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Clockwise from top left: Cardinal Thomas Collins, Cardinal Michael Czerny, Cardinal Frank Leo and Cardinal Gerald Lacroix.

Following Pope Francis’s death, 135 cardinals from around the world will gather at the Vatican to elect a new leader for the Catholic Church. Candidates for becoming the new pope must be male and a baptized Catholic.

This election is known as the conclave, and its members, cardinal electors, are sworn to secrecy about the proceedings within the election itself. Cardinals have to be under 80 years old to vote.

Of the 135 cardinal electors, four Canadians will help find the new pope. They will be joined by 12 other cardinals from North America, two from Mexico and 10 from the U.S. Canada has another cardinal, Marc Ouellet, who retired in 2023. He turned 80 last June and is no longer eligible to vote, though he could still be elected pope.

The conclave traditionally starts 15 to 20 days after the death of the pope. The election will be held until one candidate has a two-thirds majority vote. This will be signalled by white smoke from a chimney visible from St. Peter’s Square in the Vatican.

Here’s what we know about the Canadian cardinals joining the conclave.

Cardinal Thomas Collins

Cardinal Thomas Collins, born Jan. 16, 1947, was the Metropolitan Archbishop Emeritus of Toronto from 2007 to 2023. Ordained as a priest on May 5, 1973, Collins later studied in Rome, receiving a doctorate from the Pontifical Gregorian University specializing in sacred scripture and the Book of Revelation.

Collins received episcopal ordination in May 1997, becoming a Bishop on June 30 of the same year. He has worked as president for the following organizations: the National Theological Commission of the Bishop’s Conference, the National Commission of Ecumenism, the Conference of Bishops of Alberta, and the Saint Joseph’s College Board of Governors at the University of Alberta.

In 1999, he became coadjutor Bishop of Edmonton, and then Archbishop of Edmonton months later. He was appointed Archbishop of Toronto on Dec. 16, 2006.

Collins was created and proclaimed Cardinal by Pope Benedict XVI on Feb. 18, 2012.

Collins was a part of the conclave back in 2013, which elected Pope Francis. He retired in 2023, but is still eligible to vote.

Cardinal Michael Czerny

Czerny was born on July 18, 1946, in Brno (now the Czech Republic). When he was two years old, his family moved to Montreal, Quebec. In 1973, he was ordained a priest.

Czerny was awarded a doctorate in Human Sciences, Social Thought, and Theology from the University of Chicago in 1978. One year later, he founded what is now known as the Forum of Jesuits for Faith and Social Justice. He was the forum’s first director until 1989. Afterwards, he substituted for the six Jesuit priests who were killed at the Central American University of San Salvador in El Salvador.

While in El Salvador, Czerny was vice rector of the university. Later he contributed as a mediator for the United Nations in negotiations that ultimately led to the end of the 12-year-long civil war in El Salvador.

In 1995, Czerny joined a commission of inquiry by the United Nations to Haiti to help in the crisis after a military coup d’etat. During his stay in Africa from 2002 to 2010, Czerny founded the African Jesuit Aids Network to help find solutions to the HIV pandemic.

On Oct. 5, 2019, Pope Francis proclaimed Crerny as Cardinal, and in 2022, he was appointed by the Pope as prefect of the Dicastery for Promoting Integral Human Development.

Cardinal Gérald Lacroix

Lacroix was born on July 27, 1957, in Saint-Hilaire de Dorset, Que., and is the Metropolitan Archbishop of Quebec.

In 1980, he became a missionary and travelled to Columbia. After returning home, he studied at the University of Laval and completed a Bachelor’s degree in theology. Later, he was ordained as a priest in 1988.

Returning to Columbia from 1990 to 1998, he became a missionary in the Archdiocese of Popayán. He also was a member of the diocesan pastoral council, and presbyteral council, and was the director of the commission on the liturgy.

In 2011, he was appointed Archbishop of Quebec.

On Feb. 22, 2014, Lacroix was proclaimed Cardinal by Pope Francis.

Lacroix was accused in 2024 of abusing a 17-year-old girl decades ago, but a Vatican investigation said it found no evidence, as reported by The Catholic News Agency.

Cardinal Frank Leo

Leo was born June 30, 1971, and is the Archbishop of Toronto. He was ordained as a priest on Dec. 14, 1996. Leo obtained a bachelor’s degree in philosophy in 1992, and a doctorate in 2005, specializing in Marian studies at the International Marian Research Institute at the University of Dayton, Ohio.

He served as deputy parish priest of Notre-Dame-de-la-Consolata; administrator of the Parish of Saint-Joseph-de-Rivière-des-Prairies; chaplain for the Roscelli School; religion teacher for the Collège Reine-Marie; and parish priest of Saint-Raymond-de-Peñafort.

