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Prime Minister Mark Carney addresses the crowd during Canada Day festivities in Ottawa on July 01.

When globalism was hot, then-prime minister

Justin Trudeau

tried to be hotter by deciding that Canada has “no core identity, no mainstream,” and suggesting Canada had become a “post-national state.” Now that nationalism is back in vogue, Prime Minister Mark Carney, unwilling or unable to counter U.S. President Donald Trump’s taunts and

tariff barrage

, has become an odd recipient of Canada’s quest for a U.S.-like national identity. Even as he rails against America’s temperamental chief executive, he has shown little interest in curbing his country’s own

protectionist policies

.

But Canadians, indulging in a rare burst of

nationalist authoritarianism

, may be jumping on the wrong train. Even as people reject globalism, the “national state” is also losing its appeal — not only in

the United States

, but throughout Europe and the United Kingdom, as well. Some of this, on the left at least, reflects

anti-western ideology

, epitomized by DEI and the

mandatory acknowledgement

of First Nations land rights, which are now deeply entrenched in the education systems of the U.S.,

Canada

and Europe.

Support for a highly centralized state also represents a rejection of

Canadian

and American attempts to balance national and regional concerns. As enormous countries, we each have populations that have predominately different origins and exist in often wildly different economies. A suburbanite at the edge of

the Golden Horseshoe

or in the endlessly expanding sprawl north of Dallas has very different ideas and priorities, whether in terms of schools or

support for terrorism

, than an arts or non-profit worker in central Toronto or Manhattan.

The differences get greater when you look across the continental expanse.

Alberta

and the Prairie provinces depend on raw material production, which is not exactly in line with

Carney’s ultra-green vision

, as Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre has rightly

pointed out

. British Columbia inhales new urbanist dogma and seeks to

reduce fossil fuels

, and Ontario remains divided between its industrial base and its greener-than-thou urban elites. Like them, Carney seems more focused on things other than finding ways for Canada’s various communities to thrive.

But more power to the provinces or the states does not really go far enough. For most things, outside of national defence and foreign relations, the real goal should be to bring decision-making down to as local a level as possible. This notion is popular among Canadians,

most of whom

wish to see decisions made closer to home.

This notion is also embraced in the U.S., notes Gallup. Big companies, banks and media receive low marks from the public, but small business continues to enjoy widespread support across party lines. Millennials, largely liberal on issues such as immigration and gay marriage, are as one commentator suggests, more “socially conscious,” but they do not necessarily favour the

top-down structures

embraced by earlier generations; many prefer small units to larger ones.

Support for localism is widespread elsewhere, as well. In

France

, there have been

consistent protests

against globalization and

growing disenchantment

with the European Union, of which it is a founding member.

Poland

and the rest of

eastern Europe

, recovering from decades of central control and imperial edicts from Moscow, also tend to favour localism. This is also true in

Spain

, particularly as Basque and Catalan cities look for more self-determination. There’s also push-back against federal encroachment in

Canada

and in the U.K., exemplified by Britain’s withdrawal from the EU.

So even as both Canada and the U.S. thump around nationalist braggadocio, grassroots sentiment wants something neither global nor controlled by federal authorities. This tendency could grow as suburban centres — where local governance, even in places like

Los Angeles

, seem far better run than the city itself — continue to grow.

Rather than submit to the tyranny of distant rulers, we need to instead seek to drive economic, political and social decision-making to local levels as much as possible. The habits of self-government, as Alexis de Tocqueville

observed

, are only acquired through civic association. It’s in local venues where the practice of democratic citizenship is most

keenly felt

.

In contrast, the centralization of power seems only to

increase polarization

, even in

Canada

, as whole populations and regions see their interests abandoned. In the U.S. under President Joe Biden, southern states grumbled about secession. Now under Trump, it’s the northern and Pacific cities that embrace open

resistance to Washington

on issues like

affirmative action

and climate change. Some even call for

secession

.

Maybe it’s best to let communities decide what they want as much as is feasible and in keeping with broadly democratic standards. If British Columbia wants to attach itself to California and play the fool for China, let it do so. If Alberta, with

historically strong ties

to the U.S., wants a policy that sustains its economy, or if it wants to have police that reflect its

value system

, as opposed to that of Ottawa , why not?

