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People go past the CAMH location on College Street in Toronto. “It is ironic that an organization that provides mental health support is so disconnected from the mental health of its staff,” said one CAMH employee's feedback.

Many staff inside the country’s leading mental health institution say they are suffering their own trauma from a toxic workplace rife with discrimination and bullying.

Anonymous employee feedback from health-care providers at Toronto’s

Centre for Addiction and Mental Health (CAMH)

include widespread staff complaints about a work culture they say left them with mental health challenges including anxiety, depression and even suicidality.

When they attempt to address their grievances, many say they were met with retaliation and a lack of accountability.

“I would throw up before work,” one employee said. “I know no one would support me.”

Some staff blamed the workplace culture at CAMH for mental health challenges. “They make you doubt your sanity,” one respondent wrote.

Some respondents explicitly noted a gap between the hospital’s mental health mission and the psychological state of its employees.

“It is ironic that an organization that provides mental health support is so disconnected from the mental health of its staff,” said one respondent.

Another wrote: “The fact that the organization puts out statements about anti-racism that don’t align with what we experience internally, it’s a problem. They don’t walk the talk internally.”

CAMH, hailed as a leading international mental health voice that provides training on staff mental health to major employers in Canada, said it has reviewed the criticisms by staff and taken active steps to address them.

“I know this is what happens in workplaces — It is very different when you hear it from colleagues,” said CAMH equity director, Kwame McKenzie in an interview. “It’s very poignant. It’s very raw. It makes you think of the urgency that you need to do something different.”

The responses were gathered in 2021 and 2023 by an external consulting group and the hospital’s equity office respectively, and were obtained by the

Investigative Journalism Bureau

through freedom of information legislation.

The internal reviews, which unfolded during COVID and the emergence of the Black Lives Matter movement, are only the latest attempts to understand longstanding issues at CAMH.

Following a 2019 internal survey that raised concerns of racism, hospital administrators decided additional indepth interviews were needed to better understand the experience of employees. In 2021 and 2023, a total of about 2,000 employees — nearly half the hospital’s staff — took part in separate workplace reviews.

In 2021, a working group conducted in-depth interviews with 50 staff members representing a wide range of positions across the hospital that documented widespread allegations of harassment, bullying and intimidation.

Some employees described toxic workplace environments and traumatic encounters with colleagues and leadership that led to significant mental health challenges. “The story is consistent across participants — the themes are raw and clear,” the report concluded.

One respondent said they became suicidal after repeated bullying and exclusion: “I internalized how bad they made me feel about myself.”

The respondent pool included staff identifying as Black, white, First Nation, Asian and from other racial groups, and reflected a wide range of religious affiliations.

About 70 per cent of respondents expressed they experienced discrimination based on their racial and cultural background. One in eight reported feeling discrimination based on religion, and a third felt discrimination based on age.

CAMH has been recognized

multiple times by Mediacorp Canada on its annual list of Canada’s Best Diversity Employers.

Another key theme in the surveys is staff feeling unsupported by management after filing a grievance.

“We went to grievance and won. My manager did not want to fire him because they were friends.”

About half of participants said they didn’t know how to file a complaint, and 43 per cent said they would not refer colleagues to job opportunities at CAMH.

In 2023, CAMH followed up with a survey that was completed by 45 per cent of the hospital’s staff. The results continued to highlight equity concerns.

McKenzie, a psychiatrist and director of health equity at CAMH for more than a decade, commissioned the surveys to help the hospital collect concrete data to improve the workplace, he said. While he acknowledged the findings being made public could raise difficult questions, he said the hospital is committed to transparency and improvement.

“We wanted to do it because we wanted to find out what was… upsetting staff in order to try and create some solutions,” said McKenzie. “We are actually really proud of that fact, that we’re a sort of organization that has the courage to try to do it.”

Eight current and former CAMH nursing staff interviewed for this story described a culture that is often punitive and driven by blame.

Jacqueline Boyce, a current nurse at CAMH for more than two decades, wasn’t surprised by the findings. She said she’s witnessed countless alleged inequities firsthand and understands the deep mistrust many staff feel toward the organization, as well as the fear among nurses of speaking out. She said most remain silent out of fear.

“If you speak up, they can come after your job,” she said. “If you feel that’s a threat, you just stay calm, your voice becomes powerless and nothing is done.

“People, they take whatever’s handed out to them and shut up, right? Their safety is in being quiet.”

CAMH was an early adopter of the

National Standard of Canada for Psychological Health and Safety in the Workplace,

launched in 2013. It promotes a culture where staff are encouraged to report errors or concerns without fear of punishment.

But another current nurse, whose identity is being protected due to fears of retribution, said raising issues or defending her work frequently resulted in disciplinary meetings and veiled threats from leaders, leaving her feeling unsafe and anxious for her job.

“I would go home and just cry,” she said, her voice breaking as she recalled interactions with managers over the years. “How would you feel working in a mental institution and every time you come in you feel (you’re walking on) pins and needles. Would you be able to function in this environment?”

 Two women read the a sign at the CAMH location on Queen Street ibn Toronto.

Many of the concerns raised by staff at CAMH are echoed by

health-care workers across Canada

who cite staff shortages, heavy workloads and safety concerns for increasing burnout, absences and high turnover.

But there are unique challenges for staff in mental health care who must manage both their own emotions and those of clients in extreme distress, said Kim Foster, a mental health nurse and researcher who has studied the well-being of the mental health clinical workforce in Australia.

“It’s difficult to provide psychological care if you yourself are not feeling psychologically safe,” said Foster. “We’re a mental health service. We should be practicing what we preach.”

But the challenges are often more deep-rooted than a few bad apples in management, she said.

“I do think managers get blamed for a lot of things that are perhaps not always their fault,” she said. “They themselves are often working in stressed, pressured environments. If you haven’t got managers who are experienced, or you have a culture in senior management that doesn’t support staff, that of course makes things difficult.”

Psychologist, N. Zoe Hilton, professor in the department of psychiatry at the University of Toronto and research chair at the Waypoint Research Institute in Penetanguishene, Ont., led the Trauma Among Psychiatric Workers Project, a multi-hospital

study

designed to understand how workplace factors impact trauma experiences among nurses and other hospital staff.

