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Travis Dhanraj interviews Julia Malott about Alberta's gender identity policies on Feb. 2, 2024. (CBC News screenshot)

This past Monday, Travis Dhanraj, the host of CBC’s Canada Tonight,

resigned in dramatic fashion

when he circulated an all-staff email across the CBC accusing the broadcaster of “performative diversity, tokenism, and a system designed to elevate certain voices and diminish others.”

I knew exactly what he meant — because I had been one of those voices.

In early 2024, I received an unexpected call from Travis. He was putting together a panel debate for Canada Tonight and wanted to know if I’d be willing to participate. He had gotten my number from Toronto radio host — and mutual friend —

Alex Pierson,

who had suggested my name when Travis asked for right-leaning voices that might bring ideological diversity to his primetime segment.

In truth, I am hardly conservative. I occupy an increasingly wide gap between the ideological left and right — right-leaning only in contrast to today’s progressive orthodoxy. But as a transgender Canadian critical of “woke” progressive politics, I represented a viewpoint that ran counter to the prevailing current of CBC’s programming. In the eyes of many within the institution, that alone made me a conservative.

Travis laid out his vision for what he called the “intersection panel.” He sought a segment highlighting the range of voices and perspectives held by Canadians, informative, unfiltered and honest. His aim was clear: to break free of the groupthink that has come to define much of the CBC’s coverage, and to reintroduce the kind of spirited, diverse debate that reflects what Canadians are actually talking about.

I was on board. Excited, even. But there was one hurdle: Travis didn’t have production approval to bring me on air.

My transgender credentials checked the requisite diversity box, but my hot-take on the news of the hour — that a parent should be informed of

their child’s decision to transition

at school — posed a problem. CBC has immovable boundaries around which perspectives are deemed acceptable, and Travis was candid that mine wasn’t one of them. There was already internal resistance about the prospects of having me — a transgender woman with the “wrong” perspective — on a CBC broadcast.

Translation: CBC was interested in the optics of diversity, but not the substance. They wanted the visual representation I offered but not the messy perspectives I might actually bring.

To his credit, Travis didn’t flinch. He pushed ahead, and a few days later I was screened with his producer. The questions I was asked in pre-interview were safe, rehearsed and carefully vetted, as if designed to test whether I could be trusted to stay within the lines. I passed, and was booked to join that evening’s live broadcast.

Travis has an incredible knack for showmanship and an instinct to bring abraded energy to an interview. The moment we went live, he dropped the scripted questions and

took us off book,

pressing thoughtfully into the nuances of children swapping names and pronouns without their parent’s knowledge. I suspect Travis knew he’d get the most fresh and authentic responses from me if he kept me on my toes. He got what he was looking for.

What Travis showcased that evening was unsparingly rare on CBC: a candid, unscripted conversation about identity politics that dared to challenge progressive orthodoxy. His questions were sharp, off-the-cuff, and unflinching and I responded in-kind, defending a

position held

by nearly 78 per cent of Canadians — that when a young person socially transitions, involving parents isn’t just reasonable, it’s responsible and reassuring. To my knowledge, this remains a rare instance in which a dissenting view on transgender issues has been aired — let alone explored — on CBC primetime. Fittingly, it came from a transgender voice.

The dialogue struck a chord with the audience. By the next day, CBC had clipped and promoted the debate as a featured article across its digital platform. The reach was substantial. For weeks afterward, I was identified by strangers at shopping centres and gas stations (One perk of being transgender in media: memorable notoriety).

I was invited to join the roster as a recurring panelist on Canada Tonight.

But inside the show’s production, the cracks were already forming. Travis’ willingness to engage a broader spectrum of viewpoints had not gone unnoticed by his superiors — and not in a good way. Comments in passing from Travis and his team revealed a not-yet public tension brewing between Travis and CBC leadership. The question wasn’t whether Canada Tonight could reflect a divided county — it was whether the CBC was willing to let it.

Perhaps CBC brass had internal data that suggested Travis’ approach was dragging down ratings and viewership. If that was true, it wouldn’t be all that surprising. After all, the CBC’s monolithic editorial stance has spent years alienating much of its potential audience — the very Canadians who might have welcomed the diversity of thought Travis finally introduced to their primetime lineup.

During my months contributing to Canada Tonight, I saw up close the seriousness, curiosity, and care Travis and his team brought to every segment. One of my favourite preparation rituals was sparring — good naturedly — with the show’s makeup artist as a form of pre-tape rehearsal before going on air. The whole production carried a spirit of thoughtful engagement.

That spirit, it seems, has now been extinguished.

In an age where media increasingly cedes ground to unfiltered, uncredentialed influencers, our public broadcaster should be leaning into rigorous, inclusive debate, not retreating from it. Travis Dhanraj tried to bring CBC a little closer to that ideal. And for a brief, hopeful moment, it worked.

National Post


U.S. President Donald Trump's erratic behaviour and threats have created huge uncertainty in markets, for producers, investors and consumers alike, writes Derek H. Burney.

In a fit of blatant intimidation, Donald Trump abruptly announced on June 27 that he was suspending trade talks with Canada immediately. The U.S. president also threatened to impose additional tariffs within seven days. In an interview with Fox News, he explained his decision saying, “People don’t realize Canada’s

very nasty

to deal with … There’s been things going on that we don’t like and things where they took advantage.”

The specific targets for Trump’s outburst were a three per cent

Digital Services Tax

(DST) on revenues above $20 million for big tech companies, due to go into effect on June 30, and what the president claimed were tariffs of “almost 400 per cent” against U.S. dairy exports. Despite Trump’s lament, no U.S. exporter has ever paid a 400 per cent tariff on dairy products, which are limited instead by an explicit quota negotiated in CUSMA (Canada-United States-Mexico Agreement) as a trade-off for similar quota limitations on U.S. imports of sugar and sugar-containing products.

