headquarters in Brossard, across the St. Lawrence River from Montreal, Mendès had forgotten her mask and couldn’t shake hands. Her doctor advised her to limit contact and to frequently wash her hands.

Around her, volunteers were everywhere, looking for tie wraps to install campaign signs. At the entrance sits five chairs — two of them are green Adirondack chairs — and a small table to put your coffee.

“This is where I meet voters. I invite them to come over here,” she said. Mendès doesn’t canvass herself, and she cannot be in a crowd.

“I am someone who hugs a lot of people and shakes a lot of hands. So, it’s interesting,” she said with a smile.

 Quebec Liberal candidate Alexandra Mendès’ doctor advised her to limit contact during her re-election campaign in the 2025 federal election.

Berthold is often on television to debate other candidates, but is taking more time to rest.

For these candidates with cancer, schedules are based on doctors’ recommendations. Villemure’s doctor has advised him to avoid stress — of any kind. An election campaign is stressful, even for people like him who aren’t usually stressed.

He isn’t personally campaigning — he had a kidney removed on April 4. Villemure’s team is campaigning in Trois-Rivières, where the race is too close to call between the Bloc, the Liberals and the Conservatives.

He’s shot a few videos and is active on social media. But there won’t be any debates. And he won’t be at his election night party.

Mendès’s doctor assured her she could do another two or three mandates. But she knows this election is probably her last. “I’m 61 years old,” she said with a laugh. “I don’t intend on seeking two or three other mandates.”

First, she must get re-elected. “By talking about it, I wanted to reassure, but at the same time be frank. To put that on the table and tell voters that if you are going to choose me again, you will do so knowing that I have this Damocles sword hanging over my head.”

Yet even when she was sick, she fought for her constituents and carried out her political responsibilities. Moreover, she helped achieve what most Canadians wanted: to get rid of Justin Trudeau.


Jim Gaffigan performs onstage during the 2025 Night of Too Many Stars benefiting NEXT for AUTISM on March 31, 2025 in New York City.

Actor and stand-up comedian Jim Gaffigan was more than a little surprised at the anti-American vitriol he noticed during a recent performance in Vancouver. What’s worse, he couldn’t even drown his sorrow in a glass of Kentucky bourbon at the bar, since American booze has been pulled from most shelves amid the ongoing trade war between the two countries.

His comments came during an appearance on the 

We Might Be Drunk

podcast, which is hosted by comedians Mark Normand and Sam Morril. Gaffigan mentioned that he had recently done four shows in Vancouver, remarking: “And by the way those audiences in Vancouver were amazing. Amazing audiences!”

He then talked about a joke in which he imagines that a dog tells him to shoot the U.S. president. “And every time I do it there’s some audiences that don’t get the fact that it’s a serial killer reference and they think it’s me proposing to shoot Trump, and they go bananas. In Canada—”

Morril finished for him: “They hand you the gun?”

Gaffigan went on to say that he’s become used to international audiences sometimes taking umbrage with U.S. foreign policy. “When we went through the Gulf War … there was a moment when we lost the Irish. And I was like ‘Oh my god I can’t believe the Irish.’ And as an Irish American I was like, ‘That’s kind of sad.’ But the Canadians were always like: Yeah, you know, it’s not you, it’s your government doing this foreign policy.”

He continued: “I would bring that up, that the Canadians were always there. And now the Canadians are like, ‘We hate you.’”

His hosts suggested that Canada has replaced Mexico as the angry neighbour. They also compared watching the Canada-U.S. trade war to children witnessing their parents’ divorce and asking: “Is it our dad’s fault?”

But Gaffigan’s Canadian troubles continued after the show, when he found a local whiskey bar. “It had an Irish name but it’s whiskeys from around the world.”

He continued: “And I don’t like scotch. You know, I’ll try Canadian whiskey if I’m in Canada. If I’m in Ireland I’ll drink Irish whiskey. But I like bourbon. And so I’m like: ‘All right, I’m going to get a bourbon.’”

He paused. “No bourbon. I go, ‘This is a world whiskey bar.’ And they’re like, ‘No, we’re not selling any American whiskey.’ And I go, ‘So did you get rid of it?’ And they’re like, ‘Oh, it’s back there. We’re just not selling it.’”

Morril chimed back in: “They’re holding it hostage!”

But Gaffigan got the last laugh, and the last drop. “So it was like OK, I get it. And then we went back to our hotel, that was owned by an American company, and I got a bourbon.”

Gaffigan’s previous trips north were a little less political. He recently posted a clip

from an earlier show

in which he told the audience: “I’ve been to British Columbia. It’s not very British or Columbian. Vancouver was like a rainy Seattle. I spent a week in Vancouver. Somehow it rained for two weeks.”