Part of the study, published in 2020, surveyed 761 staff across three psychiatric hospitals in Ontario and conducted interviews with two dozen workers. They found 29 per cent of participants met the clinical screening threshold for PTSD, depression or anxiety.

“I think that’s really important research that CAMH has done,” said Hilton. “I think it’s important for giving that voice to staff who may not be able to speak out in their workplaces.

CAMH’s McKenzie said he takes staff accounts of a troubled workplace culture seriously. “I’m always mortified to hear when our (staff) are disappointed in us or upset by us and think we should do better,” he said. “There’s a hell of a lot (of supports for clinical and non-clinical workers) at CAMH — there needs to be. If we’ve got people saying, ‘we want more,’ we need to be able to listen and work out what we can do in order to improve things for individuals.”

CAMH promotes itself publicly as a leader in workplace wellness, advising companies like Maple Leaf Foods and Sun Life on how to improve employee well-being and organizational accountability.

The hospital hasn’t followed its own advice, said current and former staff who spoke with the Investigative Journalism Bureau.

One nurse, whose identity is being protected due to fear of retribution, said that although she’s aware of resources, she has avoided them. Her past experiences have left her fearful that anything she shares could be used against her.

“You lose trust because of the experiences that you go through — the trauma,” she said. “You hurt me already and now you’re telling me you set up someone to come help me. You think I’m going to accept that?… It’s not safe for me.”

Instead, she draws on support from her religious community outside of work and uses her vacation days as informal mental health leave.

Staff feedback also suggests a double standard in how patient abuse toward staff is addressed. “Patients calling me the ‘N’ word was the norm, no one had consequences,” one nurse said. “If a white nurse was made uncomfortable, the patient would have been secluded. But for Black nurses, this is just our job.”

Discriminatory patient care was also identified as a factor in staff mental health concerns, according to the CAMH research.

CAMH’s own “

Dismantling Anti-Black Racism

,” published in February 2021, says Black patients at CAMH are restrained 44 per cent more than white patients.

In a statement, CAMH said the decision to publicly release the restraint data was an intentional “step toward acknowledging systemic inequities and holding ourselves to a higher standard to do better.”

McKenzie said the disparity has significantly decreased since then through training and policy changes in the hospital.

“I don’t think we have solved this problem,” he said. “But I think that the plan of getting the data, showing the data and starting the conversations across CAMH about how we can improve and move towards equity have made a start. There’s a long way to go before we can honestly say that we have totally equitable services at CAMH.”

The path ahead

Survey respondents in the CAMH reports made recommendations for addressing the issues including forming an independent, employee-led committee to address workplace violence and discrimination, an independent ombudsperson to mediate complaints and clear accountability mechanisms.

CAMH has introduced several equity initiatives in recent years, including employee resource groups focused on anti-harassment and anti-discrimination, as well as better data collection.

In a statement, CAMH said it recognizes its responsibility to provide ongoing mental health support for staff, not just in times of crisis, but as a sustained commitment to employee well-being.

As of January 2024, the hospital said it increased mental health coverage for unionized and management staff and introduced unlimited coverage for Ontario Nurses Association members. In response to staff feedback, coverage was expanded to include off-site and private providers. Employees also have access to an employee family assistance program.

“We’re not perfect, but we’re giving it a bloody good try,” said McKenzie.

In her two decades at CAMH, Boyce said she has seen some positive movement. But decades of inequity, she said, are a lot to unpack.

At 66, the longtime nurse doubts the kind of meaningful change needed to address trauma, discrimination and bullying will happen in her lifetime.

“We chose this work to be advocates, to be caregivers… but who takes care of the caregiver?”

The Investigative Journalism Bureau (IJB) at the University of Toronto’s Dalla Lana School of Public Health is a collaborative investigative newsroom supported by Postmedia that partners with academics, researchers and journalists while training the next generation of investigative reporters.

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Quebec Premier François Legault, right, speaks to reporters with Ontario Premier Doug Ford during the premiers meetings in Huntsville, Ont., July 22, 2025.

OTTAWA — When Ontario Premier Doug Ford and Quebec Premier François Legault faced reporters last week, some grinning and nervous laughter ensued when both men were asked why their two provinces could not come to a bilateral agreement on internal trade.

Ford has so far signed a memorandum of understanding (MOU) on trade with every province and territory — except for Quebec and Newfoundland and Labrador.

Ford said he had “all the confidence” in Legault, whom he considers to be a friend, and called him a “smart business person” who “wants prosperity for the people of Quebec” and understands that “when Quebec and Ontario prosper, the whole country prospers.”

“So, I’m confident we’ll sit down and really hash out a deal,” he said.

Speaking in French, Legault said his government wholeheartedly agrees with Ford’s objective of lifting internal trade barriers between provinces, but said Quebec would attain the same objective by debating and passing legislation — Bill 112 — in the fall.

The bill seeks to facilitate the commercialization of goods from other provinces and territories in Quebec — with some exceptions that will be made public on the government’s website — as well as the mobility of certified workers in the province.

In an interview, Quebec Minister for the Economy Christopher Skeete, who tabled the bill, said he appreciates the intent behind Ontario and others signing MOUs with other jurisdictions, but said these agreements would amount to added layers of bureaucracy.

“The thinking for us is if you pass a bill like we’re passing with Bill 112, that basically just opens everything. Then the point for an MOU becomes moot,” he said.

Skeete, who is also responsible for red tape reduction, said the signing of MOUs between different provinces and territories will lead to businesses having to potentially go through dozens of separate agreements if they want to do business elsewhere in the country.

“I’m not sure we’re providing the clarity that the exercise in cross-border trade seeks to remedy. I think the way forward is to say mutual recognition and harmonization where possible, and let’s just go. I think that is the posture that we need to be dealing with.”

Ontario already adopted Bill 2, the Protect Ontario Through Free Trade Within Canada Act, which enables provincial regulators to mutually recognize goods, services and recognized workers from reciprocating provinces and territories and the federal government.

An official in Ford’s office, speaking on a not-for-attribution basis to discuss internal matters more freely, said they respect Quebec’s wish to go solely the legislative route.

“Certainly, we respect that process, and our door continues to remain open,” they said.

The official added each MOU does not need dedicated legislation to enact the terms set out between Ontario and each province or territory, but specific agreements could help with the free flow of direct alcohol sales to consumers, for instance.