When Prime Minister Mark Carney announced on June 29 that Canada would rescind the DST, it seemed an abject capitulation to Trump’s threats, especially when the White House declared that Carney had

“caved”

on the tax. Subsequently it was suggested that the about-face was likely in exchange for the Trump administration dropping a “revenge” tax provision from Congress’s “Big Beautiful Bill” — a measure that would have imposed tens of billions of dollars in taxes on profits of Canadian companies investing in the U.S. While little is known about the substance of the trade talks to date, both topics were obviously discussed. Canada is also undoubtedly seeking relief from crippling tariffs unlawfully imposed, notably the 50 per cent tariffs on steel and aluminum, while isolating other issues to a renewal of CUSMA (also known as USMCA) sometime next year.

In his latest tirade, Trump also repeated his “51st state” desire, “because Canada relies entirely on the U.S. We don’t rely on Canada.” Given that perverse attitude, Canada should demonstrate just how false his claim is. We should use the threat of a 25 per cent surcharge on potash, uranium, oil and electricity exports — all of which are vital to America’s economy — as leverage to set the record straight.

Trump’s tariff rhetoric is not always matched by his erratic start/stop deeds, especially on China, causing some to label him as the “TACO (‘Trump Always Chickens Out’ on tariffs) president.” Regardless, by violating both basic World Trade Organization (WTO) principles and agreements that his administration concluded, he is creating huge chaos and uncertainty in markets, for producers, investors and consumers alike. A return to some semblance of normalcy on trade would be welcome.

Canada should be wary about entering into any renewal of CUSMA given that the original agreement has been flagrantly violated by the U.S. The element of mutual trust essential to any international agreement has evaporated.

It is not easy to deal with a leader who acts like a schoolyard bully, believing that “might is right” and justifying any unilateral penalties as necessary because America’s trading partners are “ripping it off.” As if!

Regrettably, we have not seen much pushback from Congress on Trump’s blunderbuss approach to America’s northern neighbour nor from U.S. CEOs having a major stake in Canada’s economy. His actions have shattered many illusions Canadians had about America. The friendship and trust that provided economic and security dividends to both partners for more than a century may weather the Trump storm, but we should prudently “stand on guard,” signalling our intent to hit back where it will hurt America and provoke a more balanced dialogue and agreement. Trump’s antics have ignited an unprecedented outpouring of “Elbows Up” pride and patriotism in Canada. But the decision by Alberta and Saskatchewan to lift the ban on U.S. alcohol sales mocks any notion of a Team Canada approach to U.S. trade.

The Trump administration now claims that it will conclude many trade agreements before Labour Day. So far it has two — Britain and Vietnam. Trump’s tariff pause will expire on July 9, but most trade experts continue to question the efficacy of his obsession with tariffs.

Trump should be relishing the commitment he has gained from NATO allies to increase defence spending to five per cent of GDP. He might bask, too, in the wake of America’s spectacular B-2 bombing raid on Iran’s nuclear facilities, the real damage of which has yet to be corroborated.

The president succeeded in bulldozing his “Big, Beautiful Bill” through Congress delivering on many of his campaign promises — reinstating the 2017 tax cuts along with no taxes on tips, overtime and social security; a stronger border; and massive energy development. The hope is that these will prompt stronger economic growth, discount some increases to the deficit, and bolster Republican prospects for the 2026 midterm elections. He also won verdicts from the Supreme Court that at least partially vindicated his use of executive power. Trump has an unquenchable thirst for praise, which he received on all of these.

His strong position on the border and illegal immigration remain popular but America’s economic performance will ultimately determine his political fate.

Trump’s aggressively unilateral behaviour is partly attributable to the fact that he will not run again for president and has few guardrails constraining his actions. He demands and receives absolute loyalty from his administration and, thus far, from almost all Republicans in Congress. The chaotic state of the Democratic party only encourages his assertions of executive power.

Inexplicably, Trump continues to placate Russian President Vladimir Putin while weakening U.S. military assistance to Ukraine — a position that is morally and strategically dubious. Following his most recent phone call with Putin, Russia launched its largest ever

drone attack

on Kyiv.

Jake Sullivan, who served as Joe Biden’s national security adviser, recently lamented that Trump’s “America First” foreign policy is undermining U.S. core advantages, specifically the strength of its alliances. Instead of working together to “de-risk” from China, he suggested that many longtime allies in Europe and Asia are now focused on

“de-risking” from the U.S.

Trump’s integrity lapses add stress to an already precarious world.

National Post

Derek H. Burney is a former 30-year career diplomat who served as Ambassador to the United States of America from 1989 to 1993.


An EV charging station in Vancouver sits empty as people fill their tanks with gas in 2024.

Of all the coercive environmental policies implemented by the Trudeau government, the electric vehicle mandate was among the worst, but Prime Minister Mark Carney has been mum on whether Ottawa still intends to force Canadians to ride around in souped-up Power Wheels.

As industry and consumers have been putting pressure on the federal government to scrap the mandate — which will require 20 per cent of all new cars and trucks sold in this country to be zero-emission by next year, increasing to 100 per cent in 2035 — last week, the federal government offered a faint glimmer of hope that it may rethink this choice-limiting policy.

Following a meeting between Carney and the CEOs of Ford, General Motors and Stellantis, a spokesperson for the environment minister

told the Post

that Ottawa is “engaging with the provinces, territories and industry to make sure that our measures reflect times we are in.”

