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A car ramming attack that killed nine people in Vancouver on Saturday evening stopped the federal election campaign in its tracks on its second-last day.

HAMILTON — Elections are like games of chess — extended exercises in emotion and reason aimed at persuading millions of people to vote for you, and not for your rival.

It is a serious business, but it is not life and death.

Sometimes, though, in the middle of these democratic contests, the fragility of life intrudes, violently and shockingly.

That was the case with the news that emerged from the Lapu Lapu Filipino festival in Vancouver on Saturday evening.

Vancouver Police have confirmed that nine people were killed and more than 20 injured, in what they describe as a car-ramming attack. One suspect is in custody, a 30-year-old male who the Vancouver Sun reported

appeared to be suffering from mental health issues

, and who was reportedly seen on video saying: “Sorry, sorry.” He is believed to have been acting alone.

 On Saturday evening, a speeding SUV plowed into a pedestrian-only area in Vancouver during Lapu Lapu Day in Vancouver as the event was coming to a close, killing nine and injuring more than 20.

The news stopped the federal election campaign in its tracks on its second-last day.

This is a campaign that has been characterized by an absence of dramatic events, with polls hardly moving over the course of the campaign. However, the violence in Vancouver could yet provoke a late shift toward the Conservatives, who have claimed that a weak justice system is failing to deter people from breaking the law.

Parties recalibrate campaigns after Vancouver ‘car ramming attack’ kills nine

Mark Carney had been due to speak at a whistle-stop event for campaign workers in Hamilton, at 8 a.m. local time, before the tour headed to Saskatoon, Edmonton, Calgary, Vancouver and Victoria.

The Hamilton event was cancelled and the departure for Saskatoon delayed as Carney was briefed by law enforcement officials, his national security adviser and the public safety minister, David McGuinty.

At 10 a.m., a sombre prime minister appeared before travelling reporters with a statement. Standing in front of four Canadian flags but with no campaign material on display, he said that he was “shocked and devastated” by the news. He said the government does not believe that there is any active threat to Canadians.

This is the first time as prime minister that Carney has had to respond to a tragedy like this and he appeared to be visibly affected.

“Last night, families lost sisters and brothers, mothers and fathers, sons and daughters, husbands and wives. And to them and to the many others who were injured, Filipinos and everyone in Vancouver, I would like to offer my deepest condolences,” he said.

A senior official for the Liberal campaign said the tour will continue but would “adjust in significant ways.”

The Conservatives indicated that they will continue with their campaign, ending with a rally in Pierre Poilievre’s own Ottawa-area riding of Carleton.

But all politicians are walking a tightrope. The attack plays into the Conservative narrative that the Liberals put criminals’ rights ahead of victims’ rights, and that the streets are less safe than they were 10 years ago.

But with so many details still unconfirmed, it would be an extremely rash politician who links events in Vancouver to federal government policy.

Carney’s task was to appear as a steady hand in a crisis. He appeared comfortable in that role, but will have to guard against appearing too partisan as he shifts back into campaign mode and wraps up the 2025 election.

jivison@criffel.ca

Twitter.com/IvisonJ


On Saturday evening, a speeding SUV plowed into a pedestrian-only area in Vancouver during Lapu Lapu Day in Vancouver as the event was coming to a close, killing nine and injuring more than 20.

Police believe the suspect in a “car ramming attack” at a Vancouver Filipino community event that killed nine people and injured over 20 acted alone and that there is no “active threat” to Canadians, Prime Minister Mark Carney said as the final day of the federal election campaign began on a dark note.

Party leaders mourned the victims of

the tragedy at the Lapu Lapu street festival

in Vancouver on Saturday evening.

During a brief statement Sunday morning, Carney said that the 30-year-old suspect behind what Vancouver police have called a “car ramming attack” was in custody and that police believe the individual acted alone.

“Authorities have confirmed that one person is in custody, and it is believed that they acted alone,” Carney said. “Currently, we do not believe that there is any active threat to Canadians.”

“Last night, families lost a sister, a brother, a mother, a father, a son or a daughter. Those families are living every family’s nightmare,” he added, his eyes welling up with tears.

On Saturday evening, a speeding SUV plowed into a pedestrian-only area along 43rd Avenue near Fraser Street in Vancouver during Lapu Lapu Day in Vancouver as the event was coming to a close and many attendees lingered after a concert.

‘Bodies everywhere’: Multiple people killed, injured at Lapu Lapu Day in Vancouver

The vehicle was seen speeding past food trucks and striking a number of festival goers, killing nine and injuring over 20 others.

Vancouver police said shortly after the incident that the main suspect was held on site by bystanders until police arrived and that he was known to the service “in certain circumstances.”

 A screenshot from a video taken immediately after the SUV drove through the crowded street.

At this time, we are confident that this incident was not an act of terrorism,” the Vancouver Police Department wrote on social media.

The tragedy shook up the final day of the federal election campaign, with national parties reviewing their itineraries and messaging at the last minute to respond to the horrible attack.

NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh, who attended the Lapu Lapu festival Saturday and left minutes before the attack, told reporters that evening that he was shocked by the “death and destruction.”

“I just keep on picturing the kids’ faces. I keep on thinking about the kids that were just having such an amazing time, the joy, the incredible warmth of the people there,” he said.

“The horrible death and destruction that happened at an event like that is something I can’t comprehend, and I keep on playing through my mind.”

On social media, Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre wrote early Sunday that he was “

shocked by the horrific news.” His itinerary Sunday was changed at the last minute to include a stop at a Filipino church to speak to community members and make a public statement about the attack.

King Charles also issued a statement mourning victims of the “dreadful”

attack on X Sunday morning

.