Leo also served in the Apostolic Nunciature in Australia from 2008 to 2011. He then joined the Holy See Study Mission in Hong Kong in 2011.

In 2015, Leo was the secretary general of the Canadian Episcopal Conference. In 2021, he became the vicar general and moderator of the Archdiocesan Curia of Montréal.

On Dec. 7, 2024, Pope Francis proclaimed Leo as Cardinal.

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Liberal Leader Mark Carney speaks at a campaign stop in London, Ont., on Friday April 25, 2025.

OTTAWA — Mark Carney’s Liberals are taking a four-point edge over Pierre Poilievre’s Conservatives into election day on Monday, according to the last Postmedia-Leger poll of the campaign.

The Liberals were the preferred choice of 43 per cent of respondents, with 39 per cent saying they backed the Conservatives.

Andrew Enns, an executive vice-president at Leger, said that there’s been little movement between the top two parties over the campaign’s final stretch.

“You have two heavyweight political opponents slugging it out. Nobody’s giving an inch, but no one’s getting one either,” said Enns.

Support for both parties held

steady from last week

, with neither gaining or losing any ground.

The Liberals were in the lead with all age cohorts except for 35 to 54 year olds, where the Conservatives led by a 44 to 38 margin.

Eight in 10 respondents said their choice was final or they’d already voted at the advance polls.

Forty per cent said that Carney would make the best prime minister of any party leader, giving him a nine-point edge over Poilievre.

Carney beat Poilievre across all age groups, eclipsing him by 20 points among respondents 55 and older.

Carney’s personal appeal transcended party lines, with 24 per cent of NDP voters and 30 per cent of Bloc voters saying he would do the best job as prime minister.

Fifty-four per cent said they expected the Liberals to win Monday’s election. Exactly half that, 27 per cent, said they expected the Tories to win.

The NDP and Bloc Québécois were well behind the top two parties, polling at seven and five per cent, respectively.

Both parties were one point down

from last week’s poll

, showing little evidence of any movement from left-leaning voters who flocked to the Liberals at the start of the campaign to prevent a Conservative win.

NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh and Bloc Leader Yves-François Blanchet have both retooled their pitches to voters heading into the campaign’s final stretch, pointing to the

likelihood of a Liberal win

and arguing that their respective parties will play a critical role in keeping a Carney-led government in check.

A quarter of respondents, including almost half of Liberal voters, said the NDP would be their second choice. The Liberals were the second choice for 14 per cent, with the Conservatives and Bloc both in the single digits.

The survey was taken between April 21 and 25, using a sample of 1,502 adults recruited from a Leger-founded panel. Online polls are not considered representative samples and thus don’t carry a margin of error. However, the poll document provides an estimated margin, for comparison purposes, of plus or minus 2.53 percentage points, 19 times out of 20.

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The Fisherman’s Ring of Pope Francis, left, is seen on the Vatican's guide book for the inauguration mass on March 18, 2013 at the Vatican. And Pope Francis, right, in 2022.

Pope Francis was to be buried at the Papal Basilica of Saint Mary Major in Rome on Saturday following a funeral mass in St. Peter’s Square. The ceremony began at 10 a.m. local time (4 a.m. ET). Among the oldest traditions that mark the funeral preparations for Pope Francis is the destruction of his signet ring, the Ring of the Fisherman, one of the most storied pieces of papal regalia. Kissing the pope’s ring as a sign of respect is such a famous gesture that is has become a general expression for deference to authority, and the practice occasionally bothered Francis so much on grounds of hygiene and infection control that he would sometimes withdraw his right hand when people went to kiss it as they met him. Each pope gets his own new ring made at his investiture, which is then destroyed at the end of his papacy, which usually but not always coincides with his death. The National Post runs through the history and significance of this ring that is known in Latin as the “Anulus piscatoris.”

Why does the pope have a ring?

Originally, in about the 6th century, the ring was intended as a unique seal for private correspondence and other papal writings that were less formal than a “papal bull,” the grand official pronouncements that are so called because they are authenticated with a lead seal called a “bulla.” That practice is no longer in use, but the ring tradition remains.

Why is it destroyed after his death?

This practice of destroying the ring ensured there could be no faked letters that might conveniently emerge during the period when there is no pope. The tradition is carried out after confirmation of a pope’s death by the “camerlengo,” a cardinal who manages Vatican affairs, who destroys the ring with a ceremonial silver hammer. When Benedict XVI resigned the papacy in 2013, his elaborate gold ring was not destroyed but rather defaced by cutting a cross into the gold. Francis’s ring is a simpler piece than Benedict’s, and was repurposed from a gold-plated silver ring already owned by the Vatican, with an image of Saint Peter holding the keys to heaven. When Francis appeared in public, however, he more commonly wore an even simpler silver ring with just a cross on it.