It’s admittedly not much to go on, but there should be no doubt that much has changed since the Liberals introduced the EV mandate in late 2023. When Environment Canada announced the

new regulations

, it said they were designed to “ensure that the supply of (EVs) being sold in Canada keeps up with consumer demand,” while paradoxically promising that the move would “enhance choice.”

But a year and a half later, that demand has failed to materialize. According to a

Transport Canada report

from last year, even in the absence of a government mandate, automakers had “significantly increased and continue to invest in their (EV) manufacturing output,” leading to “significant inventory improvements.”

Yet,

per Statistics Canada

, EVs — which include those powered by electricity, hydrogen and hybrid engines — made up just 7.5 per cent of all new vehicles sold in April, a decline of 28.5 per cent from the same period in 2024.

Part of this decline may be due to the loss of the $5,000 subsidy Ottawa was offering to EV buyers, after the government ran through its $3-billion budget to help rich people put fancy new Teslas in their driveways in January. But it puts a lie to the idea that Canadians would be buying EVs in droves, if only automakers were willing to sell them.

If the mandate is going to be updated to “reflect” current circumstances, it also needs to take into account changes that have been taking place south of the border.

In the United States, sales have been

slumping

, as well, despite deep discounts offered by carmakers, with some EVs selling for noticeably less than their gas-powered alternatives, and most government supports still in place.

When the Liberals announced the new regulations, they noted that California also had a plan to require all new vehicles to be electric by 2035 and that the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) had proposed emissions standards designed to encourage EV adoption.

However, since then, Congress passed a resolution

overturning California’s rules

and the Trump administration is

looking to scrap

the EPA’s new standards.

Meanwhile, Canada’s auto manufacturers have been hit hard by the trade war with the U.S., as President Donald Trump seeks to unravel the integrated North American auto market, leaving them wondering why Ottawa would kneecap them even further with targets they have little hope of actually hitting.

Like most Liberal environmental policies, the EV mandate will cause a lot of pain for very minimal gain. Canadian governments have already pumped

nearly $45 billion

into EV battery plants, which is likely the main reason the Liberals are hesitant about scrapping the mandate.

Attempting to make these cars more appealing has also come at a considerable expense to taxpayers, with federal and provincial governments spending billions of dollars on EV rebates and charging infrastructure.

And yet, the fact remains that Canada produces less than

1.5 per cent

of the world’s greenhouse gas emissions. Even if we all traded in all our gas-powered cars for EVs and started eating tofu instead of steak, it still wouldn’t have a noticeable impact on global temperatures.

If the Liberals are serious about having a policy that reflects current circumstances, they need to realize that in a time of economic uncertainty and strained relations with our largest trading partner, they can no longer afford niche policies that put Canadian industry at a competitive disadvantage.

The problem is not EVs themselves — I know a lot of people who swear by their hybrid or electric cars — it’s that the government has been trying to force their adoption by spending billions of dollars we don’t have, rather than giving the free market space to perfect the technology and provide products that consumers actually want to buy.

After wasting so much money bribing companies to build battery plants here, it’s easy to see why the government would use all the tools at its disposal to ensure they’re financially viable — including forcing Canadians to buy them and slapping 100 per cent tariffs on cheap

Chinese vehicles

that could help us reach our climate targets without draining the public treasury.

But at some point the Liberals need to come to grips with the fact that trying to centrally plan the auto market was folly to begin with. They need to start cutting their losses and focusing on giving private companies the space to grow their businesses — starting with scrapping the foolish EV mandate.

National Post

jkline@postmedia.com

Twitter.com/accessd


Over 1000 people filled the plaza in front of Calgary City Hall to rally in protest of newly announced Alberta policies regarding children and LGBTQ+ rights on Saturday, February 3, 2024.

Until further notice, transgender medical treatments for minors will continue in Alberta.

In December, Alberta amended its Health Professions Act to prohibit doctors from prescribing hormone therapy and puberty-suppressing drugs to minors in the course of treating gender-related psychological disorders. The law hadn’t come into force, however, and the government was planning to release an order allowing exceptions to the rule.

Before any of these rules, or exceptions, could kick in, Egale Canada, a charity that is 71 per cent government-

funded

and now functions as the feds’ unofficial LGBT litigation department, won an injunction on June 27 that put everything on pause until a constitutional challenge has been heard out.

The reason? The judge handling the case, Allison Kuntz,

appointed

to the Court of King’s Bench by Justin Trudeau in 2023, was convinced that age-based restrictions on cosmetic hormone treatments would cause transgender youth all sorts of harm.

“The evidence shows that the Ban will cause irreparable harm by causing gender diverse youth to experience permanent changes to their body that do not align with their gender identity,” she

wrote

.

Legal restrictions on these treatments would single out “gender diverse youth … by reinforcing the discrimination and prejudice that they are already subjected to” and “signal that there is something wrong with or suspect about having a gender identity that is different than the sex you were assigned at birth.”

The Alberta government had argued, in 183 pages, that the evidence for hormonal cosmetics was unclear, and that the risk of harm that came with providing such treatments to minors warranted legal limits. It called four Alberta doctors to testify, along with three detransitioners; as part of its large pile of evidence pointing to the lack of scientific support for cross-sex medical treatments for minors, it cited the United Kingdom’s Cass Review and other European studies.

Puberty suppression, argued the government, made later transgender-related surgeries more dangerous despite making no detectable impact on the mental health of youth patients; for cross-sex hormones, they, too, were rife with risks.