Legault has a majority government in Quebec, which means that Bill 112 will almost certainly pass in the fall. But the bulk of the work on determining which goods should be excluded by regulation from internal trade will commence right after, said Skeete.

“The clock starts when we pass the bill,” he said, adding that different departments inside the Quebec government will have about 12 months to get back to the government and give them a list of goods that they want to opt out of or want to exclude from internal trade.

“In other words, if there’s something that’s being sold outside of Quebec that you absolutely want to have a different norm, you’re going to have to tell us, and then we will publish that on our (ministry of the) Economy website for transparency.”

That way, Skeete added, “businesses will know exactly what they’re getting themselves into when they do business in Quebec.”

 Quebec Minister for the Economy Christopher Skeete.

Many requirements that are considered not essential would be dropped once Bill 112 is in place. For instance, Transport Quebec currently has requirements that scooters should have reflectors be a specific colour, and be located both on the wheels and in the back.

“That kind of thing creates a barrier. So, we can agree that the scooter needs to have certain safety measures … but certainly, the colour and the location of the reflectors is really not the dealbreaker. So, that’s the kind of thing that would disappear,” said Skeete.

Some things, however, will not change under Bill 112. A senior government official in Quebec said French language laws will continue to apply for goods, and that professional orders in Quebec could require the mastery of French to practice in the province.

Quebec also has more stringent consumer protection laws, which means that goods coming into the province are still subject to certain guarantees, warranties and other norms bound by Quebec’s Office de la protection du consommateur, noted Skeete.

The example of the scooter made in another province would not be exempt from warranty obligations unique to Quebec nor would it be exempt from having instructions in French for how to handle the scooter if it were to be sold in the province, he said.

“The way to do business in Quebec doesn’t change just because you’re importing things from other provinces now.”

National Post

calevesque@postmedia.com

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A Canada Post worker empties a mailbox in Toronto.

Unionized postal workers

are voting

from July 21 to Aug. 1 on the final offer presented by Canada Post.

The Canadian Union of Postal Workers (CUPW) is encouraging workers

to vote against it

, as it calls it a forced vote that harms the “foundation of free and fair collective bargaining.” Canada Post says the offer protects what is important to workers while reflecting the company’s current reality.

Here’s what Canada Post’s final offer includes, and why CUPW is against it.

What’s in the final offer from Canada Post?

What is different from previous offers is that for urban and rural units, Canada post offered to pay a signing bonus, $1,000 to full-time regular employees and $500 to all other employees.

They also said the cost of living allowance (COLA), a benefit to employees that is paid when consumer prices increase, will have payments at a lower inflation threshold. If inflation rates exceed 7.16 per cent between Feb. 1, 2025 to Jan. 31, 2028, payments from COLA will be made.

The schedule for wage increases over the next four years remained unchanged from the May 21 offer. The first year would see a six per cent increase, the second year, three per cent, and two per cent in each of the third and fourth years. The increases will be retroactive to Feb. 1, 2024.

There were also changes to the short-term disability program, where employees will receive up to 80 per cent of their regular wages for up to 30 weeks, a benefit that before paid 70 per cent of regular wages for up to 17 weeks.

To maintain the already existing benefits for current employees, new hires after the agreement is signed will need to work for six consecutive months before being added to the defined benefit component of the pension plan, which guarantees a set income for the employee’s retirement years.

There were also adjustments to the number of personal days, where employees will have 13 multi-use personal days a year, with seven paid out days a year, and up to five personal days being carried over every year.

For urban workers the agreement also allows for dynamic routing, a new system that would update delivery routes daily based on mail volume and delivery points. Letter carriers will still receive per-piece payments for neighbourhood mail on top of the actual time value until 2030, and compulsory overtime will be removed. Dynamic routing would ultimately put an end to fixed routes created by the letter carrier route measurement system manual (LCRMS) that was built to assess and adjust equitable workloads for individual letter carrier routes. For the regions that won’t have that implemented, a load-levelling of the work should happen, aiming to make predictable and balanced routes for employees.

They also introduced a new part-time flex position, working at least 20 hours a week and helping cover for absences, as well as a new weekend parcel delivery system for urban units, and an update to the separate sort from delivery system amid union concerns, a system that divides the tasks that letter carriers used to do, sort and deliver, into two with routers sorting all that needs to be delivered while letter carriers focuses only on delivering.

Canada Post also wants to remove the wash-up time before meals for urban workers, a five-minute break workers get before meals to wash their hands to “reduce unproductive time.”

For rural workers, routes would be updated to get more work done over the week and new permanent flex employees may be scheduled for weekends to help Canada Post operate seven days a week. Load-levelling would optimize routes and work schedules, and meal and rest periods would be given “as appropriate.”

Why CUPW is against it

CUPW says Canada Post ignored the union’s positions, and they created a fact-check portal to show how the corporation’s offer is not meeting their basic demands.

When it comes to the wage increases, the union says a six-per-cent increase is not much, and would amount to only a one-per-cent increase, since workers received an adjustment of five per cent to their wage in the last COLA payment.

Regarding the weekend parcels delivery, the union claims that an unstructured work schedule would give more power to management to build routes that don’t take into consideration workload, health or safety of workers, and would eliminate the possibility of overtime for full-time workers as part-time workers would get priority.

When it comes to the new position for urban units, part-time flex, the union says the corporation would be able to assign them tasks without any union supervision, as well as eliminate overtime for full-time workers and impact the hours for part-time employees.

Regarding dynamic routing, the union is concerned that managers will be able to adjust their schedule to fit in as many deliveries as they can, which the union says can’t be sustainable for a long time. Regarding load levelling, the union says that this could give more power to management to give hours to certain workers over others compared to others on the floor.

On the separate sort from delivery system, the union is against it because the letter carriers would be overworked and face more extreme weather and it would also overwork routers inside as when they finish sorting what they were assigned, management can assign them more until their work day is over.

The union argues that removing the five minutes of wash-up time from workers before meals is a health and safety concern, as workers are dealing with many different packages throughout the day and need to clean up before eating. Full-time employees that work three hours or more get half an hour for a meal period.