 A close up shows the simpler silver ring of Pope Francis as he greets the crowd at the end of his weekly general audience on Dec. 3, 2014 at St Peter’s square in the Vatican.

Where do popes buy their jewellery?

These are almost always custom pieces, although Francis’s ring was not newly made for him. It had previously been owned by Archbishop Pasquale Macchi, the private secretary of Pope Paul VI, a key force behind the mid-20th century reforms of the Second Vatican Council. It was made by the late Enrico Manfrini, an Italian goldsmith and sculptor who is known for major works including a door to the Cathedral of Siena and statues of several popes.

Why is it called the Piscatory Ring?

The Piscatory Ring, or the Ring of the Fisherman, is a direct nod to Peter, the first Bishop of Rome, the seat held by popes. Peter was a fisherman in Galilee when he first followed Jesus, so the image on the papal ring is often of Peter in a boat. But it also refers to the significance of fish in Christian symbolism. For example, early Christians were persecuted in the Roman Empire, and Peter himself is reputed to have been crucified by the Emperor Nero, and buried on what is now the site of Saint Peter’s Basilica in the Vatican. In that climate of fear, the sign of the fish became a secret symbol of Christianity in reference to Peter and the apostles, whom Jesus had encouraged to be “fishers of people,” and also for the Greek spelling of the word fish, “ichthys,” which can be seen as an acronym for the Greek expression “Jesus Christ, Son of God, Saviour.” The symbol carried on into medieval literature. In some renderings of King Arthurian legend, for example, the wounded Fisher King is the mysterious keeper of the Holy Grail.

 Pope Francis lies in state inside St. Peter’s Basilica at the Vatican, Thursday, April 24, 2025.

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Canada's Prime Minister Mark Carney walks back to his office after a cabinet meeting to deal with the US tariffs on April 11, 2025 on Parliament Hill in Ottawa, Canada.

OTTAWA — If this Canadian election is the most important in a generation, why do the two main parties seem to be running less public — or at least lower profile — campaigns?

Or, as some party officials insist, is it just that shaking hands, kissing babies, countless campaign stops and the other greatest hits from the past are no longer the smartest strategies?

With just a few days to go before Canadians head to the polls, Liberal Leader Mark Carney and the Conservatives’ Pierre Poilievre seem to be less focused on staying in the public’s eye, at least in comparison with previous campaigns.

The leaders, particularly Carney, are making noticeably fewer public campaign stops than many of their predecessors. Carney has also left the campaign trail three times by taking advantage of the incumbent’s opportunities to be seen as prime ministerial by returning to Ottawa for work-related matters.

While Poilievre has held large rallies that are very public, coverage of those events has been tightly controlled. Campaign staff make efforts to ensure that party attendees, including MPs, don’t speak with reporters — even outside the venues. The Conservatives’ efforts to maintain a tightly controlled campaign even include discouraging candidates from attending all-candidates’ debates in their ridings.

“The nature of campaigning has definitely changed,” said Anthony Koch, the managing principal at AK Strategies and former spokesman for Poilievre.

Koch said the Conservatives aren’t trying to run a lower-profile campaign, but are just emphasizing digital messaging over media interviews. Whereas journalists used to have a monopoly on providing campaign news, campaigns can now “micro-target” voters through podcasts, niche media, social media influencers and other online platforms, he said.

The leaders of both parties have also seemed to devote more campaign interviews with local or ethnic media.

And the two leaders’ debates, while generally substantive and lively, were void of any notable attempts to go for an opponent’s jugular. That meant less follow-up coverage.

These strategies seem at odds with Campaigning 101, which says that a candidate’s priorities are to get their messages out as often and as loudly as possible.

To make the campaign even cooler, there are also fewer policy differences between the two main contenders than might be expected. Carney moved quickly to remove or reduce some of the key policy distinctions. On March 14, just hours after being sworn in as prime minister, he cancelled the consumer carbon tax. A week later, he cancelled the proposed increase to the capital gains inclusion rate.

Both policy moves had been advocated strenuously by Poilievre before Carney co-opted them.

When the two parties’ platforms were finally released in late April, there was again plenty of overlap: promised tax cuts and spending hikes that meant little interest in balancing the budget, commitments to pipelines or at least “major projects,” and modest commitments to defence spending increases.

So if the stakes are so high in this election, as everyone seems to agree, why aren’t the campaigns’ profiles following suit?

Dennis Pilon, a political science professor at York University in Toronto, said the tightly controlled and seemingly low-profile campaigns are largely a function of technological changes that make candidates less reliant on trying to grab a newspaper headline or get a sound bite on television.

Political parties today would often rather use YouTube, Instagram and other social media to speak directly to voters, Pilon said, instead of the more traditional approaches that included allowing their messages to be filtered through journalists.