“All minors with a (gender dysphoria or gender incongruence) diagnosis benefit from being shielded . . . from assuming significant and potentially life-altering risks of harm when they are at a stage of development at which they cannot fully understand or independently consent to assuming these risks,” read the

government’s brief

, which added that puberty itself might help a minor avoid a gender-disorder-related diagnosis.

The big-picture concerns were to be grappled with later on in the challenge, however: in granting an injunction, the judge considered only the potential harm that could be experienced by transgender youth receiving treatment.

The medical risks were of little interest: in the immediate term, she was primarily concerned about not limiting the choice of trans youth. She was clearly moved by the children who

joined

Egale Canada in the challenge: these included one 11-year-old male who was socially transitioned at age three, a 10-year-old male who’d been identifying as agender since Kindergarten, and a 12-year-old male, currently on puberty blockers, who had wanted to become a woman after seeing the film Moana.

In the judge’s view, the only people who would benefit from the government’s treatment restrictions were the minority of youth transitioners who would grow to regret their transition. Most trans youth, she figured, were better off under the status quo, with the province’s professional standards for doctors serving as their primary safeguard.

“I accept that some patients and their parents may have had a different experience and believe that treatment was initiated hastily and without a full understanding of the consequences,” she wrote.

“However, based on my assessment of the evidence it would be a stretch to conclude that because that may have been the experience of some, every doctor who practices gender affirming care has abdicated their responsibilities and are choosing to ignore the strength of the science regarding gender affirming care such that the Ban is necessary to protect the public good.”

It appeared early on in the decision, long before the judge reached her conclusion, that she favoured the gender ideology of the progressive left: “From the age of kindergarten and before they expressed a gender that was different from the sex they were assigned at birth,” she wrote, seeming to agree with the idea of biological sex as an irrational label applied to the freshly born.

And here is Alberta’s problem: even with a growing body of evidence that calls cosmetic hormonal interventions for minors into question, even though objective reality is on its side, Canada has a culture of relying on established professional standards and keeping politicians out of doctors’ offices.

Both Alberta and Egale Canada agreed that the “prevailing sources of clinical guidance” included the World Professional Association for Transgender Health (WPATH), which supports a
radical affirmation model
and is known for
questionable, activist-corrupted research practices
, and the Canadian Pediatric Society, which supports the WPATH guidelines.

The judge was inclined to accept their positions as dogma with some light persuasion from Egale and its litigation partner, the Calgary-based Skipping Stone foundation (which is 40 per cent

funded

by government, and 20 per cent funded by other charities). As for why it takes so little persuasion, well, the Supreme Court of Canada has been

endorsing

gender ideology since 2023.

Alberta isn’t just fighting a few activists: it’s going up against a federal government that acts indirectly, through judicial appointments and generous cash handouts to ideologically aligned charities. There were always going to be losses along the way; what will ultimately count is whether Premier Danielle Smith decides to draw the notwithstanding clause from its holster.

National Post


U.S. President Donald Trump, back left, and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu attend a dinner in the White House in Washington, D.C., on Monday.

SDEROT, Israel — For the third time since U.S. President Donald Trump’s inauguration, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has travelled to Washington, D.C., for what is certain to be a few days of very intense discussions and negotiations.

Expectations by all parties are high. The president has been clear that he would like to announce a big peace deal by the end of the week — even if it’s just a partial deal, meaning that some Hamas hostages remain in their underground torture chambers, indefinitely, along with the bodies of murdered Israelis.

But at what cost? Hamas, which is said by military analysts to be nearing the point of collapse, has lost control of much of the territory of Gaza, along with the food supply. Its cash reserves are depleted, and the organization is unable to pay most of its workers — whether fighters or those employed in civilian capacities.

Responding late on Monday to the joint American-Israeli proposal for a partial ceasefire and hostage-release deal, Hamas added some new conditions that it knows Israel will not accept.

Each party has its red lines. Hamas is determined to remain in power. Whether it’s a bankrupt government loathed by the civilian population is unimportant to Hamas’s leadership. They must survive this almost two-year war against the greatest military power in the region. That, for them, would be a victory.

Israel, of course, is firmly entrenched at the opposite end of that spectrum, having made clear that the destruction of Hamas is a paramount goal of this war. Exactly what that overused phrase means is unclear. “Total victory” has become Netanyahu’s mantra.

He is also facing intense domestic pressure to finally bring all the hostages home — at once. No more of these torturous, staggered releases. Domestic pressure in Israel on this issue is explosive. The continued captivity of hostages is a humiliation, and one that Hamas exploits brilliantly. The hostages are Hamas’s most powerful weapon with which to strike Israel.

In a pre-dinner chat at the White House on Monday night — with the press in attendance — Netanyahu made clear that he would not accept a Palestinian state that could in any way harm Israel militarily.

Hamas is also

standing firm

on its demand that the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation should no longer be allowed to control the distribution of humanitarian aid within the Strip. Israel is unbending on that issue, as the previous system allowed Hamas to pilfer aid, strengthening it significantly. Food, in the Strip, is power.

President Trump is a guy who likes to make deals. He likes to close. He hates war and suffering and has become somewhat personally involved in the conflict between Israel and Hamas. Numerous hostages and their families have paid Trump a visit after they were released, and he welcomed them so graciously. It’s a side of the president that few manage to see — warm, connected, sincere.

When

Edan Alexander

, a 21-year-old American-Israeli IDF soldier who was recently released from Hamas captivity visited Trump in the Oval Office last Thursday, Steve Witkoff, America’s special envoy to the Middle East, was also present. Witkoff asked Alexander to tell Trump how his conditions changed following the November election in the United States.

“They moved me to a new place, a good place,” Alexander said. “People did everything. They treated me really well.”

