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The provincial courthouse in Moose Jaw, Saskatchewan.

A Saskatchewan employer has been fined $5,000 in one of the first successful convictions obtained as part of a provincial effort to crack down on foreign worker exploitation.

On Tuesday, representatives for Dyan Jeny Enterprises pleaded guilty in a Moose Jaw, Sask. court to demanding $12,000 from an employee as a condition of maintaining his Canadian work permit.

Parth Patel, a foreign national working at Moose Jaw’s Guac Mexi Grill, was told that he would lose his job and potentially his immigration status unless he paid $12,000 to his employers.

In addition to the $5,000 fine, Dyan Jeny Enterprises was also ordered to repay the $12,000.

According to a report on the case by DiscoverMooseJaw , Provincial Court Judge Steven Schiefner questioned whether a $5,000 fine was sufficient deterrence for such a clear case of worker exploitation.

“I find the conduct of Dyan Jeny Enterprises and its principals to be atrocious,” Schiefner told the court.

Notably, the court would hear that illegally charging fees to foreign workers was considered common practice in Saskatchewan.

Last October, the charges against Dyan Jeny Enterprises were touted by the Saskatchewan government as the first prosecution pursued under a new provincial law intended to prevent the exploitation of foreign workers.

The Immigration Services Act, which became law in July, 2024, was announced as “the most comprehensive program integrity framework in the nation, including the highest fines for violation in the country.”

When first tabled before the Saskatchewan Legislative Assembly, a statement by the province’s Immigration and Career Training Ministry said it was part of their overall program to obtain “autonomy over immigration” and to grow the province’s population to 1.4 million by 2030.

Under the new law, individual violators can be slapped with fines of up to $750,000, as well as imprisonment of up to two years. Corporations can face fines of up to $1,250,000.

In addition, if the infraction affects “more than one foreign national,” each victim is counted as a separate offence.

However, since the alleged Dyan Jeny Enterprise infractions all occurred before the Immigration Services Act was proclaimed into law, the charges ultimately had to be pursued under the more lenient 2013 legislation that the Immigration Services Act had replaced.

As a result, the stricter consequences of the new law never ended up applying.

In addition, most of the charges laid in October were eventually withdrawn, including a charge that Patel’s employers had taken “unfair advantage of a foreign national’s trust or exploit a foreign national’s fear or lack of experience or knowledge.”

The Moose Jaw decision occurs shortly after another landmark Saskatchewan case involving foreign labour.

Just last week, two Saskatchewan men, Mohammed Masum, 44, and Sohel Haider, 55, were convicted of human trafficking in the case of a Bangladeshi woman first brought to the province as a foreign worker. Prosecutors said it was the first case of labour human trafficking ever heard by a Saskatchewan court.


U.S. President Donald Trump boards Air Force One at Joint Base Andrews in Maryland on Aug. 11.

Sometimes I am just awestruck at the glorious feast future historians will have as they try to decipher White House decision-making from the time of U.S. President Donald Trump. On Wednesday, the U.S. newspapers were full of amazement at the weird series of events that happened on the tarmac at Ankara Esenboga Airport in Turkey on July 8. Shortly before departing a NATO summit in the Turkish capital, the president announced that he would be flying out to the United Kingdom on the old Air Force One (a VC-25, i.e., a modified Boeing 747) instead of the new Qatari gift plane (a 747-8) that has just come into occasional use.

He muttered that he was using the older aircraft for “old time’s sake,” eventually boarded it … and was secretly hustled into a catering truck that transferred him to a third aircraft, a U.S. Air Force Boeing C-32A. It was this tricked-out 757 that ended up taking Trump, along with Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth, to Britain.

Reports suggest that U.S. intelligence officials were concerned about an Iranian missile attack on the old Air Force One, but that didn’t stop the older plane from taking off, effectively serving as a decoy, with other cabinet secretaries, dozens of reporters and plenty of executive-branch staff members aboard. When the president was asked how he could expose those people to a danger he avoided, he claimed that, “The (third) plane I flew on was at greater risk,” which raises the question why he (and the military-intelligence establishment) bothered with the little switcheroo at all.

The aircraft shell game induced a lot of chuckles on social media as people imagined Trump being shuffled between planes inside a drinks cart. But, as the national-security historian Garrett Graff observed in an article published on Wednesday, the incident raises several questions of high seriousness.

Why was the Qatari plane avoided in the first place? The answer seems to be, “It’s not yet actually fit for the purpose of secure presidential travel,” although Trump has already flown on it in safer regions. And why was the press corps not told of Trump’s switch? In the past, Graff notes, the media has sometimes been misled by the Secret Service for security purposes, but at least a few trusted reporters were always kept up to date on the president’s whereabouts. This has heavy implications: Trump was, for a while, aboard a mystery plane over foreign soil, with the secretary of defence, and almost nobody knew a thing about it.