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Vandalism on the Bagg St. Synagogue in Montreal in March 2023, months before the number of antisemitic incidents in Canada skyrocketed following the Oct. 7 terrorist attack on Israel by Hamas.

April is Genocide Remembrance, Condemnation, and Prevention Month — a time for solemn reflection on humanity’s darkest chapters. For the Jewish community, this month holds even deeper meaning, as it bridges the end of Passover and the commemoration of Yom HaShoah, Holocaust Remembrance Day. But this year, remembrance alone is not enough. As we mark 80 years since

liberation

, we must confront an alarming reality: antisemitism is once again on the rise, and it’s being supercharged by the unchecked spread of hate and misinformation online.

In February, Kanye West, a global celebrity,

wore a swastika-emblazoned shirt

and

praised Hitler

. Millions watched, shared, debated or scrolled past in silence. For many Jews, this wasn’t just offensive — it was terrifying. The images and rhetoric mirrored the early propaganda tactics found in newspapers and other media channels that laid the foundation for the Holocaust. Today, social media platforms don’t just echo this hatred — they

amplify it at unprecedented speeds

. Designed to reward engagement, these platforms push the most provocative, outrageous content to the forefront, often targeting the youngest and most impressionable users.

A recent

study

commissioned by the Toronto Holocaust Museum underscores this problem. Sixty-one percent of Torontonians rely on social media for news; among Gen Z, that number climbs to 80 per cent. Yet 82 per cent admit they don’t always verify what they read. This creates a dangerous pipeline for misinformation and hate, especially when 76 per cent of respondents believe social media spreads antisemitism — and when

antisemitic hate crimes in Toronto

 had surged by

69 per cent

a year after Hamas’s October 7 attack on Israel.

The effects that social media have on society aren’t just theoretical or statistical, they’re deeply personal. We, as Jews, look over our shoulders. We hesitate before identifying ourselves. We debate removing jewelry with symbols that represent our religious pride. We wonder if a job rejection, a thanks-but-no-thanks to a business proposal, a lost opportunity, a teacher’s unexplained disapproval is just what it seems — or if it’s something more. That uncertainty isn’t paranoia; it’s the byproduct of centuries of history repeating itself in quieter, modern tones. And today, that repetition has grown even louder because of these platforms that have become megaphones for hate.

Misinformation. Propaganda. Fake news. Call it what you will — the effect is the same. Lies repeated often enough, especially in emotionally charged ways, begin to feel like truth. In an age of instant sharing and fleeting attention, our best defense is not silence or outrage — it’s education. That’s why we must empower the next generation to think critically, especially about what they see online.

So, how do we start?

It begins with conversation. At the Toronto Holocaust Museum, we teach visitors — especially students — to ask the right questions when faced with questionable content. While many of us inherently know we should be checking the source and determining if the information is factual, we’re quick to reshare our aunt’s Facebook post or an influencer’s TikTok rant without checking if the original information came from a reputable organization that has fact-checking procedures in place.

In addition to checking facts, we also need to check our emotions at the door. Fear and outrage can cloud our reasoning, bypass our critical thinking and polarize our judgments. Finally, we must confront our own biases and seek out diverse perspectives to avoid echo chambers.

While these steps may sound like common sense, in a world built for speed and dopamine hits, our society’s greatest challenge is slowing down. Critical thinking takes time — and that’s exactly what social media discourages. At the Museum, we’ve seen first-hand the power of taking a pause and making room for discussion. More than 30,000 students have visited since opening in 2023, and with each visit we witness the transformation that happens when young people are given the space and time to question, reflect, and learn. This gives me hope. The more we reach people — of all ages — the more we can build a generation of informed digital citizens who know how to spot misinformation and stop it before it spreads.

So, as we approach Yom HaShoah, my takeaway is not just to reflect — but to slow down. Slowing down is how we become less susceptible to the rapid consumption that comes with social media. It’s how we give ourselves the time to think deeply, question what we see, and challenge what doesn’t feel right. It’s how we break the endless cycle of hate.

Dara Solomon is the executive director of the Toronto Holocaust Museum.

National Post

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Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre and candidate Jessy Sahota arrive for a news conference in Vancouver, B.C., Wednesday, Feb. 5, 2025.

DELTA, B.C. — First-time Conservative candidate Jessy Sahota hopes to punch his ticket to the notoriously quarrelsome House of Commons in next Monday’s election, but he could easily have ended up in a much different arena of combat.

Sahota, a standout amateur heavyweight wrestler, was in Orlando, Fla., for a tryout with NXT, the developmental brand of pro wrestling juggernaut WWE, in March 2020, just as COVID-19 triggered global lockdowns.

“We’d just made it to NXT’s performance centre when management told us we had to leave because they needed the space for the main roster,” recalls Sahota’s equally brawny brother Paul, who’d tagged along for the tryout.