Trump revelled in the confirmation that Hamas feared him, quipping: “They weren’t too afraid of Biden.” Alexander quickly agreed.

By the end of this week, Trump wants a deal. A big, beautiful deal that will usher in a significant expansion of the Abraham Accords, perhaps announcing that negotiations will include Lebanon and Syria, which would be groundbreaking.

The jewel in the Middle Eastern crown — Saudi Arabia — will likely hold back, as it has indicated consistently. The Saudis will condition their embrace of a new Middle East security and economic order on the end of the war between Israel and Hamas.

It will thus fall to Witkoff to work his magic in Doha and find a way to bridge the critical gap between Hamas and Israel. That would likely involve the first stage of a ceasefire, partial Israeli withdrawal and the phased release of living and dead hostages. Trump would take that as a win at this point.

The final stretch will be the toughest. Hamas will continue to hold living hostages, as they are its only leverage. And Israel will resist committing to a full withdrawal from the Strip with Hamas still standing — even barely — in order to bring them all home.

No one in the region — aside from Iran, Hezbollah and, one has to assume, Qatar — is keen to see Hamas survive. Qatar, of course, is friends with both the United States and Hamas — hosting the largest U.S. military base in the region, while financing and providing a home base to the terrorist organization’s leadership in Doha.

With the flick of a wrist, Qatar could take down Hamas. It has not done so. So we continue with this absurd situation: the battered Hamas terrorist force, which is ideologically committed to the destruction of Israel, is left holding these very powerful aces — human beings.

Waiting on the sidelines is the jewel of the Middle East, Saudi Arabia. Only when the dirty details are swept away will the Saudis even consider joining Trump’s big, beautiful plan to bring peace and glory to the Middle East. Steve Witkoff has a big job ahead of him.

National Post

Vivian Bercovici is a former Canadian ambassador to Israel and the founder of www.stateoftelaviv.com, an independent media enterprise..


The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation's Toronto headquarters.

One of the results of the Liberals’ long-unexpected election win earlier this year is that the issue of CBC’s future immediately came off the boil — and it wasn’t even all that big of an issue during the campaign, despite Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre’s unambiguous promise to defund CBC’s English-language operations entirely. Travis Dhanraj, a balanced and energetic reporter and until recently host of CBC’s Canada Tonight, who mysteriously vanished from CBC’s airwaves earlier this year,

dropped a bomb this week

that could bring the issue back to life very quickly, and perhaps very usefully.

“I had no real choice but to walk away,”

Dhanraj wrote in an open letter

about what he termed his “forced resignation” from Mother Corp. “(But) I still have my voice. And I intend to use it. Because this isn’t just about me. It’s about trust in the CBC — a public institution that’s supposed to serve you. It’s about voices being sidelined, hard truths avoided, and the public being left in the dark about what’s really happening inside their national broadcaster.”

He accused the network — credibly, it must be said — of “performative diversity, tokenism, (and perpetuating) a system designed to elevate certain voices and diminish others.” Dhanraj is brown-skinned, and quickly developed a reputation on the Canada Tonight newsmagazine show for inviting, shall we say, non-CBC types on to the public airwaves. (An appearance by Toronto Sun columnist Brian Lilley caused particular consternation among those who carry CBC tote bags.)

Kathryn Marshall,

who is representing Dhanraj in a planned complaint to the Canadian Human Rights Commission

, alleged this week that CBC management assumed Dhanraj would hold a “liberal world view” because of his skin colour, and were dismayed when it didn’t pan out the way they assumed it would. (I should say, knowing Dhanraj slightly and having watched him in action, both at press conferences and on TV, I really have no idea what his “world view” is … except that it’s not hopelessly blinkered. That’s a good thing. He’s a reporter.)

“When the time is right, I’ll pull the curtain back,” Dhanraj wrote, portentously. “I’ll share everything. I’ll tell you what is really happening inside the walls of your CBC.”

The sooner the better, please! Because it’s just possible that this federal government might be serious about implementing reforms at the public broadcaster, and as of yet those proposed reforms amount to very weak and expensive tea.

A thousand years ago, in February, the former Heritage minister under the former prime minister

proposed what she called a “new mandate” for CBC

. It was unprepossessing, to say the least: A ton of new money, naturally, plus a partial ban on advertising and some changes to how senior management positions are appointed. The CBC-related commitments in Mark Carney’s Liberal platform (notwithstanding the promise of $150 million extra funding) were even weaker tea: When you’re including “the clear and consistent transmission of life-saving information during emergencies” as a new imperative for your public broadcaster, you know you’re either out of ideas or have a

severely

dysfunctional public broadcaster. Because communicating life-saving information during emergencies is kind of Job One for broadcast journalism.

The first thing CBC did when COVID hit, let us never forget, was to cancel all its local newscasts. It later turned out that calamitous CBC CEO Catherine Tait

had hunkered down for the pandemic in Brooklyn

. She was last heard

defending senior executives’ bonuses

, even as the network was shedding hundreds of jobs, as something akin to the divine right of kings and queens. Amazingly, she kept her job

until her recently extended contract expired

in January this year.

If I believed that an extra $150 million a year would fix what ails CBC, I wouldn’t lose sleep over spending it. My complaints about CBC are myriad and easily Google-able. And it pains me the extent to which Canadian news — including private outlets such as this one, as well as CBC — is now subsidized by the Canadian taxpayer. But the simple fact is that if that support disappeared tomorrow there would be a hell of a lot less news out there, and that’s never a good thing.