CUPW said in a statement on July 18 that “the offer ignores the realities on the workfloor, fails to address key demands, and threatens hard-won protections.” The Union says that once the results are in, if the majority is against it, they will contact management and get back to bargaining and maintain the overtime ban effective since May 23, 2025. The overtime ban allows workers to say no to overtime, no matter if all deliveries were made or not. Workers are only allowed to work up to 40 hours a week.

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Evacuees sing the Thai national anthem at an evacuation centre in the Thai border province of Surin on July 28, 2025. Thailand and Cambodia's leaders agreed to an

Cambodia and Thailand have agreed to an immediate ceasefire following days of deadly border clashes, the latest flashpoint in a decades-long territorial dispute.

The truce was brokered under the mediation of Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, the current chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The agreement comes after fighting between the two countries’ forces left at least 35 people dead, including civilians, and displaced thousands near the disputed frontier.

 An aerial view shows people, who fled their homes near the border area between Cambodia and Thailand, taking shelter near a pagoda in Oddar Meanchey province on July 26, 2025. Thailand and Cambodia clashed for a third day, as the death toll from their bloodiest fighting in years rose to 33 and Phnom Penh called for an “immediate ceasefire”.

What triggered the latest violence

Tensions first escalated in May, when a Cambodian soldier was killed in a clash of cross-border firing.

Since then, both countries have put border restrictions on one another, with Cambodia banning imports like fruits and vegetables from Thailand, as well as stopping the import of power and internet services. Thailand stopped almost all crossing over the border, apart from a few cases.

 Cambodian soldiers stand on a military truck with an anti-aircraft gun in Oddar Meanchey province on July 25, 2025.

In recent weeks, both countries also increased military presences alongside the borders.

Last Thursday, Thailand claimed that at 7:35 a.m., Cambodia’s military deployed drones to conduct surveillance of Thai troops near the border. Cambodia allegedly opened fire alongside the border at 8:20 a.m., prompting Thailand to retaliate. Thai authorities also accused Cambodia of using heavy weaponry that caused damage to homes and public facilities.

Cambodia, however, provided a different story to what happened. They claimed that Thai troops crossed into a disputed area near a temple at 6:30 a.m. and installed barbed wire. They then flew a drone around 7 a.m. and fired warning shots at 8:30, before launching a pre-emptive strike at 8:46, using excessive force, according to Cambodian officials.

What followed was five days of fighting along the border that left many injured and displaced.

Where it all began

The two countries share a land border stretching over 800 kilometres, a region that has seen repeated flare-ups. The dispute largely traces back to a 1907 map drawn during French colonial rule, which Cambodia uses to support its claims to territory. Thailand, however, argues the map is inaccurate and does not reflect the legitimate boundary.

In 1962, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruled in favour of Cambodia, granting it sovereignty over the 1,000-year-old Preah Vihear temple. It’s a decision Thailand has not been happy with.

After deadly skirmishes in 2011 that left about 20 people dead and forced thousands to flee, Cambodia returned to the ICJ, and in 2013, the court reaffirmed its earlier ruling.

 Royal Thai Army soldiers are transported on the back of an army truck in the Thai border province of Si Sa Ket on July 26, 2025.

What the Ceasefire Means

The ceasefire came into effect Monday at midnight, following the efforts by Malaysia, chair of the ASEAN regional bloc, the United States and China. This comes after Malaysia offered to mediate last Friday, with Thailand refusing, saying this conflict could only be resolved through bilateral negotiations. However, with U.S. President Donald Trump threatening to stop trade talks, the ceasefire was able to take effect.

 Cambodia’s Prime Minister Hun Manet, left, and Thailand’s acting Prime Minister Phumtham Wechayachai, right, shake hands as Malaysia’s Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim puts his arms around them following a press conference after talks on a possible ceasefire between Thailand and Cambodia in Putrajaya on July 28, 2025.

Under the ceasefire deal, both sides agreed to an “immediate and unconditional” halt to fighting. Military commanders from Cambodia and Thailand are scheduled to meet on Tuesday to discuss steps for easing tensions along the border.

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Maria Carroccia outside Superior Court of Justice following the sentencing of a client on Oct. 29, 2013.

Last week, in a 91-page judgement following an eight-week trial in London, Ont., Superior Court Justice Maria Carroccia found all five defendants — 2018 Team Canada world junior hockey players — not guilty of sexual assault involving one complainant, identified only as E.M. due to a publication ban. Carroccia acquitted Michael McLeod, Carter Hart, Alex Formenton, Dillon Dube and Callan Foote after saying the complainant’s testimony was not found to be “either credible or reliable.” Here’s what to know about the woman who made that ruling.

She used to work as a waitress

In the questionnaire Carroccia completed to apply for a federal judicial appointment, she listed under “non-legal work history” two occupations. From 1980 to 1987, she worked as a part-time pharmacy assistant at Patterson Big V Drug Store, part of a chain that was later taken over by Shoppers Drug Mart. And in roughly the same period (1980 to 1986) she was a part-time waitress at Caboto Club of Windsor. Described on its website as “Southwestern Ontario’s largest and oldest Italian club,” the Giovanni Caboto Club turns 100 this year.

Her parents came to Canada from Italy

Carroccia is the oldest child of immigrants from Italy. Her parents did not finish grade school, and when they came to Canada her father became a construction worker, and her mother a homemaker. Their first language was not English and, growing up, Carroccia was often their intermediary when dealing with government agencies and English-speaking people.

“While they encouraged me to further my education, financially, they were not always able to assist, so I worked part time jobs as a student to pay for my education,” she said in her judicial application. “They taught me the value of hard work. We have a close-knit and loving large family.

She also noted that, as the mother of two children herself, “I have developed an ability to balance my professional life with my personal life.”

She worked  as a defence lawyer before she was a judge

Carroccia’s legal work history includes 25 years self-employed as a barrister and solicitor practicing in Windsor, with her practice restricted to criminal defence. Prior to that, she worked for five years for Gordner, Klein, Barristers and Solicitors, practicing criminal law; and two years before that at Gignac, Sutts Barristers and Solicitors, in the same capacity.

She has a degree in English language and literature

Carroccia was called to the Bar of Ontario in 1989 after graduating from the University of Windsor’s faculty of law two years earlier. In addition to her law degree, she also holds an English language and literature degree from Windsor, earned in 1984.