“Twenty or 30 years ago, if you weren’t in the (traditional) media, you just didn’t exist.”

And from a campaign’s point of view, sometimes less is more. Or more is less.

Party sources agreed with Pilon that the strategic changes have a lot to do with the digital age.

A Liberal campaign source said it’s much easier to reach masses of voters through the various digital and social media platforms than the old ways.

“We’re adjusting to the time.”

Campaign officials admit that leaders’ personalities and predilections also play a role. Some candidates, such as former prime minister Justin Trudeau, seem to love and gain energy from campaign stops, while others prefer policy and would rather be doing anything other than enduring small talk at a community barbeque.

The Liberal campaign source said that Carney is a much different candidate than Trudeau, who kept a frenetic pace on the campaign trail. There are “different leadership styles.”

Campaign officials and academics also say that campaign schedules are also influenced by how well a candidate is doing in the race. In Carney’s case, for example, most recent opinion polls have him ahead by about a handful of percentage points, likely leaving his campaign team more risk averse.

Sanjay Jeram, a political scientist at Simon Fraser University in Vancouver, said in many circumstances the risk outweighs the reward in exposing a candidate to high-profile events or interviews. “There’s almost more to be lost than to be gained, especially if you’re the front-runner.”

But Jeram also pointed out that the new campaign strategies and the “message discipline” may come with a cost in a democratic society. It’s now easier to mislead voters, he said, because many will receive their political messages without the context that journalists traditionally have provided.

National Post

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NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh speaks during a campaign stop in front of a mural commemorating the Manitoba labour movement on the side of the Union Centre building, in Winnipeg, Thursday, April 24, 2025.

TORONTO — Before NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh even arrived, some people were thinking about his exit.

Several dozen NDP supporters gathered in a park on Thursday, waiting for Singh to arrive in what will be one of his last campaign stops in Toronto.

In the heart of Canada’s largest city, voters here elect progressives.

But the group standing around tonight knows that on Monday, voters will not be choosing NDP.

“We’re all worried,” says Greg Paget, who works on a local campaign. “I would be very disappointed if it lost its party status.” He adds he is “not very” hopeful.

Ryan Anderson has been voting NDP for as long as he has been able to vote. The lifelong Toronto resident stumbled on the event walking his dog, spotting lights and people gathering.

“There’s no way that Jagmeet can stay on in my opinion,” Ryan Anderson he says. “He’s had the time that he’s going to have to get the party and the voters excited and it unfortunately hasn’t happened … I’m sad about it.”

With only days left in the campaign, Singh is trying to win what he can.

After arriving at the downtown Toronto park last Thursday evening to music pumping, he delivers an energetic speech, talking up the NDP’s fight for universal healthcare, Tommy Douglas’s legacy as well as its latest big accomplishment: Leveraging its 25 seats to push the minority Liberals to introduce a national dental care program.

That’s why, Singh told the crowd, they need to get as many New Democrats elected as possible

— a message he shifted to midway through the campaign after the party felt a Liberal win was inevitable, seeing many of their own flock to Liberal Leader Mark Carney, a former two-time central banker,

Near the end of his speech, Singh uses a slip of the tongue to nod to the fact he would rather things were different.

“So people have rejected the Liberals,” he says, stopping himself.

“Or,” he says, pausing again, before realizing his words.

“Or I hope they reject the Liberals more,” he says calmly, with a slight smile, as several around him let out a laugh.

“They rejected the Conservatives and it looks like Mark Carney might be the one that’s prime minister, but don’t let him have all the power.”

Ian Martin likes that message.

“It’s realistic,” says the longtime supporter says. “I think a lot of progressive people are on board with a majority or a minority Carney government — anything to stop Poilievre, basically.”

Should Singh’s B.C. seat fall — which successive public opinion suggest may be the case — Martin believes that would

signal that it’s time for new leadership. 

“I think the NDP will have to find someone to at least compete with Singh,” Martin said. “Or if he doesn’t win his seat, replace him.”

Nicole Best said that if Singh leaves, she sees no obvious successor.

“I would want him to stay on, but I know that that might not be realistic because he has not been successful in a few elections now.”

For his part, Singh has declined to weigh in on questions about his future leadership of the party, citing the ongoing campaign.

While names like Manitoba Premier Wab Kinew and Ontario provincial Opposition NDP Leader Marit Styles emerged as figures supporters told National Post they believe could be good for the role.

Another name kept coming up: Jack Layton.

“Nobody can compare to Jack Layton,” Martin said.

Layton, who is sometimes referred to as the prime minister Canada never had, led the New Democrats to its best election victory in 2011, when it became the Official Opposition.

From 2004 until his death from cancer in 2011, Layton represented Toronto-Danforth, the riding Singh found himself campaigning in last Thursday.