“Our hearts and prayers go out to all those whole lives have been shattered by such a desperate tragedy and we send our deepest possibly sympathy at a most agonizing time for so many in Canada,” reads the statement signed “Charles R”.

More to come

.

National Post, with files from the Vancouver Sun

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Preston Manning, former leader of the Reform party speaks at a conference about the Reform party, Wednesday, March 22, 2023 in Ottawa.

Mark Carney, Canada’s prime minister, is banking on people’s fears about the desperate nature of our present situation. And he’s promising to save Canadians from the apocalypse heading our way, triggered, not by climate change, but by Donald Trump’s up-ending of world order.

A 2025 report released by the federal government’s in-house think tank — Policy Horizons Canada — reinforces Carney’s dystopian warnings, with dire predictions of disillusioned youth living in a country with rising inequality, inaccessible housing and a broken promise of meritocracy.

“The cheapest, quickest way to get public support for a public policy today is to scare the hell out of people,” says Preston Manning. That’s what these consultants to political parties will tell you, says the former leader of the Reform Party and a former leader of the Opposition.

This use of fear as a motivator, Preston asserts, has been the “Liberals’ modus operandi now for over 10 years.”

“There was fear in the pandemic,” he says, that motivated people to obey health guidance. “Fear of climate catastrophe is the fundamental motivator behind a lot of green initiatives,” he continues, “and now this fear of Trump.”

Consider Carney’s concluding remarks during the leaders’ debate, Preston says, with a shake of his head. “When asked to give a one-minute statement, he actually said Trump wants to take over your country, which is complete nonsense and not possible.” (Preston has a full legal explanation, for those who are interested.)

With less than one week to the federal election, I reach out to Preston at his Calgary home for a virtual tete-a-tete on the state of the nation. Sitting up tall with arms crossed, casually dressed in a green and blue plaid shirt, the April sunlight streaming through tall windows behind him, this is not a man beleaguered by his critics.

In early April, Preston unleashed the hounds with an op-ed warning Canadians that the election of another four years of a Liberal government could precipitate a national unity problem in Canada. B.C. Premier David Eby discounts the risk, calling it a “tired trope.” And journalist Andrew Coyne discredits the idea there is a real problem with secession, accusing Preston of threatening Canadians with a rubber knife held to their throats.

But Preston — the man who once told us “the West wants in” — isn’t backing down. If the Liberals are re-elected, he reiterates, the West may be motivated to find a way out of Confederation. What he’s recommending is a legitimate forum for disgruntled westerners to be able to express their anger.

Five years ago, both Preston and I participated on then-premier Jason Kenney’s Fair Deal Panel, touring Alberta, listening to people’s grievances as a way to defuse frustration and identify strategies to strengthen Alberta’s voice in Confederation.

To be clear, Preston’s present concerns about western disgruntlement aren’t confined to Alberta, or even to Alberta and Saskatchewan. “It goes into most of rural Manitoba and all of eastern and interior and northern B.C,” he says, “The only part of B.C. that’s not in sync with this is Vancouver and Victoria.”

In his early 80s, Preston has a legacy to consider. And not just his own. In 1935, his father, Ernest Manning, entered the realm of provincial politics as William Aberhart’s right-hand man, launching the Social Credit party to alleviate the suffering of Albertans during the Great Depression, truly desperate times.

“They didn’t have to convince people that things were bad,” Preston chortles, referring to his father and Aberhart. During the Depression, Alberta’s GDP dropped by 50 per cent, he explains; for reference, during the COVID pandemic, there was an eight per cent GDP contraction.

“Can you imagine a 50 per cent contraction of your economy?” Preston posits (and Saskatchewan was even worse, he notes). “Partly because the only major industry was agriculture and agriculture was hit, not just by financial collapse but by a drought at the same time.

“The only thing you could do was try to give (people) hope,” Preston reflects. “We can get out of this. We can fix it.”

Peddling hope is a tricky thing; something we talked about during our tenure on Alberta’s Fair Deal Panel. Until recently, Carney’s reputation has been staked to faith in humanity’s ability to fight climate change by going green. Now, those carbon tax policies have been set aside and Carney’s costed election platform promises Canadians catastrophe can be averted with public-sector investment to build out Canada at a scale commensurate with that of former U.S. president Joe Biden.

Preston visibly bristles: “The Liberals are deceptive in their use of language,” he asserts. “Carney’s not calling that ‘public spending,’ he’s calling it ‘public investment,’” Preston snickers, saying the Liberal leader is failing to take into account that some day those debts that are accumulated have to be paid, and the only way they can be paid is through increased taxation. “He’s severing the link between spending and deficits and debt by calling it ‘public investment,’” he adds, obviously agitated.

“You mentioned my father,” Preston reflects. One of the last times he went into the cabinet room in Edmonton with his father, Preston recalls, his dad said: “I think we should carve into the ceiling … a question, that is, ‘Is there somebody else out there who could do what we’re talking about in here?’ Not a bad question to ask,” Preston grins.

Preston has had a lifetime to observe politics — from a western Canadian vantage point — and he’s of the view “there is no region in North America that has had more experience with populism … than western Canada.” He no longer views the political spectrum as a left-to-right continuum; for him the axis is vertical, between “bottom-up democratic populists with their wild and woolly side, and parties dominated by aristocratic elites.

“When you carve up the West’s history this way, the CCF (Co-operative Commonwealth Federation in Saskatchewan) and the Social Credit (in Alberta) are in the same quadrant,” he says. “They were both populist movements — one embraced democratic socialism, the other embraced something else — but what they had in common, and people that knew the politics of both parties at that time said, the people supporting Tommy Douglas (and the CCF) in Saskatchewan were exactly the same guys that were supporting Social Credit in Alberta.”