Was the nuclear chain of command back in the U.S. fully aware of the switch, and of the use of the old Air Force One as a decoy? Graff reminds us of a fresh outrage that got lost amid the unending chaos and the endless stream of nonsensical Trumpian verbiage last month: the president posted a message on his Truth Social site suggesting that he had given “orders” for Iran to be destroyed by “1000 missiles” in the event of his assassination. Whether or not such a “dead man’s switch” is a good idea strategically — and let’s face it: the person of the president is protected internationally by the implied threat of overwhelming retaliation — it is plainly illegal . Nuclear and other military command responsibilities would devolve upon the vice-president, along with the presidency itself, the moment the president was dead. Assuming, of course, anybody knew he was dead.

National Post
Twitter.com/colbycosh


The American and Canadian flags fly atop the Peace Arch at the Peace Arch Border Crossing in Blaine, Wash.

Prime Minister Mark Carney has the luxury of vacationing in Tuscany as our U.S. relationship crumbles to dust but Canadians should buckle up for a rough ride.

Trade negotiators on both sides are reported to be working feverishly on a Canada-U.S. interim trade deal before Donald Trump’s new tariffs come into effect next Wednesday.

But what will Canada concede in any deal and how long will it last before the U.S. president decides to impose other tariffs based on a new excuse such as Carney not sending him a postcard from his Italian hideaway?

Amid all this bewildering uncertainty and intense negotiations comes a new warning tactic from the Canadian government to the U.S.: If these tariffs go ahead then hell hath no fury like a nation scorned.

Two sources told National Post that Canada “made it clear to the U.S. last week that if the tariffs were to go forward on Aug. 19, it will be difficult for Canada to make a deal.”

According to a report in the Globe and Mail, Janice Charette, Canada’s chief trade negotiator, told her American counterparts that if Trump imposed new tariffs then the federal government would not be able to control the premiers or the public.

What an astonishing threat to make. The federal government is absolving itself of any responsibility should a deal fail while also hoping that the likes of Doug Ford, David Eby and the guy on the Toronto subway do its job.

Presumably, Charette was indicating that a lack of a new deal would mean the U.S. booze ban — a major irritant in America — would stay in place while maybe a revitalized Elbows Up campaign would convince Canadians to once again forego trips to Florida and all parts south.

A U.S. factsheet issued in July about Trump’s proposed new 50 per cent tariffs on certain goods, noted that “Canadian imports of U.S. alcoholic beverages decreased by about 81%, or $582 million, compared to the same period in 2024-2025.”

That’s U.S. millions so $812 million Canadian. We are talking big bucks and American breweries and wineries are hurting.

Meanwhile, Canadians are still foregoing trips south of the border. In July, Canadians made 2.3 million trips to the U.S., an increase of 10 per cent over last year. But trips by cars, the main method of travel, were still almost 30 per cent lower than in 2024.

The boycott of American goods and travel won’t end overnight.

But it seems a bit rich to put Canadians so squarely in the negotiating firing line while the prime minister is sipping Chianti in Tuscany. It is ordinary Canadians who have the most to lose and the federal government should be making more of an effort to resolve this dispute at the bargaining table rather than making threats that rely on the premiers and the public.

Just how much is at risk for Canadians was documented this week in a report by the Canadian American Business Council (CABC).

The report envisaged three scenarios and their possible consequences. A “status quo” scenario reflected the current tariffs war but of most importance were the scenarios under which the Canada-U.S.-Mexico free trade agreement (CUSMA) was either renegotiated or broke down.

A breakdown of the CUSMA agreement would see the loss of 102,000 jobs, an average household losing almost $6,000 in income and a loss of $271 billion in GDP over 10 years.

Conversely, renegotiating CUSMA would result in the creation of 98,000 jobs, an increase in average household income of $4,166 and a rise in GDP of $253 billion in 10 years.

When affordability, food and house prices are on the minds of many Canadians, these are not trifling numbers.

But Carney seems in no mood to make a quick deal. In July, he told provincial and territorial premiers at an Ontario retreat that his team was “only going to accept the best deal for Canada.”

And to diversify the Canadian economy away from the U.S., the prime minister has reached out to the likes of China and Qatar .

Whether Canada should be getting into “strategic partnerships” with these countries is one issue, but a bigger one is that there has been no new trade agreements (although tariffs were lowered under a deal with China.)

But as the CABC report noted, Canada and the U.S. are economically tied at the hip. If CUSMA (also known as USMCA) breaks down, or the status quo continues, even trade agreements with other countries is not going to rescue Canada.

“Because the two countries are each other’s most natural trading partners — integrated over four decades through CUSFTA, NAFTA and USMCA — trade diversion to third countries is costly and, at best, partial,” notes the report.

And Canada has the most to lose.

“Given the highly dominant position of the US as Canada’s largest trade partner to begin with, the US still accounts for 67% of Canadian exports and 42% of Canada’s imports even under USMCA Breakdown.”

In combatting Trump, Carney’s defining mantra is to build big, fast and bold. But he has done none of these things. Now, in trade negotiations, the Liberal government appears to have abdicated its responsibility to secure a deal and instead threatened the U.S. with the fury of Canadians.