She was appointed in June of 2020 as a judge to the Superior Court of Justice of Ontario by then Minister of Justice and Attorney General of Canada David Lametti. This month, Lametti was named Principal Secretary to Prime Minister Mark Carney, after helping with Carney’s transition into office and as an informal advisor.

She once described herself as a lawyer who ‘works in the trenches’

In her judicial questionnaire, Carroccia noted that most of her time as a lawyer was spent as a sole practitioner. “I do not work in a large firm,” she said. “I view myself as a trial lawyer who ‘works in the trenches.’ My contribution to the law is to represent my clients to the best of my ability, whether they are charged with minor offences or the most serious offences.”

She thinks of herself as a plain speaker

“The audience for the decisions of the Superior Court of Justice is the average Canadian citizen,” she once said. “It is my view that a judge’s decision ought to make sense to an ordinary person, not just to lawyers, scholars and other judges. An individual should be able to understand the decision of a judge and the law upon which it is based even if he or she is not well-versed in the law.”

Her ruling was criticized but also seen by many as fair and balanced

While there was outrage from some quarters at the acquittal, there were also those who praised the verdict and the judge’s careful work. Karen Bellehumeur, lawyer for E.M., said as part of her statement after the verdict: “It’s important to understand that this case, the criminal justice system worked the way it’s designed to work, to aggressively protect the rights of the accused. It’s based on a concept that 10 guilty persons should walk free before one innocent person is wrongly convicted.”

And Meaghan Cunningham, assistant Crown attorney, noted: “A fair trial is one where decisions are made based on the evidence and the law, not on stereotypes and assumptions, and where the trial process respects the security, equality, and privacy rights of the victim, as well as the accused persons.”

Read the full text of the judge’s verdict in the Hockey Canada sex assault trial

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A Nanaimo couple say it's unfair they must pay nearly $200 in import fees to reclaim a family heirloom wedding ring mistakenly left behind in the U.S. and shipped to them. A relative in Washington State sent them this photo afterward to confirm they had found it.

A B.C. couple say it’s not right that they have to pay nearly $200 in import fees to reclaim a wedding ring — also a family heirloom — that was shipped back to them from family in the United States after being mistakenly left behind earlier this month.

Admittedly, the Nanaimo resident isn’t a jewellery guy, so the gold ring given to him by his late father, Jimmy, almost 20 years ago, had sat unused for many years.

“I thought about getting it resized,” he told National Post. “My fingers are substantially more slender, right? His ring was too big for all of them, other than maybe my thumb if I was lucky.”

He’d always promised to make use of it one day, and that came two years after his father’s passing in 2022, when he and his common-law partner of many years, Andrea Nelson, decided to get legally married.

They had the ring fitted for his hand, picked another of his rings for Nelson to use as a wedding band and were married in 2024.

“I think he would have just loved the fact that I had finally done something with it,” Baker-Taylor said.

 Andrea Nelson, second from the left, and James Baker-Taylor, second from the right, on their wedding day in 2024.

While visiting his godparents in Washington State earlier this month, he removed the ring before getting in the shower — “Its structure holds water,” he explained — but then left without putting it back on dry hands. They realized and called their hosts before even departing the state, who confirmed with a photo that it was safe and sound.

Relieved, they did the practical thing and quickly arranged to have it shipped back to their address via UPS with $500 worth of insurance on the package.

When it arrived some days later, however, the delivery person informed the astounded couple that it would cost a combined $189 in cross-border duty, taxes, import tariff and brokerage fee to have it returned.

“We discovered it’s being treated like a jewelry transaction, an import across the border,” said Baker-Taylor.

“There’s no way for them to prove that I purchased this; the burden should be on them.”

They’ve since discovered that proving that the ring was, at one time, a bequest from his father is somewhat challenging.

The Canada Border Services Agency, in a statement to National Post, said the

Customs Act

doesn’t allow it to discuss the couple’s case specifically, but a spokesperson did clarify some of the guidelines that would apply to their situation.

Under the Act, any personal (non-commercial) goods brought into Canada are subject to duty and taxes at the time of importation “based on federal and provincial tax rates, as well as current rates of duty.”

“The CBSA’s calculation of duties and taxes owed for a particular shipment is typically based on information indicated on the customs declaration, invoices attached to the item, or an examination to appraise the value of the goods,” the spokesperson wrote.

In Baker-Taylor and Nelson’s case, those fees should be collected by the courier, UPS, which is also permitted to levy its administrative fees not regulated by the government of Canada, i.e., the brokerage fee.

Nelson went to the local CBSA office and was told much the same.

She also learned that to avoid the import fees, they would have had to provide legal documentation showing Baker-Taylor’s father had bequeathed him the ring. But because it was given to him long before his father’s death, the ring was never in a will.

In the absence of a will, CBSA said it needs “a signed/dated statement from the donor (or individual with power of attorney) transferring ownership of the goods and witnessed by someone other than the recipient of the goods.” Again, not something the couple could hope to acquire so many years later.

Nelson was also told that she could simply pay the fees to UPS and then apply for a partial refund, so long as she included a dated wedding photo, insurance documentation from UPS, an affidavit from Baker-Taylor confirming his long-term ownership and a statement from the person who shipped it.

“The amount of hoops we have to jump through just to get this done, and it’s not even necessarily a guarantee; they could still refuse,” she said.

“I’m beside myself because this has turned into a Rube Goldberg device trying to get this back,” Baker-Taylor added, referencing the American cartoonist whose work depicted simple tasks being performed in very complicated ways by chain-reaction contraptions.

In addition to contacting local MP Tamara Kronis, they’ve also started a

Change.org petition

in hopes of not only expediting their process but also effecting change so others don’t get caught in the same quandary.

Baker-Taylor said that while $189 may not be a significant sum to some people, it is for others and he wonders how many people have “begrudgingly paid” to get their personal property back.

“These are almost extortive,’ he said, “and my concern is how many Canadians pay these and is the government stealing money from Canadians, essentially?”

As for the ring itself, instead of it being shipped back to the U.S., which is customary when fees on delivery are refused, a UPS manager generously agreed to personally store it in his office until the situation is resolved.