Noticing how talk of his father’s political era grounds Preston, I dare to probe a question few Canadian politicians risk talking about, at least in public, and that is the connection between populism and faith.

“All of these western populist movements had a spiritual dimension to them,” Preston acknowledges. “Riel might have been crazy at the end, but his rebellion was as much influenced by his Catholic upbringing as it was anything else.” And, he continues, “the movement to create the United Church, which was a bottom-up attempt to integrate things, occurred at exactly the same time as the farmers’ movement. Then in the Depression, you had Tommy Douglas, who was a Baptist minister,” and in Alberta, “Bible Bill” Aberhart.

In the U.S., it’s different — we agree — few would deny the spiritual dimension to Trump’s appeal. Whether or not something similar will happen in Canada, Preston doesn’t know, but he actually hopes it does. Ignoring the spiritual dimension, or putting it in some category where you can’t talk about it in relation to politics, he says, is a mistake.

Preston may be guilty of trying to scare the hell out of Canadians, with his talk of western alienation. But credit where credit is due: He also understands his responsibility, to create space for hope.

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Liberal candidate Nell Thomas' campaign photo, uploaded to her Facebook page.

OTTAWA — Liberal candidate Nell Thomas has apologized for comments she has reportedly made on social media that cast doubt on her views about the elderly population and new mothers.

Thomas, a family physician running for office in the riding of Haliburton—Kawartha Lakes,

posted a video Saturday

in which she said that “negative messages” on social media had been circulating about comments she made in the past that were “taken out of context.”

“However, I recognize that, regardless of context, some of my words may have hurt people and for that I am truly sorry,” she said.

Asked by National Post, Thomas’ team did not immediately clarify which of her comments she was referring to, nor did she or her campaign specify which ones had been taken out of context.

Thomas’ X account has been deleted, meaning the newspaper is unable to independently confirm those tweets.

One screengrab circulating on social media shows Thomas, commenting on the “elderly demographic” on May 11, 2024, reportedly wrote that Canada must “stop keeping ancients alive so long.”

Another screengrab of a post on X, dated April 12, 2023, shows Thomas reportedly criticizing women bearing children.

“Imagine my thoughts when assessing a pregnant patient. I telepathically advise the fetus to sue the owner of the uterus while exiting it to this world. Of necessity, a mother must be a climate change denier,” reads the post.

While Thomas did not specifically reference those posts in her apology video, she insisted that she is a “person of strong morality.”

“I am a physician who cares for patients of all ages across every stage of life including end-of-life journeys. I help people find dignity, relieve suffering, and seeking peace when existence becomes too heavy to bear,” she said.

“I am also a lifelong environmentalist who cares deeply about the future we are leaving for our children. There is nothing more meaningful to me than caring for moms and their babies. I love the life force that drives us to create new generations,” she added.

Thomas was less apologetic when talking about fossil fuel companies, which she blames for the climate crisis and the resulting eco-anxiety that many couples face when thinking of having children.

“If I could, I would take legal action against the oil and gas companies that knew many decades ago, a hundred years ago, the price we would eventually pay for our dependence on fossil fuels,” she said in her video.

“It is devastating that because of their greed, many people feel forced to wrestle with difficult questions about the future, including whether or not to have children, whether to bring children into a world facing such challenges.”

Other surprising posts reportedly written by Thomas include criticizing agriculture as “a thing of the past” and saying eliminating meat from people’s diets will soon be essential for parts of planet Earth to “remain habitable.”

Thomas

told a local newspaper that she is “Green at heart”

and only joined the Liberals recently because she wanted to vote for Mark Carney as leader. She said she has voted for all parties in the past, even incumbent Conservative MP Jamie Schmale.

National Post


Canada's former Prime Minister Jean Chretien waves as he speaks at a Liberal party event. (Photo by Dave Chan / AFP)

OTTAWA — At age 91, Jean Chrétien is still on the road, campaigning for his party.

The former prime minister says he has travelled to Newfoundland and Labrador, Nova Scotia, Quebec and Ontario to ask voters to re-elect the Liberals for a fourth mandate.

On a rainy Saturday afternoon, Chrétien was in downtown Ottawa beating the drums for incumbent MP Yasir Naqvi, with dozens of soaked supporters hanging on to every word.

“I will tell you how I became a Liberal,” he started by saying.

As a student, he said he went with his classmates to visit the premier of Quebec at the time, Maurice Duplessis, who attended the same boys’ school as him in Trois-Rivières.

When it was his turn to meet Duplessis, he said the premier shook his hand and asked for his name. He said Duplessis correctly guessed Chrétien was from Shawinigan.

“Your father was Willie Chrétien,” said Duplessis.

“Yes, Mr. Duplessis,” nodded Chrétien.

“Your grandfather was François Chrétien, mayor of Saint-Étienne-des-Grès,” said Duplessis. Chrétien said he acquiesced once more.

“’You’re a

maudit Rouge

. You’re a goddamned Red’, he said,” recounted Chrétien.

“I’m still a Red, I’m still a Liberal, and I’m still winning the election.”

Chrétien, who won three consecutive majority governments between 1993 and 2003, is now confident Liberal Leader Mark Carney will be able to match his past victories.

“Monday is going to be a Liberal sunshine day,” Chrétien told the wet crowd.

He noted that only a few months ago, observers were predicting a crushing defeat for the Liberals. Chrétien joked he was afraid he would have to buy flowers for the occasion.

“Now, I will use the flowers anyway on Monday to celebrate the majority government of the Liberal party,” he said.