Canadians are mad, they have a right to be. But pointing this out to the U.S. seems like an act of desperation from a government devoid of leadership, negotiating talent or ideas.

“Make a deal or we won’t buy Napa Valley wine or visit Florida.” Well, maybe it’ll work.

National Post


The Bald Range Fire on Aug. 10, 2026.

One of the laziest tropes about governance is that tragedies should not be politicized. Generally speaking, the ones who relay that silly maxim are the ones who must reckon with the tragedy and don’t want the headache or their rightful share of the blame.

There is no question that lightning strikes are not partisan occurrences. They can strike at any time and produce unpredictable effects, such as sparking a wildfire in the hinterland of British Columbia.

However, the choice not to expand airborne firefighting capacity, the treatment of wildfire fuels, and post-fire reconstruction are all political choices. If the Okanagan is going to burn, taking beloved homes and lives with it, there is responsibility that must be assigned. In fact, accountability in these situations is the decent thing.

The 2026 wildfire season in B.C. has been horrific, to put it mildly. By Tuesday, there were 904 fires burning, and nearly 400,000 hectares had burned, which is roughly the same size as the American state of Rhode Island. The especially dreadful Bald Range fire near Summerland has burned 17,800 hectares and forced roughly 20,000 people to flee their homes. An 80-year-old woman who failed to escape has been identified as the first casualty .

A state of emergency is in effect in B.C., having been declared on Aug. 8. That was four days after Emergency Management Minister Kelly Greene said that such extraordinary tools were not yet justified. Conditions and political calculations have apparently flipped with equally terrifying and infuriating speed. It was precisely this volatility and danger that the B.C. NDP government claimed it was preparing for months ago.

Back in March, the province assured British Columbians that it was “ready” for the wildfire season, boasting more than 600 full-time positions, 1,300 firefighters, 28 airtankers, and more. This is not an insignificant arsenal, and absolutely nobody should be placing a single shred of blame on the firefighters themselves, whether they are local or flown in from Mexico as reinforcements. We are all deeply grateful to all of them.

Now, as for the government, if only its preparations could have been made adequate through the bravado of a press release. The only way to assess the province’s capacity for combating wildfires is by examining the results.

Considering the mass evacuations, international assistance, and federal aid that had to be requested once the fires were underway, it is clear that the NDP fell short of its own expectations.

Not every hill, patch of grassland, and knoll can be manned by a crew. Nor can the government shield the surface of the Earth from electrical storms or identify every lunatic firebug who drops a lit match. Still, the NDP has been in office for nine years and has yet to produce a transformative wildfire response strategy, despite escalating disasters throughout its tenure.

Changes in the climate, wind patterns, and snowfall can help us understand why the fires keep getting worse, but they do not explain the government’s ongoing preference for improvisation.

In 2026, the B.C. NDP government’s forward budgeting shows that funding for fire preparedness is set to be cut by 2028–29, as is funding for fire management. Despite the destruction of the Fraser Canyon town of Lytton and the solidification of the nickname “Smokanagan” amid the seemingly endless clouds of smoke that blanket B.C.’s wine country, it is clear that a modernized wildfire response is not on the books.

The B.C. NDP is running a $ 13.3 billion deficit, with funds being directed toward what the government deems more important to its political success and hold on power. These include boutique grants, bureaucratic experiments, ideological rebranding of institutions, and all the sleazy sinecures that come with modern left-wing governance. What about larger permanent crews, advanced nighttime operations, aggressive fuel reduction, or enhanced aerial capacity?

Why is the protection of life and property less important than the political baubles the government dangles before itself and its allies?

The private sector is, in fact, outdoing the provincial government. Coulson, a company in Port Alberni that specializes in firefighting, has just conditionally purchased 10 retired Royal Canadian Air Force CC-130H Hercules aircraft and plans to convert them for aerial firefighting. While the deal is not yet final, it is the sort of bet that the provincial government should have emulated long ago. Coulson is planning for the long term while the province is more concerned with damage control.

Has Lytton been forgotten? A fire in 2021 destroyed almost the entire village, killing two people, and the community has yet to be rebuilt. A report from B.C. Premier David Eby’s auditor general placed blame on the tiny municipality for having failed to procure an engineer and for not sufficiently partnering with the local First Nations. A town reduced to ash was supposed to become its own emergency ministry, reconstruction authority, and secretariat for local Indigenous relations.

Browbeating a shattered village for failing to uphold the NDP’s standard of hyper-ideological Indigenous engagement is a scandal. Can Lytton perhaps be forgiven for failing to perform every little procedural ritual that the province demands of it?

However, the NDP cannot pass the blame for the Bald Range fire down to Lytton, eastward to Ottawa, or backward to long-dead B.C. Liberal governments. The NDP has held power since 2017, receiving repeated warnings with every successive fire season. It has no more excuses for failing to modernize B.C.’s wildfire strategy. Flames are not partisan, but the NDP certainly is, as are its decisions within a democratic system.