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Donald Trump speaks in front of a map of his proposed

Washington, D.C. — U.S. President Donald Trump wants a Golden Dome of missile defence over the United States, and if you’re thinking this sounds familiar, you’d be right. Back in the 1980s, Ronald Reagan’s Strategic Defense Initiative, aka Star Wars, also aimed to develop a space-based and layered defence system to knock out any incoming strikes.

It didn’t work out.

The space-based part proved elusive, but technology has now advanced enough to make more of it feasible, at least in theory. Trump envisions a system that includes space-based weaponry that can take out missiles — ballistic and hypersonic — and he wants Canada to help pay for building this defensive wall over North America.

“I told Canada, which very much wants to be part of our fabulous Golden Dome System, that it will cost $61 Billion Dollars if they remain a separate, but unequal, Nation, but will cost ZERO DOLLARS if they become our cherished 51st State,” the president

posted on social

in May. Since then, the quoted price has gone up to US$71 billion.

Ottawa has acknowledged that discussions with the U.S. are underway, but they’re happening against a backdrop of strained U.S.-Canada relations over defence spending and a trade war. With pressure on Prime Minister Mark Carney to cool Washington’s belligerence, the Golden Dome’s feasibility as a technology may matter less than the symbolism of Canada’s willingness to collaborate with the White House. And none of the options for Canada, whether it’s spending tens of billions of dollars to buy into a risky initiative or spurning a testy and vindictive president, are painless.

 Posters for the proposed Golden Dome for America missile defense shield are displayed before an event with President Donald Trump in the Roosevelt Room at the White House, Monday, May 12, 2025, in Washington.

The approaching missile menace

U.S. missile defense currently includes the Ground-based Midcourse Defense (GMD) in Alaska and California, which is designed to intercept ICBMs in space and has a 55 per cent test success rate. The Patriot system defends battlefield and critical sites against shorter-range missiles closer to their targets, and the mobile THAAD system (Terminal High Altitude Area Defense) provides regional defence against various missile threats, also closer to their targets. The naval Aegis system, meanwhile, offers effective naval-based missile interception – and the Patriot, THAAD and Aegis all generally outperform GMD. 

Golden Dome aims to integrate all of the above — the ground and sea-based technologies — while adding a new space-based layer of satellites equipped with sensors and interceptors to detect incoming threats and take them out at various stages of their trajectories.

This would improve U.S. missile defence beyond just dealing with potential ballistic missiles coming from rogue nations such as North Korea or Iran, said Patrycja Bazylczyk, a research associate with the Missile Defense Project at the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies CSIS. 

“Now we’re thinking about our great power competitors, such as Russia and China, and they don’t have just ballistic (missiles),” she says. “They have hypersonic weapons, cruise missiles, etc., a whole host of different weapons that have unique trajectories and characteristics that create challenges for sensing and interception.”

A potential arms race

While much of the technology for the sea- and land-based systems is sound, some of the space-based components remain theoretical.

Space-based interceptors or lasers have improved through proliferation and become more resilient, said Michael O’Hanlon, director of foreign policy research at the Brookings Institution think tank. But “the space-based weapons have not gotten much better … and are nowhere near a really practical deployment.”

“It’s very difficult to shoot down intercontinental ballistic missiles,” said Benjamin Giltner, a researcher at the think tank CATO Institute’s Defense and Foreign Policy Department. He explains that the warheads are travelling at speeds north of 1,900 mph during the terminal phase, when they’ve detached from the missile and reentered the atmosphere. 

On top of that, the system would have to deal with multiple warheads at once, decoys, and efforts by the enemy to jam its frequencies. It’s essentially trying to use a bullet to hit a bullet — amid a maelstrom of chaos.

Managing a battlefield with data inputs in a rapidly changing environment, potentially with thousands of objects in the sky, also requires a lot of computing power. “That would be a piece where artificial intelligence is now making certain things more possible than before,” O’Hanlon said.

Bids are being prepared now by several defence contractors, and costs could go sky high. The Trump administration has estimated a cost of US$175 billion, but the Congressional Budget Office says it could cost between US$161 billion and as much as US$542 billion over the next two decades for the whole system.

 U.S. President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement about the Golden Dome missile defence shield, in the White House in Washington, D.C., on May 20.

Much of that will depend on the depth of system and the space-based weaponry. Giltner said he’s seen “estimates of (needing) up to tens of thousands of missile defence systems to have a chance at defending most U.S. territory.” 

It will also depend upon retaining the support of subsequent White House administrations from either party.

Beyond cost and efficacy, building a shield over North America is likely to upset the enemy.

The secured second-strike capability of nuclear nations — meaning a country can hit back hard even after it’s been hit by a nuclear attack — “has so far proven to be the most stable and best form of nuclear deterrent we have,” said Giltner. A missile defence system like Golden Dome would upend that, creating a more “vulnerable strategic environment” and “invite an arms race,” he added.




Bazylczyk sees that another way. “If we look at Chinese and Russian investment in hypersonic and cruise missiles, I think that not having defences to adequately intercept those next-generation threats is kind of concerning for deterrence.”

“If they don’t believe that we are able to counter those threats, then they’ll be more emboldened to embark on escalatory actions.”

Robert Peters, senior research fellow for strategic deterrence at the Heritage Foundation’s Allison Center for National Security, agrees. He says he’s “increasingly concerned” that U.S. adversaries “could pursue a low escalation pathway attack or limited coercive attack … because they keep building systems that could execute such an attack.” 

He means that China and Russia keep discussing development of systems for limited escalation scenarios in which they might launch an attack with just one or a couple of advanced or nuclear missiles, to hit the U.S. without triggering an all-out nuclear war. 

So, for Giltner and many other critics, Golden Dome is likely to start a new arms race. Others, like Peters, say that a race is already underway, and that Golden Dome, “at a minimum, gives us a fighting chance to give the adversaries pause before they decide to go down a limited coercive pathway attack.”

In short, both sides are toying with developments that could undermine the nuclear Mutual Assured Destruction doctrine that prevents nuclear powers from pressing the button on a nuclear war.

Canada’s dilemma

Today, Canada helps support GMD and NORAD operations by hosting sensors for early warning and tracking of missiles, and Trump has suggested that Canada join Golden Dome, a project he very optimistically says will take three years, with an entry price of US$71 billion. That’s well over this year’s Canadian defence budget of approximately $62.7 billion, but it’s unclear how long Ottawa would have to pay the ticket price.