While Layton led the party through an orange wave, Singh could now see its collapse.

Last week, Matthew Green, the NDP incumbent in Hamilton Centre

told National Post

that when he speaks to party members, he reiterates how they need to stop waiting around for someone to save the party, but believes some soul-searching is needed post-election.

Green also told National Post the current party is in an entirely different reality than it was when the orange wave swept Canada more than a decade earlier.

The Liberals are not at historic lows as they were back in 2011 under former leader Michael Ignatieff and neither is the Bloc Quebecois. Quebec is where Layton rose to historic heights and captured most of its seats.

“The kind of the echoes of Jack Layton, that is a different time,” Green said last week.

“If there are people waiting for some charismatic leader to come and save us from ourselves, then we’re going to be waiting another four years.”

For Connie Langille, who danced as Singh finished his speech, she is not worried about the election’s outcome.

If the NDP loses party status, then it does, she said.

“We’ve been there before.”

“People laughed about voting for the NDP. People laughed about the image of them having any kind of power and here we are today.”

National Post

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Reporter Aaron Beswick of the Halifax Chronicle Herald was honoured with two National Newspaper Awards for his coverage of lawlessness in Nova Scotia’s lobster and eel fisheries.

Postmedia Network journalist Aaron Beswick, a reporter at the Chronicle Herald in Halifax, has been named journalist of the year by the prestigious National Newspaper Awards, one of two Postmedia winners at a gala ceremony Friday night.

Beswick, who was also the winner of the E. Cora Hind Award for Local Reporting, was honoured for his coverage of lawlessness in Nova Scotia’s lobster and eel fisheries.

“He shed light on a topic that is important to the industry, Canadians nationwide and internationally,” the award judges said.

That award is meant to recognize such extraordinary journalism that it deserves further recognition. Judges selected Beswick’s work as a stand-out among the 16 winning works submitted by one or two journalists.

“Some stories are simply unforgettable, some journalists beyond exceptional,” the National Newspaper Awards says in its explanation of the award.

Beswick was joined as an award winner by Postmedia journalist Brandon Harder of the Regina Leader-Post, for his intensive telling of the story where police went undercover to get Joe Thauberger to confess to the murder of his brother. Harder won the William Southam Award for Long Feature.

“Our strength has always been rooted in our deep connection to communities across the country, with our organization being almost entirely focused on local reporting, so I’m gratified to see the recognition for Brandon Harder of the Regina Leader-Post and Aaron Beswick of The Chronicle Herald in Halifax,” said Duncan Clark, Postmedia’s chief content officer.

“Aaron being chosen as Journalist of the Year is also a wonderful representation of the commitment from all our teams in Atlantic Canada that made our recent acquisition there so important.”

Michael de Adder, a freelance cartoonist whose nomination included work for the Chronicle Herald, received the editorial cartooning award.

Multiple other Postmedia journalists received nominations for their work.

“We are immensely proud of all our nominees and congratulate our deserving winners tonight,” said Clark. “It’s no mistake that the common thread in all the nominations from Postmedia’s products is how they speak to our mission to bring Canadians together through informed, meaningful journalism.

The Calgary Herald and Calgary Sun jointly received three nominations. The Financial Post, Vancouver Sun/The Province, Ottawa Citizen/Ottawa Sun and Saskatoon StarPhoenix also all received nominations.

Naimul Karim, of the Financial Post, was nominated in the business reporting category for his coverage of Canada’s changing immigration laws and the way they are affecting thousands of foreign workers.

At the Calgary Herald, cartoonist Patrick LaMontagne was nominated for his editorial cartoons. Jim Wells, a long-time Calgary photographer, was nominated for best news photo for his stunning shot of people trying to rescue a deer that had fallen through the ice of the Bow River.

The Calgary Herald/Calgary Sun was also nominated for the John Honderich Award for Project of the Year for its “Squeezed” series, which looked at the rising cost of living and how it’s affected Calgarians.

Kim Bolan, a veteran crime reporter at the Vancouver Sun/The Province, was nominated for the Norman Webster Award for International Reporting. Bolan reported from Australia, New Zealand, Fiji and Southeast Asia, detailing the reach of B.C.’s criminal organizations.

In the local reporting category, which Beswick won, Julia Peterson at the Saskatoon StarPhoenix had also been nominated, for her extensive coverage of the two inquests into the James Smith Cree Nation mass killings.

And in the sports reporting category, Ken Warren and Tony Caldwell at the Ottawa Citizen/Ottawa Sun were nominated for their feature about an Ottawa man who cuts a hole through the ice so he can hop in for a daily swim.

The awards were announced at a gala Friday evening in Montreal.

The NNAs received 864 entries from 82 publications across Canada for the 2024 iteration of its awards.

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Liberal Party Leader Mark Carney thanks supporters after speaking at a rally on April 23, 2025 in Surrey, Canada.