Carney has been careful to not use the word “majority,” but his foreign affairs minister

Melanie Joly clearly called for a majority government

during a rally last week in Quebec.

Carney has instead been asking for a “strong” or a “clear” mandate from voters.

Speaking to National Post, Chrétien said he first realized his party could rise back from the ashes during the leadership convention that saw Carney become leader.

“He was the man of the occasion,” he said. “Just the fact that he got 86 per cent of the vote was an indication that people who had the right to vote realized that he was their person.”

Chrétien was a guest speaker at the convention and was already noticing that Canadians were becoming more united in the face of U.S. President Donald Trump’s threats.

On Saturday, Chrétien said that sentiment persisted during his travels out east.

“I’m very happy with the mood that I’ve discovered,” he said. “We have never been so united. We should say thank you to Mr. Trump.”

Like he did during the leadership convention, Chrétien joked that he wanted to propose Trump for the Order of Canada for the services rendered to the country.

“But I was told that I would fail,” he said. “We don’t give the Order of Canada to someone who has a criminal record.”

Chrétien had kind words for Carney, whom he described as the epitome of the Canadian dream.

In his speech, he described him as the son of Fort Smith, Northwest Territories — “a lot deeper than Shawinigan” — who went on to serve as governor of two central banks.

“Imagine, the Brits came to take a Canadian from Fort Smith to become the governor of the bank,” he said.

“And suddenly, he is available to us.”

After the speech, Chrétien complimented Carney on his campaign to reporters.

“He’s done well for somebody who is in politics for the first time. He did very well, he kept his calm, he did not make mistakes — or very small mistakes,” he said.

“You guys, you are just looking for that at times, but it is your job like I do my job.”

Carney notably apologized to candidate and gun-control activist Nathalie Provost for mispronouncing her last name and for naming the wrong university where she was shot.

And this week, Carney admitted that

Trump talked about the 51st state during their call last month

, despite saying publicly that the president had “respected Canada’s sovereignty.”

Chrétien was asked if Justin Trudeau made the right choice by announcing he would be stepping down as leader.

“It was the right decision for him to make, and it turned out to be very good,” he said.

“It was change that was very timely.”

After campaigning for the Liberals in four different provinces, Chrétien said he is ready to relax a bit. But he promised Naqvi he would be back in future elections should he need him.

“I will come back to support you when I will be 100.”

National Post

calevesque@postmedia.com

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The $34-billion Trans Mountain oil pipeline expansion project started carrying crude oil from Alberta to the B.C. coast on May 1, 2024.

Two of Canada’s most prominent business and former political leaders are urging the next government to make national unity a top priority.

Former New Brunswick premier and ambassador to the U.S. Frank McKenna championed the nation-building Energy East pipeline. Gary Mar, formerly Alberta’s intergovernmental relations minister and representative in Washington, now president of the Canada West Foundation.

Both joined columnist Tasha Kheiriddin on Thursday for a live discussion about national unity and the federal election.

McKenna suggested to National Post that Mark Carney, if elected, should spend a lot of time out west to heal the wounds of division.

Western political representation

Looking at the source of Western Canada’s discontent, Mar pointed to the region’s association with the economic power linked to natural resource development.

However, McKenna pointed to a long history of high-level representation from Alberta in particular: “Alberta has enjoyed a lot of respect at the national level,” he said.

Still, McKenna firmly acknowledged that sensitivity to western concerns continue: “I hope and pray that when (the election) is all over that the pain points, the points of stress will be worked out. That we will have national leaders, the premiers included, that will work on assuaging some of these issues.”

Power focused in central Canada

Mar noted a shift in national politics has given rise to the present sense of western alienation. Past prime ministers, such as Brian Mulroney, Jean Chretien and Stephen Harper “had national visions” leading to “legitimacy as a national government, because you represented the whole country,” he said. This resulted in inevitable, but acceptable compromises.

Today, he said leadership is more equivalent to “followership,” and “vote maximization for the sake of power” — pushing politics to where the majority sits — in central Canada.

Potential unifying role of pipelines

Looking to cross-country energy pipelines as a source of wealth, McKenna expressed dismay that a national understanding of their importance has yet to be reached.

“In the last 10 years, we have lost $60-80 billion dollars in Canadian wealth to the United States of America because we have not been able to get the appropriate economic rents for our resource. Any Canadian, properly instructed, would say that’s not acceptable.”

The reason Canadians feel Donald Trump has a grip around our collective throat, says McKenna, is because of a trade discrepancy with the U.S., which derives from the natural resources we send south, even though Americans exploit them and “turn (them) into other jobs.”

The lesson, he said, is to maintain a close relationship with the U.S., while cementing relationships around the world that will enable Canada to maximize the benefits of our resources.

McKenna believes pipelines have the possibility to unify Canadians the way railway and highway systems have done previously. “All have been tough to do and taken a lot of political capital,” he said, before pointing to several oil and liquified natural gas projects, including a potential LNG project in Quebec touted by Liberal cabinet minister Melanie Joly during a recent speech in Montreal, as potential unifiers.

The kind of energy corridor that has been promoted by both the Liberals and Conservatives, and was approved by the premiers in a meeting before the election was called “would truly be nation-building,” McKenna said.

A vision broader than climate targets

Both Mar and McKenna agreed that environmental concerns are valid, but they also advocated a broader vision than simply aiming to meet climate accord targets.

Quebec has the ability to be more environmentally sensitive with its emphasis on hydropower and Alberta more carbon-focused due to oil, said McKenna, but he would like to see a prime minister who can say “we can be both.”