The brothers were soon on a one-way flight back home to Canada, putting an abrupt end to their dreams of squared circle superstardom.

Jessy, now 32, says

the twist of fate

was probably for the best.

“A few of the guys I used to wrestle with have tried to get into things like WWE and (mixed martial arts)… It’s a tough life and there’s not much money in it unless you get to be one of the top guys,” he says.

Now a constable with the Delta police, Sahota says he reached out to his local Conservative riding association after liking a lot of what he heard from leader Pierre Poilievre on crime and affordability.

“I asked them how I could help and it turns out the best way was by running for the nomination,” said Sahota.

Sahota is one of eight South Asian candidates running for the Conservatives in British Columbia’s Lower Mainland, all members of the Sikh community.

A few of these candidates are, like Sahota, in their 20s and 30s.

Gurtaj Sandhu, a volunteer on Sahota’s campaign, said that young Sikhs are gravitating toward the Conservative party for many of the same reasons

as other young Canadians

.

“I think a lot of us are worried about finding good jobs and whether we can afford to live on our own,” says Sandhu as he door-knocks in an idyllic subdivision not too far from Delta’s waterfront.

While none of the 14 Conservative MPs who held seats in B.C. at the start of the campaign were from the Sikh community, the party is clearly looking to change this.

Poilievre himself was in the Lower Mainland for the

Sikh festival of Vaisakhi

on Saturday, his visit coinciding with a critical stretch of advance voting.

The Conservatives have also reportedly

ramped up spending on

Punjabi-language ads, targeted to the Lower Mainland and Greater Toronto Area, in recent weeks.

Sikhs make up about 8.5 per cent of Metro Vancouver’s population, according to

the most recent census

, taken in 2021.

The community was thrust into the middle of a diplomatic crisis between Canada and India in 2023, after Surrey, B.C.,

resident Hardeep Singh Nijjar

was fatally gunned down outside of a local temple.

But the Conservatives’ bridge-building with the Sikh community has been overshadowed somewhat by nomination controversies, with some critics accusing the party of tokenism in its recruitment of Sikh candidates.

The nomination of 25-year-old blueberry farmer Sukhman Gill in the nominally safe riding of Abbotsford—South Langley has been an especially

large headache for the party

.

Gill, a total newcomer to politics, won the Conservative nomination after ex-B.C. finance minister Mike de Jong

was rejected by the party’s internal vetting team

.

De Jong has kept the focus on the party’s decision by continuing to run as an independent, racking up the endorsements of several prominent local leaders, including Ed Fast, who held part of the riding as a Conservative MP from 2006 to 2025.

Fast called Gill’s nomination “far from open and fair” in a statement

endorsing de Jong to be his successor

.

 A wall of accolades on display in Conservative candidate Jessy Sahota’s campaign office in Delta, B.C.

Gill’s campaign didn’t immediately respond to a request to comment on this story.

Ujjal Dosanjh, who’s held Lower Mainland seats at the provincial and federal level, said that this sort of perceived favouritism can hurt the cause of Sikhs, and other minorities, looking to enter politics.

“You do risk a sort of cultural backlash when voters pick up a ballot and see a bunch of ethnic names that they don’t recognize,” said Dosanjh.

“It can give the impression that ethnic groups themselves are somehow co-opting politics and tilting the rules in their favour.”

Dosanjh added that, no matter the ethnicity, candidates should put in the work to build up name recognition in their communities before putting their name on the ballot.

“You never want people to see your name on the ballot and think ‘who is this guy and what has he done to deserve to represent us in government?’” said Dosanjh.

Dosanjh himself worked for several years in Vancouver, as a lawyer and newspaper editor, before entering politics in his 40s.

He stressed he was a fan of Sahota’s, who he called “impressive.”

Vancouver-based strategist Kareem Allam says he agrees that the Conservative outreach efforts have been too ham-fisted.

“What we’re seeing from the Conservatives is the sort of ‘ethnic sandbox’ approach of yesteryear,” said Allam, a partner Richardson Strategy Group.

“Sikhs are a much more heterogenous group than they were, say 20 or 30 years ago. They’re not going to automatically put an ‘x’ by the Punjabi name on the ballot.”

National Post

rmohamed@postmedia.com

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Longtime Liberal supporter Nancy Mundt chats with Liberal candidate Bruce Fanjoy on her front step.

OTTAWA — While Liberal Leader Mark Carney may be Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre’s main rival this election, Bruce Fanjoy could be considered his second.

Fanjoy is the local Liberal candidate trying to challenge Poilievre for his own seat in the Ottawa-area riding of Carleton, a contest the Conservative leader has won seven straight times since first becoming elected to the House of Commons in 2004.