OTTAWA — Liberal Leader Mark Carney said on Friday he is “open” to revisiting electoral reform but that it’s not a priority in the current political climate. And if he were to follow that route, he would not look to “tip the scales” like his predecessor Justin Trudeau.

Speaking in Sault Ste. Marie, Carney would not directly commit to changing the current electoral system and said that commitment is absent from his party’s platform. Trudeau abandoned the idea in his first term in office and

recently said it was one of his biggest regrets

.

“Government is about making priorities and given the scale of the economic crisis that we’re facing, the security crisis we’re facing, our commitment to supporting Canadians through a range of social programs… Candidly, it is not in the platform,” Carney said.

Carney offered his personal view on the issue. “I think… a prime minister should be neutral on these issues, so that a process — if a process is developed — that they are objective and not to be seen to tip the scales in one direction or another,” he said.

“I think that… looking back on what happened previously, that probably is part of what stalled progress on it,” he added.

Trudeau famously promised that the 2015 election would be the last time Canadians elect their federal government under the first-past-the-post system — where the person which gets the most votes in each constituency becomes the member of Parliament.

An all-party committee released a report in December 2016 recommending that a referendum be held to switch to proportional representation, but it became clear that there was no emerging consensus from all parties — especially from the governing Liberals.

While the report had the sign-off from the Conservatives and the Bloc Québécois, the NDP and Greens agreed with the overall conclusion of the report but questioned the necessity to hold a referendum.

Liberals released their own supplementary report which suggested that their prime minister’s self-imposed deadline to approve of a new system by 2019 was too “rushed.”

Trudeau opted to abandon his election promise a few months later. In a mandate letter to his newly appointed Minister of Democratic Institutions, in February 2017, he wrote that a “clear preference for a new electoral system, let alone a consensus, has not emerged.”

Trudeau had made it clear by that point that he was not as interested in changing the system by which his party won power.

And while at the time Trudeau did not openly push for a ranked ballot — which allows voters to rank candidates in order of preference and eliminates the least popular option until a candidate has more than 50 per cent support — it was clearly his preferred option.

In 2021, he admitted that

he “never flinched in (his) desire for ranked ballots”

and said he would not favour proportional representation because it would help fringe parties.

When Trudeau announced his resignation as prime minister in early January, he said that not moving forward on electoral reform was one of his “many regrets.”

“I do wish that we’d been able to change the way we elect our governments in this country so that people could choose a second choice or a third choice on the same ballot,” he said.

“Parties would spend more time trying to be people’s second or third choices and people would be looking for things they have in common rather than trying to polarize and divide Canadians against each other.”

Carney said there “may be a point” where a re-elected Liberal government may have advanced on “other immediate, pressing priorities” like Canada’s relationship with the U.S. and that “those more structural issues in our democracy could be addressed.”

In French, he said he is “open” to the idea but that now is not the moment to engage in the process.

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Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre speaks to supporters at his Rally for Change campaign stop in Saskatoon at a warehouse in the Bizhub Industrial Park.

OTTAWA — MPs can say goodbye to their summer plans if Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre becomes prime minister on Monday.

Poilievre is promising to implement fast change in the first 100 days if his party ends up forming government. That means passing three bills in priority — on affordability, on crime and on the economy — to reverse many of the Liberals’ decisions in the last decade.

“We need a new Conservative government that will get busy on day one,” pledged Poilievre during his announcement in Saskatoon on Friday. “So, I have some good news and bad news. The good news is Canadians can elect a government that will bring change. The bad news for the politicians is your summer vacation is cancelled.”

“We are going to keep Parliament open all summer long to pass three laws to bring change,” he added.

The first piece of legislation — called The Affordability–For a Change Act — would seek to implement many of his key platform promises, including cutting income taxes by 15 per cent, axing the federal sales tax on new homes up to $1.3 million, repealing the entire carbon tax law including the industrial levy, and scrapping the single-use plastics ban.

“We cannot afford more expensive food to meet radical Liberal eco-fanaticism,” said Poilievre. “Our priority is affordable food for Canadians.”

The second bill — The Safe Streets–For a Change Act — would introduce a “three strikes, you’re out” rule that would see offenders face a mandatory minimum 10-year prison sentence after three serious offences and restore consecutive sentences for multiple murderers, which would see the Conservatives use the notwithstanding clause.

Poilievre promised his crime bill — which he described as the “biggest crackdown on crime in Canadian history” — would also extend to auto theft, tent cities and drugs.

“We’ll crack down on organized crime, auto theft, extortion, arson, fraud, with tough new laws that make no more excuses, that ensure that people stay behind bars. We will give the police the power to shut down tent cities and get people real help, so our children don’t have to step on dirty needles and crack pipes,” he said.