Alberta, he noted “has more scientists working on clean technology than anywhere else in the world.” The Trump crisis has given Canada an “opportunity to do things we could never have done under ordinary circumstances.”

Turning back to western alienation and national support for western fossil fuels, McKenna felt assured that Pierre Poilievre is ready to move forward given his vocal track record.

Meanwhile, he pointed out that Carney was chairman of Brookfield Properties (a major player in the pipeline industry), as McKenna is now. He quoted Carney: “Pipelines going through the United States and Ontario are a national security issue for us” and building them requires one approach, not the federal and provincial governments working separately.

“If he is the prime minister after the election, I would like him to spend a lot of time in the west and listen to people because the concerns genuine, and I think they are in the national interest.”

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Bloc Quebecois Leader Yves-Francois Blanchet speaks to the media following a federal election campaign stop in La Prairie, Que., on Wednesday, April 23, 2025.

VAL-D’OR, Que. – Yves-François Blanchet makes no bones that he wants Quebec to become a country, and he believes that sitting in a “foreign parliament” will help the cause.

But before tearing apart what he describes as an “artificial country with very little meaning,” he wants to hold the balance of power in the next House of Commons.

The Bloc Québécois campaign has been troubled for some time now, and for several reasons.

The ballot question surrounding the Canada-U.S. relationship and the fear of American annexation, plus the fact the Liberal leader interrupted his campaign three times to act as prime minister, are problematic for them. Advancing the party’s narrative has been a challenge in the last five weeks.

Plus, there is the independence project, the Bloc’s “

raison d’être

.” Its electorate is composed primarily of separatist voters, but also of nationalists who find in this party a tool to defend their nation on the federal stage.

And even if those nationalist voters don’t want secession, they are proud of their representatives who defend them at every opportunity, particularly on issues of language, immigration, and state secularism.

“I want to be home, and for a large number of Quebecers, for the past 30 years at different times, being home means being with the Bloc Québécois,” Blanchet told supporters at a Châteauguay restaurant Friday evening.

But this time, U.S. President Donald Trump is changing everything. Fear seems to have given the Liberals the upper hand, and the rise of Canadian patriotism in the province has sidelined the independence idea.

Most of the hundreds of questions Blanchet fielded over the past five weeks focused on strategy and polls.

And then, independence came up.

“The day after (the vote), I promise you that I will not declare Quebec’s independence. I swear it. That is not the purpose of the campaign,” he said.

What Blanchet wants is a balance of power in a minority government, and then to work with the provincial party, the Parti Québécois, to elect a majority of sovereigntist members to the National Assembly of Quebec, “where independence can be achieved.”

In an interview with National Post, the director of the McGill Institute for the Study of Canada said that talking about independence would be a “strategic error” for the Bloc in this context.

“The fact that he doesn’t talk about sovereignty creates a certain opacity. But people know very well that they are sovereigntists,” said Daniel Béland. “If the Bloc holds the balance of power, it could create political instability and problems in Parliament, but also in Western Canada.”

Not everyone agrees. Denis Trudel is a staunch separatist. He’s always happy to talk about Quebec independence. According to him, the more you talk about it, the more support it will garner, and the sooner Quebec will join the community of nations.

It was therefore quite surprising that the incumbent Bloc Québécois MP and candidate in Longueuil—Saint-Hubert did everything he could to avoid discussing it when his leader visited him in his riding on Thursday.

“This is not what I’m hearing about in Longueuil-Saint-Hubert right now,” he told us as he was waiting for his leader.

Suddenly, Trudel was rushed to Blanchet’s bus by a Bloc staffer, abruptly interrupting our conversation. A tight schedule, we were told.

After lunch, Trudel refused to speak to the national media, who were asked to return to their bus. Inside the restaurant, the candidate was speaking to a local reporter. The journalists turned around and went inside, even though the staffers threatened to leave without them.

The scrum lasted a minute, and the question of Quebec independence was posed to him.

“People aren’t talking about sovereignty, they’re talking about the cost of living,” he repeated, before the encounter was interrupted.

Trudel is in a close race with the Liberal candidate. He is also known for his outspoken positions, such as when he

suggested

that the Liberal party posed a greater threat to Quebec than U.S. President Donald Trump.

The media were then directed to their bus, where they sat in silence for more than 10 minutes. Tensions were running high. The Bloc campaign, arguably the most open to the media of all the federal parties, kept saying the schedule was tight. But that wasn’t the case.

At his second press conference of the day, Blanchet knew the question would be asked: Why does there seem to be less appetite in talking about sovereignty?

“There is a trial of intent in the question. Who tells you that we absolutely must not talk about sovereignty?” he replied, irritated.

No one did. But the awkwardness was real.

Shefford MP and candidate Andréanne Larouche was not pleased when asked about this during a subsequent media scrum.

“We are not putting (the issue) aside, as Yves-François said; it is not in the House of Commons that it will be decided,” she said.

Once again, the meeting ended abruptly. The schedule was tight, they said.

Bloc supporters are aware that Quebec’s sovereignty will not be on the ballot. Of course, they want independence, but they also understand that Monday’s election will primarily be about Canada-US relations.

The Bloc Québécois is a separatist party, the federal cousin of the Parti Québécois, the main vector for independence in Quebec. This provincial party has led the polls for more than a year and may form government in 2026. Moreover, PQ leader Paul St-Pierre Plamondon is one of the most popular politicians in Quebec.

However, St-Pierre Plamondon has been seen little during this campaign. In September, the man nicknamed PSPP headlined a large Bloc Québécois rally during the LaSalle-Émard-Verdun byelection. The Bloc won a surprise victory in this Liberal stronghold.