British Columbians should politicize these wildfires because politicians bear responsibility for preventable failures. David Eby’s government should stop pretending that it did everything possible and own up to the fact that it did not do enough. Then, finally, it might credibly claim to have shown some leadership.

National Post


A screenshot from an online video posted by the Edmonton Police Service that encourages citizens to report hate.

Last week I returned to Calgary from the United Kingdom fresh off an interview with the U.K. Free Speech Union where I discussed my new book on the future of cancel culture and free speech. One of the first local news stories I encountered upon my return featured Edmonton Police Service (EPS) facing criticism from Alberta Premier Danielle Smith and her government for the EPS’s recent campaign urging Edmontonians to report hate crimes as well as “hate incidents” to the police. Among the “hateful” things the EPS was asking Edmontonians to report were “offensive jokes,” a category since removed from the EPS’s statement.

Smith gave the EPS a public dressing-down, writing on X that “Free Speech is a foundational Alberta value.” She went on to say that Albertans “don’t believe in policing unpopular or religious-based statements,” noting that this is a slippery slope that other countries have gone down.

Of course, there were those who jumped to the EPS’s defence with the same old arguments we typically hear in these cases. Alberta’s Liberal-appointed Senator, Kris Wells, was one of the first out of the gate, posting furiously on X:

Freedom of Speech does not mean freedom to hate.

Hate speech is never free and should always be held to the highest consequences.

Don’t minimize. Educate. Hate has no place in Alberta or Canada.

Apart from Senator Wells’ hyperbolic diatribe showing up the poor caliber of those admitted to the Canadian Senate, it is helpful to understand how anti-hate rhetoric has allowed the EPS to confuse “hate incidents” with hate crimes, thereby undermining free speech for all Albertans.

Originally, the EPS reporting system did not include “hate incidents.” These were added to their online reporting portal for hate crimes in June 2023. That they decided, inappropriately in my view, to extend the reporting of hate crime to mere “incidents” that constitute free speech, is rather disturbing. But there are reasons why the EPS has ended up here.

First, our public discussion of free speech and “hate speech” involves a fundamental confusion as to the status of these two terms. As Smith stated, free speech is a foundational right in liberal democracies. The reason for this is that the notion of “free speech” places the emphasis on the noun “speech.”

In its most basic sense, speech is about discussion, argument, persuasion and reason. By putting the adjective “free” before “speech,” we publicly confirm that we believe in speech and seek to make it as extensive as possible, even when that speech offends or discomforts individuals or groups. We tend to limit it only when it explicitly leads to violence or is defamatory.

By contrast, when we use the phrase “hate speech,” we place the emphasis on the adjective “hate.” Unlike free speech, which is a foundational concept built around public engagement, “hate speech” is an aberration that has no interest in discussion, argument, persuasion or reason. With the phrase “hate speech” the adjective swallows the notion of speech, and in our rush to ban “hate speech” we recklessly undermine free speech as well.

As with Senator’s Wells’ heated assertions, lacking as they are in any sense of discussion or public debate, we have allowed the idea of “hate speech,” something we dislike, to become the foundational equivalent of the free speech we allegedly admire. This leads to the slippery slope mentioned by Smith. It is, unfortunately, a slope the EPS decided to slide down.

This brings me to my second point. The EPS explicitly cited “offensive jokes” in their list of “hate incidents.” This takes me back to the United Kingdom. In September 2025, London Metropolitan Police arrested comedian Graham Linehan at Heathrow Airport as he was returning from Arizona. His alleged crime was posts he made about trans individuals on X. On the basis of these satirical posts, the police accused him of “inciting violence.”

For their troubles, the London Metropolitan Police found themselves in the dock. Linehan brought a lawsuit against the police, supported by the U.K. Free Speech Union. Linehan won and received an initial apology from the London police in May, 2026, followed by a payment of £25,000 and a second apology.

The point is not only that the EPS is on shaky legal ground when it includes offensive jokes among its rambling list of “hate incidents.” Rather, the Linehan case reminds us that comedy and satire are among the most potent and indispensable forms of free speech. Historically, they have been used by the lone critic to mock the power of the establishment.

Finally, on a personal note, when I served briefly as chief of the Alberta Human Rights Commission in 2022, a case came before me in which I had to decide if a complaint should move to a hearing. The complaint involved the mother of a disabled woman who was challenging her banishment from municipal facilities on the basis of non-compliance with COVID restrictions. Typically, public health concerns take precedence in law, but in this case, I found that the complaint was credible and that the alleged good of public safety did not simply negate the rights of the individual. I ended my written decision stating: “While it is clearly important to ensure public health measures are upheld and public safety protected; these protections must be balanced with the right of individuals as secured by the Alberta Human Rights Act.”

If I were still chief of the Alberta Human Rights Commission today, I would have done the same. I would have written an open letter to the EPS reminding them that free speech is foundational to our liberal democracy, that hate speech must be criminal in order to be prosecuted and that human rights exist to promote the flourishing and freedom of the individual, not to protect the sensitivities of the baying mob or those in authority.