Finally, The Bring Home Jobs–For a Change Act would repeal C-69 and C-48, which the Tories have tagged as anti-resource development laws, and introduce a “one-stop-shop” to approve resource projects within one year. It would also bring in a Canada First Reinvestment Tax Cut, which would allow capital gains tax deferral when proceeds are reinvested in Canada.

“Until these laws are passed, Parliament will not shut down for summer vacation. We need change. Change can’t wait, but the politicians’ vacations will have to wait,” said Poilievre.

At a whistle stop in Calgary later in the day, Poilievre doubled down on his message to MPs: “You can go sell golf clubs on eBay, get rid of your little cottage, your cabin — you’re not going to be using it this summer. You can rent it out to a deserving family who needs a break,” he said.

In reality, MPs do not have a three-month vacation during the summer. While the House of Commons is set to rise mid-June and come back mid-September, most of that time is used for constituency work and events in their respective ridings.

As part of his 100-day sprint, the Conservative leader is also promising to call U.S. President Donald Trump to end the tariffs on Canadian goods in exchange for an earlier negotiation to replace CUSMA with a new deal on trade and security. And he intends to get Phase 2 of LNG Canada built to double the project’s natural gas production.

Poilievre has been doubling down on his message of “change” — a word he repeated dozens of times on Friday — in the final days of the campaign. With most polls showing Liberals could be re-elected for a fourth mandate and even aspire to a majority, Poilievre is attempting to mark a clear contrast by focusing on the party’s record over the last 10 years.

He said a fourth Liberal term would mean “skyrocketing costs and crime,” more difficulties in accessing home ownership and Liberals shutting down key industries such as oil and gas, which he said would weaken Canada’s economy with the threats from abroad.

“This Liberal path not only means more poverty and hunger and helplessness and homelessness, but it also means more divisions in our country. After the Lost liberal decade of rising costs, crime and division, we can’t afford a fourth Liberal term,” he said.

“We need a change, a change that will bring home an affordable, safe life and a united and strong Canada,” he added. “That’s the change we’re running on, and that is the change we’re going to deliver in the first 100 days.”

Poilievre was expected to travel to Alberta and British Columbia before heading back to Ontario this weekend. He is set to hold an event in his Ottawa-area riding of Carleton Sunday evening.

National Post

calevesque@postmedia.com

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Donald Trump speaks in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington, DC, on April 24, 2025.

It may seem as though Canada’s leaders have few points on which they agree with the U.S. president. But recent remarks by Donald Trump and Ontario Premier Doug Ford suggest one common opinion: Neither thinks the president is bluffing in his remarks about Canada.

On Tuesday, Trump sat down for an interview with TIME magazine’s senior political correspondent Eric Cortellessa and editor-in-chief Sam Jacobs.

The “100 Days” interview

, which was published Friday, touched on a wide range of issues, including tariffs, the economy, immigration, presidential power, and the situations in Ukraine and the Middle East.

At one point, the questions turned to Canada.

“You’ve talked about acquiring Greenland, taking control of  the Panama Canal, making Canada the 51st state,” Cortellessa said. “Maybe you’re trolling a little bit on that one. I don’t know.”

Trump’s answer was short: “Actually, no, I’m not.”

Cortellessa then followed up by asking: “Well, do you want to grow the American empire?”

Trump’s answer to that was longer, with most of it focused on Canada.

“I think Canada, what you said that, ‘Well, that one, I might be trolling.’ But I’m really not trolling,” he said.

“Canada is an interesting case. We lose $200 to $250 billion a year supporting Canada. And I asked a man who I called Governor Trudeau. I said: Why? Why do you think we’re losing so much money supporting you? Do you think that’s right? Do you think that’s appropriate for another country to make it possible, for a country to sustain, and he was unable to give me an answer, but it costs us over $200 billion a year to take care of Canada?”

Trump added: “We’re taking care of their military. We’re taking care of every aspect of their lives, and we don’t need them to make cars for us … We want to make our own cars. We don’t need their lumber. We don’t need their energy. We don’t need anything from Canada. And I say the only way this thing really works is for Canada to become a state.”

In a

separate fact-checking article

, the magazine noted: “It’s possible (Trump) was referring to the U.S. trade deficit with Canada, which in 2024, amounted to $63 billion for goods. But that number still is far short of $200 billion.”

On the subject of “taking care of their military,” the magazine noted that the U.S. Department of Defense requested a budget of $849 billion for the 2025 fiscal year, but pointed out that it does not break down spending by region. It added that the U.S. is responsible for 60 per cent of the cost of the radar system of the North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD), although that costs just $20 billion.

The topic of Canada was dropped after Steven Cheung, the White House communications director, told the interviewers they had only about 10 minutes left.