For voters in this largely rural riding, Poilievre’s name will not only be on the ballot as their local representative, but for the first time as Conservative party leader and possible next prime minister.

Although some may assume that boosts Poilievre’s chances in the riding he has held since he was 25, Fanjoy sees Poilievre’s status as a potential prime minister as an opportunity.

“Carleton, because of circumstance, has a remarkable opportunity to make a statement on the type of politics and direction that we want Canada to go in,” he told National Post in a recent interview.

“Although it’s technically just one of 343 ridings in the election, this one carries extra significance.”

That significance has not gone unnoticed by Liberals themselves. In the first week of the federal election, more than 500 volunteers signed up to help, Fanjoy says.

While most came from in and around the riding, he says others travelled from Montreal, Toronto and in the case of one woman who holds dual citizenship, New York City.

Last Friday morning, which happened to be Good Friday, nearly 30 volunteers descended on a home in Manotick, a suburb in the riding, sipping coffee and gathering around tables, waiting to be assigned to their latest door-knocking rounds.

Seated in a back room, Fanjoy credits the buzz he’s seeing around his campaign at least in part to the fact he’s trying to take on Poilievre.

He estimates having knocked on more than 15,000 doors over the past two years. Before entering politics, he had a career in business. The party acclaimed him as the official candidate in June 2024.

During a recent canvas, Fanjoy jokes that Poilievre had become his “personal trainer” in terms of steps taken, also a nod to the complexities of campaigning in a rural riding.

From early on his in political career, Poilievre himself

established a reputation

as an avid door-knocker with a knack for connecting with constituents.

 In the riding of Carleton, incumbent Conservative MP Pierre Poilievre was literally sprinting around Stittsville to get out the vote on the eve of the election, October 21, 2019.

As he grew older, some predicted the young member of Parliament had the talent to one day become prime minister. With less than a week until election day, Poilievre will soon find out whether Canadians trust him with the role.

Successive public opinion polls place the Conservatives either tied with or trailing the Liberals. While Carney is pitching himself based on his experience as a former two-time central banker, Poilievre is trying to convince Canadians he is the opportunity for change after nearly a decade of Liberal rule.

In terms of Poilievre’s riding, polling aggregator

338canada.com

suggests the Conservative leader will likely hold his seat. However, it suggests support for the Liberals has grown since the 2021 federal election, a trend seen across countless other ridings.

When Fanjoy characterizes Poilievre, he criticizes him for stoking “divisiveness” and often compares him to U.S. President Donald Trump.

It is a well-used line of attack from Liberals and other Poilievre critics and could prove fatal should he fail to show Canadians he represents a sunnier style of conservatism, with many voters seeing red over Trump’s trade war with Canada and his comments about wanting to annex the country.

Like other Liberals, Fanjoy describes a marked shift once Carney was elected Liberal leader back in March.

He suggests Carney’s win also serves as a good sign for his local race, pointing to how the riding was among the top 10 highest in terms of votes for the new Liberal leader.

Another race Fanjoy surprisingly points to is the 2022 Conservative leadership race, which Poilievre won in a whopping first-ballot victory, capturing nearly 70 per cent of the vote.

He notes that while Poilievre handily won his riding, some still voted for former Quebec premier Jean Charest, who ran as a moderate, and

finished a distant second,

which he takes to mean there are some progressive conservatives who dislike Poilievre.

“Canada has never had a party leader as right wing as Pierre Poilievre.”

That, he hopes, may be enough to sway some voters change their mind.

“I respect conservatives. I’m not running against conservatives,” Fanjoy says. “I’m running for Canada against Pierre Poilievre.”

Fanjoy made a deliberate choice to try to appeal to those who do not consider themselves traditional Liberals by having a volunteer design his last name on campaign literature and buttons to appear in a pattern of brightly coloured letters.

“We wanted people, regardless of who they were, who they’ve supported in the past, that they could see themselves getting behind my campaign,” he says during a recent canvas.

As Fanjoy walks, the challenge before him is on full display, not only on the lawns and boulevards around the riding displaying Poilievre’s signs.

One man he reminds about early voting politely tells him that after Trudeau, “I’ll never vote Liberal again.”

When Fanjoy appears at another door, a woman named Marie-France reminds him how the last time he appeared, she told him that so long as Trudeau was prime minister, she could never vote for him.

“Well,” he begins.

She then interrupts. “Things have changed,” she says, which Fanjoy repeats, with a laugh.

Afterwards, she shares that as a lifelong Liberal, she cannot recall the last time the party’s local candidate came around as frequently as Fanjoy.

Still, she hesitates about his chances.

“I doubt whether Mr. Fanjoy is going to make it, personally. I don’t know. I think he’s going to continue,  Mr. Poilievre, is going to continue to win this election.”

National Post

staylor@postmedia.com

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