“It’s not in our plans (to have him campaigning with us). But he supports me like I support him, it’s public,” Blanchet said, without adding if he would benefit from his presence on the campaign trail.

A few hours later, PSPP published a long letter on social media in support of the Bloc and pleading that “Mark Carney poses an existential threat to Quebec.” He argued that Carney “would set Quebec back” with his policies on immigration, government spending, and interference with provincial language and state secularism laws.

“I don’t see in what parallel universe we would come to the conclusion that we can trust him enough to give him a blank check,” he wrote.

“Achieving Quebec independence is a matter of linguistic and cultural survival for Quebec. This is what I am working toward and will continue to work toward in the coming years,” he continued, adding that he is unequivocally supporting the Bloc and that Quebecers should give Blanchet’s party the balance of power.

The PQ did not answer an interview request.

In this election, Blanchet has been presenting himself as the ultimate watchdog for Quebecers. What is good for Quebec, he will defend. What isn’t good, he will oppose.

“As long as we are part of Canada, and we get elected in this Parliament, we are entitled to any right and privilege and opportunity being provided by the persons who vote, and I will relinquish none of them,” Blanchet said.

National Post
atrepanier@postmedia.com
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Lionel Logantham, Conservative candidate for Markham-Thornhill in Ontario (Photo from candidate's X account)

MARKHAM, Ont.

— Lionel Loganathan says he has probably spoken more Tamil in the past two-and-half years than he has his entire life. 

Seated in his campaign office, the Conservative candidate describes how his parents’ story of immigrating  from Sri Lanka in the 1980s makes his upbringing like the thousands of others who call Markham, and more specifically the riding of Markham-Thornhill, home.

“This has actually helped me connect back with my roots.”

Immigrants make up more than half of Markham’s population, a city of around 350,000 outside of Toronto. It is part of the vote-rich Greater Toronto Area, which any federal party must win in order to form government.

 

Stories like

Loganathan’s are what Poilievre is counting on to resonate with voters, as the campaign concludes its final stretch.

The inroads Poilievre has tried making with immigrant and cultural communities, focusing on crime and the cost-of-living, will also be put to the test.

Markham-Thornhill, where

Loganathan says more than 350 languages are spoken, are among the most ethnically diverse, like

ridings in Brampton, Scarborough and B.C.’s lower mainland.

“When I started doing this, my board would say to me, you know, we’ve got to go to the mosque, or we got to go to the temple, or we got to go to all these places to to do outreach.”

“And I was like, you know where I go to see people from the Jewish community, or people from the Muslim community or people from the Hindu community? I go to No Frills. I go to Costco.”

Now a software sales executive,

Loganathan

was born in Canada after his parents’ arrival. Growing up, his father worked as a limousine driver, his mother in the back office of a bank. She travelled to and from downtown everyday on the 53 bus, he remembers.

Loganathan also grew up as Canadian as it gets, he says,

 playing street hockey and backcountry camping with friends.

“I’m a son of this riding, and I always will be, and it’s a part of who I am.”

In Markham, those of Chinese descent make up the largest demographic of any ethnic group, followed by South Asians.

Federally, the city is divided into three ridings: Markham–Unionville,

Markham—Stouffville and Markham–Thornhill. The Liberals currently hold all three. 

The latter, where

Loganathan is running, is where the Liberals recruited a candidate who could very well find himself in cabinet, should Liberal Leader Mark Carney win Monday. 

Tim Hodgson

served as special advisor to Carney during his time at the Bank of Canada. Like Carney,  Hodgson worked at Goldman Sachs. And like Carney, he has corporate business experience from both New York and London. 

Hodgson was most recently chairman of Hydro One and remains on a leave of absence. He was named the Liberal candidate the day after the campaign got underway.

A spokesperson for his campaign declined an interview with National Post, citing Hodgson’s “over committed schedule.”

Their response suggests they feel confident.

“We would be happy to discuss this again after the election though.”

Polling aggregator 338canada.com suggests the Liberal seat to be safe. 

Hodgson is running in a riding last held by former cabinet minster Mary Ng, who announced back in February she was not seeking reelection.

Ng, as well as other former Toronto-area minsters, such as Gary Anandasangaree, who is himself Tamil, Anita Anand and Bill Blair have campaigned for him, as have incumbents like Ali

Ehsassi and Maninder Sidhu.

Hodgson is running on the same issue all Liberals are: Mounting a defence to U.S. President Donald Trump’s trade war and his comments about annexing Canada.

Donning a Canadian hockey jersey,

Hodgson calls Trump’s actions “economic war” in a video recently posted to social media and says that his candidacy reflects his sense of duty, not ambition. 

He highlights the riding’s diversity as part of the Canadian story, and calls himself both a “centrist” and “pragmatist.”

It’s a pitch Carney himself made when he first declared he was running for Liberal leadership, successfully replacing former prime minister Justin Trudeau

— part of a series of events that led to a dramatic reversal of fortunes for the Liberals.

Watching that swing has been

Loganathan himself. Like other Conservatives candidates, his chances of capturing the riding increased as Trudeau weighed down the Liberals. 

Now things have changed.

Loganathan, who became the nominated candidate in February 2024, estimates his team having knocked on more than 60,000 doors. 

He says he has not seen a shift in his percentage of support.

Loganathan is also honest and acknowledges that, “maybe there’s a few more folks that are telling us they’re undecided.” 

“And look,” he says. “I don’t blame them. There’s a lot of uncertainty in the world, but we have not seen our supporter rates shift.”

Like other Conservatives, he says core issues like crime and housing have not disappeared. Trump’s comments have served as a “distraction,” he adds.