“OK, we’ll move quickly then,” Cortellessa said. “Last note: Do you want to be remembered as a president who expanded American territory?”

Trump’s response: “Wouldn’t mind.”

 Ontario Premier Doug Ford speaks to media at Queen’s Park in Toronto, on Thursday, April 3, 2025.

Meanwhile, Ontario Premier Doug Ford offered direct warnings about Trump during a speech at at the

Public Policy Forum’s 2025 Canada Growth Summit

in Toronto on Thursday.

“We can no longer afford to have our economic success depend on such an unreliable partner,” he told the crowd, adding that he wasn’t referring to Americans in general.

“There’s one person and that person is called President Trump,” he said. “He’s openly taking aim at Ontario’s economy, threatening tariffs, disrupting supply chains, putting all of us at risk.”

Later in his remarks he said of Trump: “He actually wants to destroy our economy. It’s not just words. He wants to do it. He wants to destroy our auto sector. He wants to destroy our manufacturing sector. He wants to try to take over Canada, and I can tell you: Canada is not for sale. We will never ever be the 51st state.” He had to pause for applause at this point.

Later, in a question-and-answer session, Ford was asked how well he thought his message was being received by the White House.

Ford replied: “Sometimes I think the cheese slips off the cracker with this guy. He wakes up in the morning … and even his people around him are not too sure what he’s going to do or what he’s going to say. And it’s pretty scary that, you know, one sentence out of the most powerful person in the world can change markets.”

He added: “It’s about certainty. And he’s created uncertainty around the world.”

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Liberal Leader Mark Carney at Algoma Steel on Friday, April 25, 2025 in Sault Ste. Marie, Ont.

Sault Ste. Marie, Ont. — Mark Carney has a winking problem.

He winked at the camera at Rideau Hall on the day he became prime minister.

He winked at a senator when he appeared before a committee last May.

In 2014, the Daily Telegraph remarked on how he tipped the BBC’s then-economic editor Robert Peston the wink during a press conference when he was governor of the Bank of England. The Telegraph interpreted this as Carney letting the recipient of the wink know: “Yeah, we both know this is theatre.”

If all the world’s a stage, then politicians are its key players.

The revelation that the Liberal leader told the truth, but not the whole truth, about his March 28th call with Donald Trump plays into the idea that he is playing to different audiences. On Thursday, Carney confirmed that Trump spoke about Canada becoming the 51st state — which was not the impression he left after the call when he maintained that the president had respected Canada’s sovereignty.

A senior source with knowledge of the call has told the National Post that the perception created by the Canadian read-out after the call is at odds with what actually happened. The Canadian read-out said the call was “a very constructive conversation about the relationship between the two countries.”

The official release said the leaders agreed to begin comprehensive negotiations about a new economic and security relationship and that Carney told Trump that his government would implement retaliatory tariffs to protect Canadian workers after April 2nd.

Since then, the central plank of Carney’s campaign is that he is taking a tougher line with Trump than other international leaders, and is best positioned to negotiate a new deal with the president.

But the source said the read-out did not include the fact that Carney flagged for the president that he would need to talk tough about America and Trump during the election.

Carney is also said to have called Trump “a transformative” president that he’d like to work with.

A spokesperson for the Prime Minister’s Office said Carney did not tell President Trump that he would have to criticize him during the campaign.

Readers can make their own minds up what they believe. I would only note that the Prime Minister’s Office denied details in the Radio-Canada story on Trump and Carney’s call, before the Liberal leader confirmed its central premise.

It is important because Carney’s whole campaign revolves around his assertion that Trump “betrayed us” and that he will take a hard line in future negotiations.

“The president’s latest comments are more proof, as if we needed any, that the old relationship with the United States is over,” he said in a press conference at Algoma Steel on Friday morning. “We will stand with every single Canadian worker targeted by President Trump’s attacks on our country. We will stand with you.”

But it sounds like the reality on March 28th was hardly elbows up.

Is that a bad thing? Not necessarily. Trump is a narcissist, so flattering him is the quickest way to his heart. Carney has already committed to securing a new deal on trade and security, which would buy time, even if there would be no guarantees that the president would stick to its terms.

But if the prime minister tipped the president the wink in his call, tacitly urging him to ignore anything said during the campaign, it calls into question Carney’s authenticity on the stump.

During his press conference, he was asked about the need for new ethics and transparency laws in government.

Carney said he would distinguish between rules and conduct. “If there were specific proposals, obviously we would look at them. But what’s important is bringing that spirit of honesty, the highest integrity, and my track record is consistent with that, but also that commitment that goes with it to transparency,” he said.

The Liberal Party has a history of hubris and quickly becoming too comfortable in power.

Treating voters like the audience of a conjuring trick would be an inauspicious end to this campaign.

jivison@criffel.ca

Twitter.com/IvisonJ

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