National Post

Collin May is a Calgary lawyer, former chief of the Alberta Human Rights Commission, and the recent author of: From Cancel Culture to Incarceration Culture: Prosecutorial Democracy and the Future of Cancellation.


A race at Woodbine Racetrack in Toronto. Going to the horse races was once the only way to attend a sporting event while putting some money on it, but now that can be done at any sporting event.

The Ontario government has recently finalized details of a $175-million boost to an industry that, such an investment suggests, it sees as a key driver of economic growth and jobs.

Artificial intelligence? Critical minerals?

Nope: horse racing.

The quaint pastime, for decades the only way to legally wager on sports in Ontario, has been struggling, now that it is very much not the only way to legally wager on sports in the province. Key metrics are down, and costs are up.

And so, the Doug Ford government has done what the Dalton McGuinty and Kathleen Wynne governments did before him: Handed over a giant sack of cash to the horse racing industry and tried to buy it some more time as it figures out how to stay relevant in a world where all that is needed to legally gamble on sports is an internet connection.

Ontario taxpayers are giving $35 million a year for the next five years, in addition to the up to $120-million annually that was already earmarked for the horse racing industry, to help it avoid collapse. The supplementary money has been in the works for months but was not formally approved until late June, after industry players agreed upon the distribution of the spoils.

It is a lot of money. That $35 million annual boost is more than the cost of one used Bombardier jet, the purchase of which sent the Ford government into a public-relations tailspin and caused the plane’s hasty resale. The cash injection also comes at a time when the province has cut post-secondary education grants, has chronic health-care funding problems, and is in negotiations with teachers unions over new contracts.

So how does horse racing, a niche industry if ever there was one, qualify for such an enthusiastic investment? The short answer is that it knows the right people. And it is very good at sounding the alarm.

Ontario’s financial backstopping of horse racing goes back to the late 1990s, when the introduction of legalized casino gambling in the Mike Harris era threw it into crisis. Threatened by flashy new competitors in the business of convincing the public to wager (and, more often than not, lose) money, the horse racing industry convinced the government of the day to share a portion of casino revenues with it.

Racetracks around the province, from smaller ones in places like Sarnia and the Kawarthas to the much larger one at Woodbine, promptly put slot machines on the premises and kept a slice of the proceeds. The Slots at Racetracks program was so successful that it was eventually pumping almost $350 million annually into the horse racing industry.

It was, in fact, too successful. The McGuinty government, facing a budget crunch in its waning days almost 15 years ago, abruptly cancelled the program, saying that the province could no longer afford to subsidize horse racing at such a scale. There was, not surprisingly, a political angle to the decision: most of Ontario’s 15 racetracks were in rural ridings that were not held by Liberals.

Faced with the potential collapse of the industry, which would have meant job losses and even the possible culling of thousands of horses, the Liberals backtracked, to a degree. A set proportion of slot machine money no longer went straight into horse racing, but there was transitional funding provided under a newly created Horse Improvement Program, which despite the name is not related to equine self-help.

That “transitional” money, more than $100 million annually at the time, has since become effectively permanent. The Ford government in 2019 signed off on a plan to direct more than $117 million each year to the horse racing industry, from OLG, the provincial lottery and gaming corporation, to Racing Ontario, an umbrella group.

That agreement has since been amended multiple times. The industry took a big hit during the stay-at-home days of the pandemic, then bounced back somewhat in the years since, but costs are said to have spiked due to inflation. Thus, the extra $175 million lifeline. That agreement says the government expects that the horse racing industry will have increased responsibility “to become self-governing and manage its business towards greater sustainability” — which is a polite way of saying it doesn’t want to hand over another giant pile of cash in five years.

But, how is that going? The financials for the industry, published by OLG, are a sea of red. At this time last year, the amount wagered on live racing was down almost 12 per cent from the year prior, and the number of tickets sold at tracks was off by more than 16 per cent. That only continued a trend, with wagers down more than five per cent and tickets sold down more than 22 per cent a year earlier. And that comes after the provincial auditor general found in a 2019 report that Ontario wagering on horse racing had dropped by 44 per cent since 2009. That report also said more than half the industry’s revenue was generated by government sources.

None of that should be surprising. If legalized casino gambling was once an existential threat to Ontario horse racing, then legal sports betting was an apocalypse. Where going to the ponies was once the only way to attend a sporting event while putting some money on it, now that can be done at any sporting event. Alternatively, an Ontario resident can bet on just about anything, at any time, using online platforms.

The industry’s defence of its subsidies, which is also the government’s justification for them, is that it supports more than 15,000 jobs and generates close to $2 billion in economic activity. And a lot of those jobs — trainers, breeders, groomers, farmers — are in rural areas where they would not be easily replaced if the racing industry shrank drastically.

But the whole idea of the government’s backstopping of the industry, for more than a decade now, was to provide a platform where it could become sustainable on its merits. The taxpayer supports were supposed to decrease over time, and instead they have gone in the other direction. Throwing more money at a problem and hoping it goes away isn’t what a government that insists it is concerned about wasteful spending would do.