But I don’t believe an extra $150 million would make much difference; I think it would just disappear into the gaping maw of middle management, emboldening them to get even more in the way of journalists simply doing the work they want to do. CBC news needs to be torn down to the studs and rebuilt, not tinkered with at the margins. So

what Dhanraj and Marshall are teasing here

is tantalizing, because it speaks to something existential about the CBC’s news organization — something conservatives have always believed. It’s not “for Canadians”; it’s for

certain kinds

of Canadians. That has never been any public broadcaster’s mandate. And it is, perhaps, why the ratings are so poor.

I feel terrible for Travis Dhanraj, but I can’t wait to see what’s behind that curtain.

National Post

cselley@postmedia.com


Travis Dhanraj in St. John’s
—Photo by Joe Gibbons/SaltWire

Travis Dhanraj joined CBC with the intention of doing real journalism. He quickly found out that wasn’t why they hired him.

It’s important to note that Dhanraj didn’t leave any old job at CBC, he was the host of his own show —

Canada Tonight: With Travis Dhanraj

— the kind of achievement most aspiring television journalists only dream of. He was on the path to a Peter Mansbridge-level of success after working hard for it over his 20-years in journalism which included

roles

at CBC, but also, CP24, Global News, and CTV News.

It appears somewhere along the way, he learned what real journalism was and, more importantly, what it wasn’t.

After his public resignation letter, tendered on Monday, CBC, which claims in its

mandate

to be “fully committed to maintaining accuracy, fairness, balance, impartiality and integrity in its journalism,” as well as, “sensitivity to the diversity,” is likely shaking in its boots. Dhanraj intends to sue.

Dhanraj’s scathing resignation letter, addressed to CBC Leadership about his experiences, opens by saying he’s leaving not by choice, but because the “Canadian Broadcasting Corporation has made it impossible for (him) to continue (his) work with integrity.”

Dhanraj describes the discrepancy between what he believed his role at CBC would entail and the reality:

“When I joined CBC, I did so with a clear understanding of its mandate and a belief in its importance to Canadian democracy. I was told I would be ‘a bold voice in journalism.’ I took that role seriously. I worked to elevate underrepresented stories, expand political balance, and uphold the journalistic values Canadians expect from their public broadcaster.”

Given CBC is largely publicly-funded, Dhanraj saw his role as one of public service. That means he saw his job as a duty, given that Canadians support it with their tax dollars. If only more journalists at CBC held Dhanraj’s strong principles and commitment to democracy.

Dhanraj also

accused

CBC of “performative diversity, tokenism, a system designed to elevate certain voices and diminish others.”

This is significant, as previous similar complaints about CBC’s issues with journalistic integrity and obsession with race, from former CBC employee, Tara Henley, can’t be so easily ignored now coming from Dhanraj, who was born in Calgary, but who’s parents

are from Trinidad.

Of her time at CBC, Henley

wrote

: “To work at the CBC now is to accept the idea that race is the most significant thing about a person, and that some races are more relevant to the public conversation than others. It is, in my newsroom, to fill out racial profile forms for every guest you book; to actively book more people of some races and less of others.”

At some point, CBC apparently stopped appreciating Dhanraj for the “bold voice” they’d hired him for and, in his words, “systematically sidelined, retaliated against, and denied the editorial access and institutional support necessary to fulfill (his) public service role.”

He

describes

himself as being denied access to key newsmakers, whom he no doubt, wanted to press with tough questions, but these opportunities he describes as being relegated to a “particularly a small circle of senior Ottawa-based journalists.”

Dhanraj committed a cardinal sin against CBC when he politely

tweeted

that former CBC president Catherine Tait declined an interview on his show to discuss the broadcaster’s choice to pay very generous bonuses to executives.

Dhanraj explained in his resignation letter, “I was presented with an NDA tied to an investigation about a tweet about then CBC President Catherine Tait. It was designed not to protect privacy, but to sign away my voice. When I refused, I was further marginalized.”

His show,

Canada Tonight: With Travis Dhanraj

, which he

says

was once referred to as a “strategic priority” was rebranded to Ian Hanomansing’s

Hanomansing Tonight

. CBC must have been relieved to find the right kind of brown voice for the job.

Clearly, CBC isn’t interested in diversity, unless it has a very specific, left-leaning viewpoint.

CBC has

rejected

Dhanraj’s accusations about its inner workings, calling them an “attack on the integrity of CBC News.”

But behind closed doors, their executives must be worried. They walked away with Mark Carney’s election promise to boost funding by $150 million, narrowly escaping the Conservative Party’s promise to defund English CBC, had it won. And the relief that a Liberal minority win provided CBC personalities on election night was

palpable

, with their anti-Conservative bias on full display.

Dhanraj appears to have been too “bold” in his attempts to provide Canadians with real journalism — a goal which was clear to those watching him closely, he was aiming to do for years. Even if it meant brushing up against members of government who did not take kindly to his questioning.

One example of this was back in 2022, when he posted a

tweet

from Germany with a video of him asking then-Deputy Prime Minister Chrystia Freeland and then-Foreign Affairs Minister Mélanie Joly in which he approaches them and asks:

“A lot of Canadians are back at home, kind of wondering and watching this trip, and seeing a lot of photo ops, a lot of broad platitudes, and not many specifics when it comes to details, why couldn’t these meetings have been done from Canada? Why does the prime minister, the deputy minister, the minister of foreign affairs, and defence minister, need to be in Europe right now, when there are a lot of domestic issues at home that are very important. And some people view this as a photo op trip to Europe.”

In the video, Joly and Freeland are visibly annoyed by Dhanraj’s question. They snit their faces as if to suggest they were both above questions from reporters that would hold a sitting government to account for its choice to jetset around the world at every opportunity. Heaven forbid.