 (L-R) Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney and U.S. President Donald Trump depart following a group photo in front of the Canadian Rockies at the Kananaskis Country Golf Course during the G7 Leaders’ Summit on June 16, 2025 in Kananaskis, Alberta.

Washington and Ottawa have been involved in volatile trade talks in recent weeks, with Trump stating on Friday that there is no deal likely with Canada and that more tariffs are likely coming on Aug. 1. So how is Carney likely to respond to the Golden Dome invite? 

Giltner doesn’t see how participating in Golden Dome would strategically benefit Canada, because, in addition to the high cost,  it would mean being party to a “more fraught strategic environment.”

But Peters said it is in Canada’s national interest because inbound threats would likely fly over Canadian territory and may not only be directed at the U.S. He believes most Canadians would feel better knowing a defence system could thwart any such attack.

O’Hanlon, however, sees the need for a balancing act.  “It would make sense to be involved in this enough that we can do joint planning and that Canada would get some enhanced consideration as we think about options for protection,” he said. At the same time, the high cost, given Canada’s military budget, means Ottawa “wouldn’t want to get so caught up in this that (they) missed out on the opportunities to improve (their) ground forces.” 

Canada, he says, should aim to be “a substantial partner in this within reason.” 

National Post

tmoran@postmedia.com

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Windsor Mayor Drew Dilkens:

In a very civil tone, the mayor of Windsor, Ont., is asking the fresh faces in the Mark Carney-led Liberal government to butt out of city planning. Mayor Drew Dilkens especially wants to see an end to Trudeau-era affordable housing mandates from Ottawa that don’t serve his community.

“They were just hell-bent on putting forward this really left-principled version of what housing should be,” Drew says of the conditions imposed on cities under the $4-billion housing accelerator fund launched in 2023 by then federal Housing Minister Sean Fraser.

Unlike most other big cities in Canada, Windsor chose not to apply for the housing accelerator dollars — turning down the possibility of a $30-million cash infusion into the city’s densification strategies.

City council didn’t dare to accept the funds and later renege on the feds’ conditions, Drew says: “We basically walked away from $30 million because we refused to succumb, or be co-opted into something we felt was bad for the community.”

Then-Liberal MP for Windsor-Tecumseh-Lakeshore, Irek Kusmierczyk (who lost the 2025 election by just four votes to Conservative MP Kathy Borrelli), implored Windsor’s city council to reconsider, insisting the feds were only asking for “gentle density.”

It’s not so gentle, Drew counters, if you find yourself living next door to a new four-plex and you bought your house based on the community’s single-family residential character.

“We did it in our way,” Drew explains in a recent conversation, “because there’s no one who knows their community better, no level of government that knows their community better,” than the local council. The 53-year-old lawyer-cum-mayor grew up in Windsor, and has served on the city’s council for nearly two decades, 11 as mayor.

And when you look at Canada’s Constitution, Drew points out, these issues are “under the bailiwick of the provincial government … who delegate it to the municipalities.”

The city’s locally generated housing strategies — intense densification along transit routes; blanket rezoning in new neighbourhoods to allow for greater density; repurposing several municipally owned properties for housing — were rejected by the fund’s managers as “not ambitious enough.”

“Ambition” was their favourite word, Drew grumbles: “We weren’t ambitious enough and they wanted to work with municipalities who had greater ambition.”

One of the biggest sticking points for Drew? The minimum ticket to entry for this fund was city-wide rezoning to allow four-plexes to be built on any residential lot, as a right — removing the public hearing process and the possibility for appeals. In the suburban Calgary neighbourhood where I live, blanket rezoning means neighbours hold their breath when a lot comes up for sale.

The province of Ontario already mandates three buildings on a residential lot, the bureaucrats told Drew, so what’s the big deal about adding four? His rebuttal: “Then what’s the big deal about adding five? I mean, where does it stop? And when do you get to say enough’s enough; that we have processes in place that allow us to look at sewer capacity, that allow us to deal with parking, that allow us to deal with garbage control?

“We hope to work with the federal government — who wants to truly be a partner in helping build more housing — without jamming down our throats something residents don’t want,” pleads the veteran mayor.

To that end, after Carney took power, the mayor sent a letter — as yet, unanswered — to the government, asking for a re-evaluation of this rigid approach to the housing accelerator fund.

Drew has previously worked with Gregor Robertson, former mayor of Vancouver and now Carney’s point man on housing and infrastructure. He’s optimistic Robertson will bring practical insights about the correlation between affordable housing and density to the federal table. I noted that if increased density brought affordability, Vancouver would be cheap by now.

“I think the benefit of having a fresh government,” Drew offers, “is they can come in and say, ‘Listen, we looked at the program … while we appreciate the intention the past government was trying to employ here, we think there’s a better way of working with municipalities, allowing them the flexibility to determine how to accomplish the goal. We’ll set the goals and then we’ll hold them to account.’”

Drew’s suggestion echoes what I heard Pierre Poilievre say in the last election campaign. But, we agree, there’s nothing wrong with the Liberals stealing good ideas from the Conservatives.

While the housing accelerator initiative is the focus of Windsor council’s attention, Drew’s not happy these blanket zoning mandates are being applied to other programs — including federal public transit and housing infrastructure funding available to municipalities.

“And it gets even better,” Drew continues, his tone increasingly agitated. “Guess who doesn’t have to do this? The entire province of Quebec. They have an exemption. They carved out a different pathway … four units as of right was not a requirement in the province of Quebec.” Indeed, Premier Francois Legault trumpeted his $900-million deal with Ottawa as being “free of conditions.”

The economy of Windsor has taken a sharp downturn in the past 18 months. Before Donald Trump’s re-election, the Conference Board of Canada predicted Windsor would be the fastest-growing city by GDP of the 24 big cities they studied. “We had the battery factory well under construction,” Drew reports, “and we’ve got the Gordie Howe bridge that is winding up construction and should open officially the first week of December this year.

“But the reality is, there’s a lot of fear here,” he shares. “Our unemployment rate was almost 11 per cent and people are in rainy day mode. People are pinching their pennies … The housing market is very slow and everyone’s just in a wait-and-see mode.”