Toronto Mayor Olivia Chow.

We’re well into summer in the city of Toronto. With camps, cottages and patios being the priority, it’s no surprise that the work of our city representatives fades into the background. I get that. I also wanted a carefree summer for myself and my young daughter.

But eleven days into July, gun violence erupted at Salsa on St. Clair , a street festival full of strollers and families. Two people died, and four others were injured. One attendee told a reporter that people trampled over each other trying to get out of the area.

And what did we get from Mayor Olivia Chow’s administration? A news conference. Deputy Chief Frank Barredo of the Toronto Police assured reporters that Toronto remains “one of the safest cities in the world.” Thoughts, condolences and a quick pivot back to business as usual.

I’m a mother, so let me to tell you what I actually see when I move through this city with my daughter.

Let’s start with the places built for children and families. The parks and playgrounds where my daughter is supposed to spend her childhood are too often filthy with litter, broken glass and garbage bins overflowing for days. When a city can’t keep a playground clean, what exactly is it managing well? These are the simplest, most visible services a municipal government delivers, and it’s failing.

Walk a little further and you’ll see people suffering from addiction and mental health issues left to survive alone on our streets. Every one of them is someone’s child. A mother somewhere lies awake at night wondering where her kid is sleeping. This city’s answer has been to let them deteriorate in public. Meanwhile, I try to explain why they’ve been left to languish in crisis to my daughter. That’s not compassion. We are failing those who are suffering.

Then there are the young people who did everything right and still can’t build a life here. They study, they work and still, they cannot afford a home in Toronto. Every parent I know is quietly making the same grim calculation of how our children will be able to live this city. What kind of city builds itself a future by pricing out its young people?

And what about safety on the transit system we rely on? A friend’s pre-teen daughter was harassed on a bus on her way home from school. The driver did nothing. She got off well before her stop, alone, because getting off the bus felt safer than staying on it. Sit with that: a young girl decided isolating herself was safer than a city vehicle with a city employee at the wheel. That’s one less kid on transit and one more family that’s stopped trusting the city around them.

Here’s what worries me even more than any single failure: the silence after each one. Under Mayor Chow, this has become the pattern. Something happens and the city grieves or grumbles for a news cycle. City Hall offers sympathy, perhaps deflects to other levels of government and moves on. No plan. No urgency. No one held to account. The message to parents is unmistakable: your safety is not a priority.

There’s a Toronto municipal election coming up on Oct. 26. If the summer pattern holds, and we stay checked out until Labour Day only to tune back in the week before the vote, we will sleepwalk right back into an Olivia Chow-led city council and four more years of sympathy without action.

We need to pay attention now. We need to ask questions now. Why can’t we keep parks and playground clean? What is the plan for the people slowly dying on our streets? Where will our kids live? Why doesn’t a young girl feel safe on a city bus?

I love this city. I am raising my daughter here by choice. I want her to grow up in the Toronto I did: where a summer street festival is the safest place in the world to be, where we don’t abandon our most vulnerable, where a girl can ride the bus home safely, and where a clean park is the bare minimum, not a luxury.

That Toronto is still possible. But it will not be delivered by an administration that answers failure with talking points, and it will not be chosen by a city that isn’t paying attention.

Enjoy your summer. But don’t sleep through it, because come October, what kind of city my child and yours grow up in gets decided, with or without you.

National Post

Kelly Aizicowitz is the executive director for A Better City Toronto, a former advisor to Premier Dalton McGuinty, and a mother raising a young daughter in Toronto.


Prime Minister Mark Carney tours the Roberts Bank Port in Tsawwassen, B.C., July 30, 2026.

Canadians surely don’t begrudge our elected leaders — including even the prime minister — some time off now and then.

A summer vacation, or at least some down time with family, is not something that would be controversial or of concern to most Canadian voters.

However, the when and where do matter. This prime minister, who has shown a surprising amount of political acumen for a rookie prime minister, has failed on both counts with his August Italian getaway.

According to the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO), Mark Carney is “on a reduced schedule in the week of Aug. 10,” and will be in Italy “for personal commitments until Aug. 17.”

Now, in fairness, it is a challenge for a head of government to schedule a vacation. As we’ve seen, crises can arise at any time and there’s no way to know in advance whether an expected quiet week will indeed remain as such.

For the prime minister, it’s always going to be a working vacation to some extent. As the PMO stresses, Carney “is in close contact with his team and officials on several priorities.”

Furthermore, it’s not as though the government grinds to a halt when the prime minister is on vacation. While Carney relaxes in beautiful Tuscany, Canada-U.S. Trade Minister Dominic LeBlanc has been in Washington, D.C. this week meeting with his U.S. counterpart ahead of next week’s tariff deadline.

That deadline of course, did not just suddenly appear out of nowhere this week. And that’s what’s so bizarre and tone-deaf about Carney’s decision here: it flies in the face of his government’s own messaging and framing around some key issues.