Sharing the video on X, he

wrote

: “Deputy PM @cafreeland & Foreign Affairs Min @melaniejoly clearly did not like my Q — Why is @JustinTrudeau in Europe on the taxpayer dime while there are pressing domestic issues he could be dealing w/ at home…here’s the exchange #cdnpoli.”

Dhanraj’s received considerable backlash for the tweet and eventually followed up with

another

, explaining why he’d done his job: “Verdict continues to roll in. Some love Q some hate it. My take after a few hrs: was worded clumsily as was tweet…my fault, I take responsibility…However there are legit Q’s about what this trip will do to substantially address the situation Ukrainians are dealing w/right now.”

I’m sure Dhanraj now realizes why he never should have apologized.

tnewman@postmedia.com

X: @TLNewmanMTL


Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney flips pancakes  during a stampede breakfast at the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners of America in Calgary on Friday, July 4, 2025. Darren Makowichuk/Postmedia

For months, Prime Minister Mark Carney has spoken about making Canada an energy superpower. He said it

on the campaign trail,

mentioned it again in an

interview

with CTV news in May, and

dropped it again

last weekend at the Calgary Stampede. While he usually inserts the qualifier of “both clean and conventional energy,” in

an interview Saturday

he stated that it’s “highly, highly likely” that at least one oil pipeline will make the government’s list of national strategic infrastructure projects.

Those words aren’t a dog whistle — they’re a bugle call to western premiers, notably Alberta Premier Danielle Smith. At a press conference with Ontario Premier Doug Ford this week, Smith

waxed enthusiastic

about a “grand bargain” involving pipelines and the Pathways Alliance, a group of energy producers promoting carbon capture as a means of “decarbonizing” fossil fuel production. The two premiers

agreed to study

the construction of a pipeline to the East and a rail line to the West, to send Alberta oil to eastern Canada and critical minerals from Ontario’s Ring of Fire to western ports.

Those national infrastructure projects appear to be chugging along, full steam ahead. But they still need the federal government on board — and despite his talk, Carney still must walk the walk. And that may not be as easy as some may hope.

First, Carney has a very verdant past. He is a longtime climate finance evangelist, promoting green energy projects as chair of Brookfields, authoring a book on “value(s),” arguing for ESG investment frameworks, and serving as the UN Special Envoy on Climate Action and Finance. Will he turn his back on those beliefs — or find a way to reconcile them with pro-development positions?

Second, the Liberal Party’s green flank is likely to see red. Former and current environment ministers Steven Guilbault and Julie Dabrusin are part of the anti-oil crowd, as are many rank and file members of the party in urban Ontario, Quebec, and B.C. Until now, they called the tune: under Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, the Liberals were the party of carbon taxes, not carbon capture, of emissions caps, not Energy East.

Third, there are potential roadblocks that are out of Carney’s control. Opposition is brewing among environmental and indigenous groups to his recently passed Bill C-5, the “One Canadian Economy Act,” which promises to streamline approval for resource projects. Canada has seen civil disobedience before, when members of the Wet’suwet’en band blocked railways in early 2020 to protest pipeline construction: a sequel could be coming to a rail line near you, and it’s not clear how Carney would respond.

So far, Carney has stickhandled these issues by avoiding specifics. He hasn’t said which pipeline, or where, or when. But when plans start to firm up, maps are drawn and suddenly a pipeline is running through someone’s back yard, he’ll have to make a choice — and that choice will have serious political implications for both his party, and others.

For the Liberals, it means possible internal rifts, as cabinet minister are asked to fall in line. For the NDP, Carney’s embrace of energy infrastructure could boost the green left, as the party prepares to choose a new leader and possibly new direction. For the Conservatives, it could deny leader Pierre Poilievre his monopoly on “common sense” jobs-and-growth politics.

But in some ways, Carney doesn’t have a choice. As with everything else these days, policy is being dictated by what’s happening south of the border. The United States under President Donald Trump is clipping climate regulation, scrapping EV subsidies, and pushing “drill, baby, drill” policies. Canada is still facing tariffs and a rough renegotiation of our trade agreement with Washington. Meanwhile other markets, in Asia and Europe, are looking for stable suppliers of oil and LNG.

Diversification isn’t just a buzzword; it’s survival. In the end, Carney may find that the green that speaks loudest is in Canadians’ wallets.

Postmedia News

Tasha Kheiriddin is Postmedia’s national politics columnist.


Drug user groups and advocates hold a rally in Vancouver's Downtown Eastside as part of  a public safety event distributing safe supply drugs and supporting drug decriminalization in 2021.

There was a time when most Canadians stood proudly in the political centre. We believed in individual freedoms, a social safety net and reasonable government. But something has shifted. Today, many of us who still hold those values inexplicably find ourselves on the right of the political spectrum.

Ideas once considered mainstream — free speech, public safety, fiscal responsibility — are now branded right-wing.

Extremes on both sides have reshaped the political landscape. Performative outrage has replaced practical solutions. Moderates are being pushed aside or shouted down — not for changing, but for refusing to.

Let’s face it: being reasonable now means being labelled right-of-centre. Wanting a Canada that protects freedoms, rewards effort and respects differing opinions is now controversial. And yet, those were once core Canadian values.

Centrists have become disillusioned — and for good reason. Take the case of former prime minister Justin Trudeau. Once the darling of the centre, he took the Liberal party sharply to the left and abandoned the liberal principles that once defined the party: fiscal responsibility, common sense, personal accountability and respect for democratic institutions.