Property developers are on standby, he says, waiting to see if the Carney Liberals will cut development charges by 50 per cent at the municipal level (as promised during the election campaign), and whether the feds will offer low-interest loans for multi-storey residential units.

“Things have just kind of ground to a halt here,” Drew says with a sigh.

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Astronomer made a cheeky public relations move following the Coldplay

In a clever and completely unexpected public relations move as it seeks to move on from the infamous Coldplay concert “kiss cam” scandal, Astronomer has temporarily hired celebrity Gwyneth Paltrow as a spokesperson.

The 52-year-old actress and Goop lifestyle brand founder is, hilariously, the ex-wife of Coldplay frontman Chris Martin.

In a tongue-in-cheek promotional video released late Friday, Paltrow greets the camera, explaining that the tech startup recruited her “on a very temporary basis to speak on behalf of the 300-plus employees.”

“Astronomer has gotten a lot of questions over the last few days and they wanted me to answer the most common ones,” she says as the screen transitions to a typing text that reads: “OMG! What the actual f…”

Instead of addressing the elephant in the room — former CEO Andy Byron and human resources executive Kristin Cabot’s embrace — Paltrow cheerily promotes the company’s work in the data workflow automation sector.

“Yes, Astronomer is the best place to run Apache Airflow, unifying the experience of running data, ML, and AI pipelines at scale,” Paltrow says, deadpan serious

Another typed question prompt asks how the firm’s social media team is holding up.

Again, Paltrow sidesteps and says there’s still space at a company-sponsored event in September.

“We will now be returning to what we do best, delivering game-changing results for our customers.

“Thank you for your interest in Astronomer.”

The otherwise unheard-of tech company based in New York City was thrust into the spotlight earlier last week with the embrace that was captured as Martin decided to “say hello” to fans in attendance at the band’s show outside Boston on July 16.

The cameras quickly found Byron with arms around Cabot, both of whom turn red and immediately try to hide their faces.

“Either they’re having an affair or they’re just very shy,” Martin said, before the camera moved on.

Once it

found its way to TikTok

and spread like wildfire, it wasn’t long before Byron, a married man, and Cabot, a divorcee, were identified as Astronomer brass.

Within less than 48 hours, the company said it had

started a formal investigation

and Byron had been put on leave. A day later,

Astronomer announced his resignation.

Per the Associated Press,

Cabot’s resignation as chief people officer followed this week.

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Protests erupted and police arrived outside a Montreal church where U.S. Christian musician Sean Feucht held a worship concert without a permit on Friday.

Protesters and police faced off outside a Plateau church Friday evening as Sean Feucht, a pro-Trump and Christian singer, performed a concert as part of his “Revive in 25” Let Us Worship tour. The show went ahead despite a warning from the city that the venue, Église MR, did not have the required permit to host the event.

The show went ahead despite a warning from the city that the venue, Église MR, did not have the required permit to host the event.

Earlier Friday, the Montreal mayor’s office said borough inspectors had notified the owners the activity cannot legally proceed, and that police are prepared to intervene if necessary.

“If the event goes ahead, notices of violation will be issued, and the neighbourhood police station is mobilized to enforce the regulations,” said Catherine Cadotte, a spokesperson for Mayor Valérie Plante.

Police briefly entered the church before the event began. But an officer at the scene later confirmed the show would proceed.

Feucht said he was unfazed by the city’s position.

“This is not a performance, it’s a church service,” he said.

 U.S. Christian singer Sean Feucht speaks to reporters before his worship concert at a Montreal church on Friday.

As Feucht’s supporters began arriving, local activists gathered in front of the Spanish-speaking church on Roy St, chanting anti-Trump and anti-fascism slogans. Tensions grew as the crowd grew.

By 7 p.m., demonstrators had surrounded the church entrance. Dozens of police officers formed a perimeter, and at least one protester was arrested.

During one tense moment, a protester’s interaction with a journalist from news outlet Rebel News resulted in police intervening to separate the two.

Inside the church, a few dozen attendees gathered, joining in song and prayer.

By 8.30 p.m., the crowd of protesters outside the church had thinned out.

 

Feucht, a former worship leader and MAGA-aligned activist, has faced similar pushback across Canada.

All six of his previously scheduled concerts in Halifax, Charlottetown, Moncton, Quebec City, Gatineau and Vaughan were cancelled by local authorities.

Cities said the cancellations were prompted by “heightened public safety concerns” and the potential for protests. Feucht’s outspoken views on abortion, gender identity and LGBTQ+ rights has drawn criticism and been cited as a source of tension.

Chris Selley: Banning MAGA singer Sean Feucht, Canada slips further into Trump-ian incoherence

Feucht has scrambled to put on shows at alternative locations. On Thursday night, he performed at the Bar None Campsite on the Taxis River in Miramichi, N.B., to replace a cancelled show in Moncton.

The hastily-organized event prompted a statement from the owners of the campground on Friday saying the show was not authorized and does not align with their core beliefs, according to the New Brunswick Telegraph-Journal.

“It’s important that our partner organizations know that the performer involved in this event does not align with what we stand for as an organization,” Michelle Seymour, director of administration for Bridges of Canada, said in a statement late Friday afternoon, adding they are conducting an investigation. “We believe in compassion, inclusivity, and integrity.”

The Montreal show was another last-minute announcement to make up for cancelled shows. He has framed the opposition to his performances as a form of religious discrimination.

“If I had shown up with purple hair and a dress, claiming to be a woman, the government wouldn’t have said a word,” he posted earlier this week.

On Friday afternoon, Feucht claimed the pastor of the Montreal church had been “pressured, threatened and attacked” for agreeing to host the concert.

Then, in a follow-up post, he appeared to maintain that the show would still go ahead.

“This pastor and his church ARE NOT BACKING DOWN!!!,” he wrote.

Earlier in the day, Feucht reported that his tour bus was struck by another driver in Quebec.

“The Quebec police on the scene were unbelievably kind and other driver acknowledged he slammed into our bus and somehow ‘lost control,’” he wrote.

The Let Us Worship movement began during the COVID-19 pandemic as a protest against public health restrictions on religious gatherings.

Feucht has since gained a national profile in the United States and brought his message to Canada despite picking some controversy along the way.

— The New Brunswick Telegraph-Journal contributed to this report.

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