In terms of support,

Loganathan says he’s had

more than 3,000 lawn signs requests and has gone to the printer three times now, but will not be able to meet demand.

That is a massive improvement from previous Conservative candidates who ran, due in part to

Loganathan’s efforts to build up the party’s presence in the riding, which historically finishes a distant second to the Liberals. 

Lawn sign requests and rally sizes have been something Conservatives have pointed to throughout the campaign as proof the party is onto something.

Meanwhile, successive public opinion polls suggest the 20-point lead Poilievre enjoyed for the past 18-months has collapsed into a near dead-heat with the Liberals, or shows them to be trailing.

Loganathan says polls do come up at the doors. As does Poilievre himself. 

“People are just curious about, who is he, what’s he like, how’s he going to be.”

Having worked as a riding captain for Poilievre’s successful 2022 Conservative party leadership bid, Loganathan shares how he has come to know the leader. 

“I tell them that he’s a very thoughtful man. He’s somebody that cares deeply about Canada. He’s somebody that, you know, cares deeply about his family, and that he is more like us in this riding than any of the other options are.”

Poilievre will be hoping his personal story of having been adopted and raised in an average Canadian family resonates over the image his critics paint of him, and that many voters already see, which is a likeness to Trump.

Loganathan says he tells voters who are curious that Poilievre is blunt.

He also tells them Poilievre deserves a shot, pointing to his effectiveness as Opposition leader, having s

ingle-handily “shifted the entire country’s perception on the carbon tax to his vision.” 

“He’s earned a chance at government and that’s what I tell people.”

National Post.

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St Peter's Square during the funeral of Pope Francis, at the Vatican, Saturday, April 26, 2025.

The most extraordinary aspect of the funeral Mass for Pope Francis was its astonishingly beautiful ordinariness.
With the great and the good gathered from around the globe on Saturday in St. Peter’s Square, what unfolded for the most part was a religious observance that could be found on any given Sunday in the humblest Roman Catholic parish on earth.
True, few parishes regularly attract an estimated crowd of 250,000 inside and overflowing onto surrounding streets.
No, the College of Cardinals, resplendent in red and white vestments under a Mary blue Roman sky, isn’t normally on show all in one go.
The dean of the College, Cardinal Giovanni Battista Re, is rarely – okay, never – the principal concelebrant at the local RC church on the corner.
The choir of St. Peter’s hardly ever pitches up to sing the entrance antiphon as the Bishop of Rome’s simple wooden coffin is borne down the steps of a St. Joachim’s or a St. Joseph’s or a St. Maximillian Kolbe’s as they struggle to survive in the heart of every downtown.
Yet the words that formally began the Mass were, for faithful and even occasional Catholics, as familiar, as homely, as the homily that goes on too long, as the making of the sign of the Cross that is a deeply ingrained mark of identity and community.
“Let us acknowledge our sins and so prepare ourselves to celebrate the sacred mysteries. I confess to Almighty God, and you, my brothers and sisters….” Cardinal Re began the Mass.
The resonance of the two sentences undoubtedly ran through every listening Catholic heart even as the reference to “the sacred mysteries” must have caused secular puzzlement for many in the 170 delegations present, including heads of state and heads of government.
What they signaled, however, was that all were present in Rome for a Roman Catholic Mass, not a cleverly orchestrated political masque where just showing up to be seen was the whole point of the exercise.
It was a reminder, too, that the deceased for whom the Requiem was being said and sung in plainchant was a pastor of souls. He was the apostolic successor to the first Apostle, Peter, not a geopolitical figure or garden variety ideologue whose life and purpose could be captured in the fatuous binaries of right wing-left wing, conservative-progressive, liberal-reactionary.
As Francis himself said repeatedly, his mission was the spreading of the Gospel, not trying to win a competition for good-better-best forms of government.
In his homily at the Mass, Cardinal Re noted the undertone of that admonition in the day’s Gospel. According to John, Jesus, at a post-breakfast test, asks three times whether Simon Peter loves Him. Each time, Peter insists he does. Each time, Jesus says: “Feed my sheep.”
Cardinal Re pointed to the parallel of Francis’ self-giving service to Christ over the decades of his priesthood.
“Francis gave his life for the sheep,” Cardinal Re said.
Indeed, in his very first encyclical after becoming Pope 12 years ago, Francis famously used that very metaphor to insist that those involved in Christian evangelization must take on the “smell of the sheep” in carrying forward Christ’s formative directive to Peter.
The meaning, he spelled out in Evangelium Gaudium (the Joy of the Gospel) is inherent in the Mass itself, which is nothing if not a community in communion, something subtly reflected in the very seating arrangements employed by the organizers of Saturday’s Mass. The world’s dignitaries, for example, were organized by name, in alphabetical order, according to the French alphabet. As a result, President Donald Trump ended up extending the peace of Christ to nearby seatmate Emmanuel Macron.
They thus lived out concretely – at least for a few moments, willingly or not – the liturgical obligation that Francis expressed as an apolitical imperative when he said: “An evangelizing community is supportive, standing by people every step of the way no matter how difficult or lengthy this may be.”
Impolitic, idealistic, naïve, zany as that might seem in a world of zero-sum advantage seekers, it is what Francis called the “missionary key” of Christian faith. It was inherent in the juxtapositions of the Mass that 250,000 attended in St. Peter’s Square, and millions more watched on TV.
Whether they discerned it not, they were immersed in what the Catholic liturgy offers each time a Mass is said -– whether in the greatest cathedrals and basilicas or at the gathering of a few greying heads unsure how their building committee is going to pay to fix the church’s leaking roof.
Sacrifice begets thanksgiving. Victimization becomes oblation. Death offers reconciliation with God.
Above all, which Francis preached from the very start of his pontificate, suffering yields joy. Or at least, within Catholic life, the possibility for such transformation is always and everywhere available through the Mass.
It’s why, Francis urged in Evangelium Gaudium, “an evangelizer must never look like someone who has just come back from a funeral,” and Christians must not live out their faith “like Lent without Easter.”
Fittingly – Francis like – the Pope who authored those word came back from near death only weeks ago to fill St. Peter’s Square with his joyful spirit on Easter Sunday. Then he passed from this life the following day. The great and the good, the simple and unadorned, gathered en masse to bid him goodbye and pray for the repose of his soul. And in the Mass itself, an extraordinarily ordinary beauty was yet again reborn.
Peter Stockland is Publisher-Editor of The Catholic Register