One of the clearest examples came in 2023, when the federal government gave British Columbia the authority to decriminalize all drugs, including heroin and fentanyl. It was framed as a compassionate move, but the results were disastrous. The streets of Vancouver and Victoria  were surrendered to an ideology that insists nothing — not addiction, not public disorder — should ever be judged or addressed.

Then there was the overreach. In 2022, the federal government invoked the Emergencies Act to deal with some protesters in downtown Ottawa. There were horns and bouncy castles, but the protest was largely peaceful.

Contrast that with the past two years, as antisemitic demonstrators have blocked streets in major cities, chanting violent slogans that frighten Jewish-Canadians — and police responded not with emergency powers, but with crowd control and, in one case, coffee.

The double standard is glaring. And questioning it now gets you branded as far-right. Somehow, common sense has become radical.

It’s not off-base to identify as a conservative, even for those who don’t support the Conservative party. These days, it can simply mean believing in accountability, freedom of thought and respect for institutions — values that used to unite Canadians across party lines.

The truth is that those who once leaned slightly left and those who leaned slightly right now have more in common than ever before. The political centre — that wide, quiet majority — has been forced into the same room by the extremes. And we’re realizing we agree on far more than we don’t.

It’s time for the centre to get noisy. For too long we’ve been the quiet, trusting that reason would prevail. But silence has let the fringes take over. We need to speak up for the values this country was built on: fairness, freedom, respect and reason.

Oddly enough, the extremes have done us a favour. By polarizing the debate, they’ve created a new space for those who value nuance and compromise to be heard. So let’s own it, love it, share it and talk about it. Our vision for Canada depends on it.

To those who believe in unity over outrage, calm over chaos and principled progress, this is your call. Speak up. Claim your space. Be proud of where you stand.

Let’s define the new centre — together.

National Post


In a time when every institution feels captured, when every faculty lounge seems to echo with the same stifling progressive orthodoxies, it’s tempting for conservatives to throw up their hands and walk away from academia altogether.

In many cases, the ivory tower has become a fortress of ideological conformity, guarded by those who would rather shout down dissent than engage with it. And I’ll be honest: there are days when even I feel the pull to simply torch the whole edifice and move on.

But that instinct, however understandable, must be resisted, because, for all its decay, universities still matter. We cannot afford to abandon the academy — not now, not ever.

I don’t say this as some wide-eyed idealist. I say it as someone who’s been lucky enough to know what the academy was, and in some rare cases, still is.

Some of the most enriching, soul-shaping relationships in my life have been with old-school scholars — men and women who taught before every syllabus became a political manifesto and every footnote a confession. They were rigorous, eccentric, unfailingly curious. They prized clarity over cant, thought over fashion, truth over ideology. They were the keepers of what the late Sir Roger Scruton called “the conversation of mankind.”

These scholars, many of them conservative in instinct if not in label, understood that conservatism is not simply a political brand, but a disposition. It’s a reverence for what Edmund Burke called the “wisdom of the ages”; a belief, in Michael Oakeshott’s words, that, “What has stood the test of time is good and must not be lightly cast aside.”

They were not culture warriors. They were culture bearers. And they remind us that knowledge is not the enemy of conservatism, it is its foundation. That’s why the right’s growing disdain for academia troubles me so deeply.

Yes, the rot is real. Departments that once trained statesmen and scientists now churn out bureaucrats of resentment, who are fluent only in grievance and jargon. The canon has been gutted. The humanities have become temples of nihilism.

And yet, to walk away is to concede that this land now belongs to them alone. It is to say that the university, the very cradle of our civilization, no longer belongs to those who would conserve it. That’s not just cowardice — it’s suicide.

To abandon the university is to abandon the formation of our future leaders — our judges, teachers, journalists, doctors and civil servants. It would hand the framing of every great moral and political question to people who hate us and then act surprised when the next generation has no idea what we stand for.

But more than that, we would impoverish ourselves. The conservative tradition is one of the richest intellectual lineages in human history.

Burke, T.S. Eliot, Oakeshott, Wilhelm Roepke, Roger Scruton — these were not demagogues, they were men of enormous learning and restraint, thinkers who engaged the world not with slogans, but with ideas. They wrote from within the university, not in defiance of it. They were not guests in the house of learning. They built the thing.

That tradition must not be discarded. It must be reclaimed.

I know it is easier to sneer. Anti-intellectualism is easy. Building is hard. But if conservatism surrenders the life of the mind, it becomes a movement of pure resentment, of rage without reason, of slogans without soul. And rage alone does not a civilization make.

There are still pockets of light. Good scholars still do honest work, even in hostile institutions. There are journals worth reading, students worth teaching and institutes worth supporting. They may be few, but they are not nothing. They are the seedbeds of renewal.

Conservatives must do what the left did in the 1960s. We must build parallel institutions. We must fund research, endow chairs, launch fellowships, establish schools and support scholars not for what they say, but for how they think.

We must cultivate conservative intellectuals, not just polemicists, but teachers, writers and thinkers — men and women capable of defending the good, the true and the beautiful, not just on stage or on screen, but in the classroom and the library. Because if we don’t, no one will.

We stand at a crossroads. One path leads to anti-intellectual populism, a movement defined by its disdain for learning. The other leads to a renaissance, a conservatism that remembers its own roots, that cherishes the life of the mind not as an ornament, but as a necessity.

As Russell Kirk wrote, “The purpose of education … is to develop the mental and moral faculties of the individual person, for the person’s own sake,” but “the chief benefit of formal education is to make people intelligent and good.” If we neglect that purpose, we neglect the soul of the nation itself.

We must not let that happen. We must not abandon the thinking man. For he is, and always has been, one of us.

National Post