As Carney himself has stated, this is a pivotal moment for Canada and for Canada-U.S. relations, specifically. There has been a constant emphasis on just how high the stakes are for our country in navigating and meeting this challenge.

It was July 20 that U.S. President Donald Trump announced new tariffs targeting Canadian imports, which would take effect after 30 days. While Carney might have wished for a quieter summer, those hopes were dashed by Trump’s agenda and this latest curveball.

As a prime minister who has built a political brand as the leader to guide Canada through what he has called a “once-in-a-lifetime crisis,” it’s hard to understand why Carney would see any point within that 30-day window as down time, let alone the final week before the deadline.

On top of that, there’s the questionable optics of leaving the country for this vacation.

“This summer, we choose Canada!” is the proud declaration that greets visitors to the government website for the “Canada Strong Pass.” The pass, of course, was introduced by the Carney government last year in response to Canadians “uniting to find new ways to discover and celebrate our beautiful country.”

As ill-timed and ill-advised as it was to jet off just days before a key moment in Canada-U.S. trade talks, that’s compounded by the decision to very much not “choose Canada.”

It’s not just that Italian vacations are well out of the reach of most Canadian families, it’s the deliberate undermining of the message that Canadian destinations are worthy of attention and in need of support. It’s one thing to see that written on a government website, but it would have been far more powerful and meaningful to see the prime minister leading by example.

The “when” is still a problem here, but the PM and his team whiffed on an easy political win when it comes to the “where.”

Look, obviously Mark Carney was previously in a position where an impromptu summer Tuscan getaway was easy and simple. At some point in the future, he will be in such a position once again.

In the meantime, though, there is some degree of sacrifice that’s required in being the prime minister. That doesn’t mean completely sacrificing summer holidays or family time, but it does mean prioritizing the needs of the country and the responsibilities that come with the job — a job that Carney sought out, let’s not forget.

There is also a political risk this all creates for the prime minister if things go sideways next week or in the weeks ahead. There could be all sorts of factors at play in a scenario where the Canada-U.S. trade relationship erodes even further, but it would be fair to ask if the prime minister did all he could to prevent that.

It would be unfair, of course, to pin any such breakdown solely on this vacation, but it would only serve to reinforce the perception that maybe this wasn’t the wisest move,

In the meantime, Canadians can simply hope that the Italian sunshine refocuses and reenergizes the prime minister. As he has reminded us many times, the stakes are high for Canada in the coming weeks.

Rob Breakenridge is a Calgary-based podcaster and writer. He can be found at robbreakenridge.ca and reached at rob.breakenridge@gmail.com


A composite image of Mark Carney and Justin Trudeau.

On the prairies, progress is measured by simple, tangible work: whether the fence got mended, whether the crop came in and whether the next generation is better off than the last.

From that vantage point, watching Ottawa feels like looking into an ecosystem entirely obsessed with its own reflection. Pundits track every minor polling shift, dissecting Liberal policy moves, endlessly speculating about Conservative infighting and seem to care more about Washington than our own challenges. It makes for lively political theater in the capital, but it misses the fundamental question Canadians across the country are asking: Is Canada actually in better shape?

Enter Prime Minister Mark Carney. The Liberal political machine paints him as a steady managerial hand overseeing a fresh start. But Canadians shouldn’t confuse a polished wrapper with a new product. There is little question that Carney is the ultimate elite technocrat.

In contrast with Justin Trudeau, the difference appears stark. Under the former prime minister, the approach to economics often seemed reckless and unmoored from reality, whereas Carney brings central-banker polish to the forefront, but is life getting better for Canadians?

Thus far, despite many announcements and promises, Carney hasn’t offered real reform… just better public relations and someone who simply isn’t Justin Trudeau.

My friend, former Saskatchewan Premier Brad Wall, had subtle letters engraved above his cabinet room door asking a simple, timeless question: “Did you leave things better than you found them?”

This should be the baseline for anyone who holds public office. When Stephen Harper left government in 2015, Canada was defined by economic strength, rising productivity, deep business optimism, growing national wealth and a quiet, genuine patriotism. More than a decade of Liberal rule systematically eroded that foundation, burdening Canadians with record debt, stagnant living standards, less safe streets and unaffordability.

The danger facing our country now is the “Trudeau metric.” If Canadians allow the Liberals to define success as merely being slightly less disastrous than Justin Trudeau, our country is in deep trouble. Clearing a low bar created by years of policy failure isn’t governance; it’s a low-expectations trap, to the point where the prime minister isn’t even being held to his own self-imposed standards.

This government, and any future government or any political stripe, must be held to a far higher standard. We must judge the trajectory of our nation against the true potential of our country and whether we are leaving things measurably better than we found them. For the current prime minister, and his party that has held the helm for more than a decade, it’s a metric that is sobering.

Ottawa’s political commentators will keep chasing daily drama and polling bumps. But Canadians must reject the low bar. Canada was built on high ambition and we deserve a standard of governance that matches it.