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Royal Canadian Air Force CF-18 Hornets.

Analysts don’t see a whole lot of difference between the defence platforms of the two major parties vying to govern Canada.

Liberals are promising to boost defence spending over four years by $18 billion to meet the two per cent NATO spending target. The Conservative platform pledges to accomplish the same by adding $17 billion to the defence budget between 2025-2029.

“Really it’s kind of some nuance more so than huge differences; I see a lot of commonalities really,” said David Perry, who heads the Canadian Global Affairs Institute.

“I think the Conservatives are going a little heavier on the Arctic, or at least in a different way. Their Arctic plans feature more permanent presence. At least that’s how I interpret the commitment to build three bases rather than just have the forward operating locations. A base, to me, implies permanency and having troops stationed there on a more full-time basis, whereas the Liberal plan talks about Arctic enhancement and some of the infrastructure … and investments in things like the Arctic over-the-horizon radar, but not as much of a permanent station.”

The Conservatives are also pitching “a kind of bolder and more ambitious plan in terms of what they would do for the commercial infrastructure in support of strategic objectives, both with a base in Churchill as well as their Arctic corridor idea,” Perry said.

Liberals “have more of an emphasis of working with Indigenous communities … as part of their Arctic plan,” he said.

In the “big picture, the Liberal plan talks more about working with Europe,” Perry said. “The Conservative one has got more of a focus on (Australia, New Zealand and the United Kingdom) — the other members of the Five Eyes beyond the United States. So, a bit of a differentiation there in terms of other partners to collaborate with.”

The other “notable difference,” Perry said, is “a bit of a different emphasis on how they’d approach fixing procurement. Liberals are proposing the creation of a single agency, not for the first time. They did that in the 2019 platform as well but didn’t actually implement it. The Conservatives are focused on bringing back a cabinet committee focused on defence procurement and setting up a structure in the Privy Council Office to organize procurement, which for my money, is the smarter proposal — less disruptive and would focus on some of the key coordination issues that aren’t necessarily going to be fixed just by creating a separate agency. But I think in both cases you could say that there’s some commonality of looking to have more central focus to procurement.”

While both parties are promising to bolster defence spending, Perry does not expect much to change during the next mandate, no matter who takes the country’s reins.

“I think we need to be prepared to be underwhelmed by how much can change in just the next four years, because the current defence procurement cycle, as an example, runs about 15 years from projects starting to being completed.”

No matter who wins, even if they’re “astonishingly effective and they reduce the procurement time to one third of what it currently is, well that’s basically like an entire new mandate,” Perry said.

Canada currently spends 1.37 per cent of its gross domestic product on defence — about $41 billion annually.

“Our investments will be spent wisely and effectively to put Canada on track to exceed our NATO defence spending target before 2030,” according to the Liberal platform.

Liberal Leader Mark Carney is promising his government will give pay raises to the military, “rapidly (increase) the stock of high-quality housing on bases across the country and (ensure) access to primary child care and health care — including mental health supports — for serving members and their families.”

The Liberals are pledging to modernize the military’s recruitment process “by streamlining security clearances and applying online, so that more applicants can get trained, faster.”

The Liberals also plan to “integrate the Canadian Coast Guard into our NATO defence capabilities” to “exceed our commitment to spend at least two per cent of GDP on defence.”

That makes sense, according to Ken Hansen, a military analyst and former navy commander.

“The coast guard has been very defensive about this; their leadership and their people are not thrilled about it,” Hansen said. “But I think it’s essential. There has to be some kind of common working arrangement with the coast guard and the military.”

Pierre Poilievre’s Conservatives are promising to fix the recruiting “crisis” by increasing the reserve force to 30,000 and the regular force to 71,500 within 18 months.

Conservatives plan to “double the size of the 1st Patrol Group of the Canadian Rangers from 2,000 to 4,000,” and acquire two new heavy icebreakers for the navy.

 A group of Canadian Rangers train near Hall Beach, Nunavut in 2017.

The Conservative platform also includes promises to “rapidly build 6,000 new homes on Canadian Forces bases,” as well as acquire new submarines and tactical helicopters.

While both the Conservatives and Liberals are both promising defence spending will reach two per cent of GDP, that target could soon be shifting upward, said Richard Shimooka, senior fellow with the MacDonald-Laurier Institute.

“We have a NATO summit coming up and the talk is that the floor is going to go to three per cent,” Shimooka said.

“There’s a big push, not just by the Trump administration, but by European allies to actually spend more on defence.”

The military has always been a pricey budget item for Canada, said Hansen. But he cautions promises made on the hustings don’t always pan out for the Forces, no matter who’s in power.

“When the pinch is on for money due to things like COVID or trade wars, then that’s where they’ll squeeze to get some money out so they can smear it around somewhere else,” Hansen said.

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