National Post

Damien C. Kurek is the former Conservative Member of Parliament for Battle River—Crowfoot. He is currently a principal at Upstream Strategy Group and continues to farm in Alberta’s Special Areas.


Smoke rises from an area in the direction of Al Udeid Air Base, which houses the Qatar Emiri Air Force and foreign forces including the U.S., in Doha on Feb. 28, following a reported Iranian strike.

Although Canada officially refused to join the United States’ springtime war against Iran, new information suggests that Canadian personnel indirectly assisted the campaign while embedded with American forces. This is nothing to be ashamed of. If anything, Ottawa’s support should have been more fulsome, consistent and overt.

When American bombs began to pummel the Islamic Republic of Iran in March, Prime Minister Mark Carney denounced the campaign as “inconsistent with international law,” and claimed that Canada was “not a party to those actions.”

However, Ottawa and Washington have a longstanding policy of exchanging service members to enhance allied cohesion and intelligence sharing. Through this integration, Canadian personnel have occasionally fought in conflicts that Ottawa is officially uninvolved with — most notably the 2003 Iraq War .

This spring, a handful of media reports suggested that some of these American-embedded Canadians might have been involved in the Iran war. A former senior Canadian general, Denis Thompson, even told the CBC that it was highly likely that some of these personnel helped plan airstrikes against the Islamic Republic.

In response, the Department of National Defence (DND) claimed that American-embedded Canadian service members had been assigned other duties that would keep them out of the conflict, despite otherwise remaining at their posts.

We now know that this statement, even if technically true, was somewhat misleading.

Late last month, the Government of Canada announced it would be awarding a Meritorious Service Cross to Col. David K. Turenne for his “extraordinary leadership and diplomatic skill as director of the Combined Air Operations Center during the Israel-Iran conflict.” He was specifically commended for “synchronizing multinational air operations and enabling the safe evacuation of 10,000 personnel from the Al Udeid Air Base, Doha, Qatar, June 2025.”

The medal, according to its official description, recognizes military deeds “performed in an outstandingly professional manner, according to a rare high standard that brings considerable benefit or great honour to the Canadian Forces.”

This is the first public acknowledgement of Turenne’s involvement in the Israel-Iran conflict, although few details of his service are known. When National Post requested more information on what he did to earn his medal, DND failed to provide it and claimed that an interview with him would not be feasible.

To be clear: while Turenne’s award confirms that he was involved in last year’s 12-Day War, no evidence suggests he was involved in this year’s expanded campaign against Iran. His actions do not appear to have contradicted Carney’s claim that American-embedded service members were kept out of the ongoing conflict.

Still, the award illustrates how Canadian talent helped set the stage for the current war, which, in turn, complicates Carney’s moral and political stance.

To understand why this is the case, one needs to understand the significance of the Combined Air Operations Center (CAOC), which Turenne directed from June to December of 2025.

The CAOC is the U.S. air force’s “nerve centre” in the Middle East. Originally established in Saudi Arabia during the Gulf War, in 2003 the centre was relocated to the Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar, where it stayed put for roughly two decades as an anchor of America’s regional power.

However, for some time, American military leaders have feared that the base, being located beside Iran, was highly vulnerable to the Islamic Republic’s ballistic missile strikes. So they started shifting operations to a base in South Carolina, gradually moving personnel there and operating the two locations in parallel.

These precautions proved prudent. Just before last year’s 12-Day War, the CAOC, under the directorship of Turenne, moved its personnel to South Carolina while maintaining regular operations. Al Udeid, meanwhile, was partially evacuated . When hostilities broke out, Iran launched 14 missiles at the base — one got through and inflicted minor damage , prompting a full evacuation of remaining personnel.

Having learned from this experience, the United States once again evacuated a significant portion of its personnel — including all of the CAOC — from Al Udeid Air Base in January. As predicted, the Iranians subsequently struck the base with ballistic missiles, severely damaging the CAOC’s facilities and rendering them inoperable. The attack had little effect on American co-ordination, though, thanks to the duplicate South Carolina location.

Taking all of this together, it’s clear that, even though Turenne was not directly involved in the join U.S. and Israeli strikes on Iran, his leadership helped set the stage for the campaign. Not only did he direct the United States’ most crucial “nerve centre” during the 12-Day War, his successful management of the 2025 Al Udeid evacuations likely provided invaluable lessons for this year’s campaign.

While some might want to compartmentalize these two waves of conflict, they are militarily, politically and morally inextricable from one another.

In this light, Carney’s denunciations of the war, and his emphasis on Canada’s non-involvement, ring hollow. Canada cannot publicly condemn the United States and Israel’s pre-emptive wars against Iran while quietly honouring a Canadian colonel for aiding their execution.

Rather than downplaying Turenne’s extraordinary work, the correct position for the Canadian government would have been to publicly laud him, and to use his story to show Canadians that crippling the Islamic Republic is the morally correct thing to do. There is no reason to be ashamed of our heroes, and no reason to be ashamed of any efforts to thwart the Islamic Republic.

National Post