We no longer live in age where only centralized bureaucracies, corporate or governmental, necessarily possess better information or expertise than informed locals. The internet and artificial intelligence should be used not to regulate everyone, but to provide communities, down to the local level, with tools to help them determine their own fate.

Decreasing the power of central authorities is critical to creating a more sustainable and democratic society. An empowered local level can restore the dynamism and promise of our creaking democracies while breathing life into community and social life. It provides a buffer both to the national nanny state dreamt by progressives and the increasingly conformist, opportunity-crushing global capitalism.

National Post


A large Alberta flag is on display during the opening ceremonies at the UCP Annual General Meeting in Calgary on Friday, November 3, 2023. Jim Wells/Postmedia

EDMONTON — Alberta is the best province in Canada. Despite relentless efforts by the federal government to kill the oil and gas industry, the province remains the wealthiest

(per capita)

in the country. The fact that energy companies earn growing, often record profits is not, as Liberal boosters

claim

, evidence that Ottawa is not targeting Alberta. It is, instead, evidence that markets find a way, and a reminder of how much more wealthy all of Canada would be if the federal government just ended its onslaught.

Instead of Alberta separating from Canada, a better solution would be for Canada to join Alberta. By this I don’t

necessarily

mean moving the capital from Ottawa to Edmonton, and I don’t

necessarily

mean I want Alberta to annex the rest of the country, but Canada should become more like Alberta.

Albertans pay zero provincial sales tax, enjoy the

lowest income

and corporate taxes in the country, as well as among the lowest regulatory burden in Canada. Markets find a way in the province because, by and large, government gets (relatively) out of the way and regular people get to keep more of the money they earn. Having lived in Manitoba and southern Ontario before moving to Edmonton in 2013, there is a noticeable culture of individualism here. Even in the somewhat socialist-friendly city I live in.

It is an attitude that is more open to business, to hard work, and more skeptical of government solutions and infringements on personal liberty, or unnecessary intrusions into the family. Central Canadians may look at Premier Danielle Smith as a kooky extremist. People here are more likely see her as the sensible moderate. Yes, there’s liberal and left-wing opposition in this province not only to the government, but to the culture and ethics that make this place great. But unlike elsewhere in Canada, they do not hold the de facto “correct” position in the province.

Apart from a few spasms during the pandemic, Albertans are generally more tolerant of other opinions. Even the NDP is

(nominally)

pro-oil. So instead of leaving Canada, or trying to convince the rest of the country to leave us alone, Albertans need to do a better job of convincing other Canadians that our way is the superior way.

National Post


B.C. Premier David Eby speaks during a press conference in Vancouver, B.C., Monday, July 28, 2025. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Ethan Cairns

David Eby appears determined to become the funeral director of reconciliation in British Columbia. Once touted as a worthy cause, reconciliation under Eby has become divisive and suspicious.

British Columbians never voted for extreme secrecy, heavy-handed decisions, and one-sided governance, but they are getting hit with all of it whether they like it or not.

Regular people and families are now wondering if the homes they saved for are truly theirs, or if they will wake up to find the name of their

community,

or

street

changed, or

unable to camp

at their favourite spots in the province.

Ninety-four per cent of B.C. is Crown land,

making the province ground zero for the collision of Aboriginal title, Crown land, and private property. Earlier this month, B.C. caught the attention of people across Canada following the Cowichan Tribes v. Canada decision.

The B.C. Supreme Court issued a ruling that declared that a number of Crown land grants in Richmond were

“defective and invalid”

because they unjustifiably infringed Cowichan Aboriginal title, raising questions about the status of surrounding privately-held fee simple properties.

Justice Barbara Young found that Crown grants that had enabled the land sales were “unjustifiable infringements.” Premier Eby’s own Attorney General Niki Sharma even admitted that Justice Young’s decision could have “unintended consequences for private property rights.”

It is not just private owners who have been upended by the Cowichan decision. Even local First Nations with their own claims to the land in question are furious, with the Musqueam calling the

ruling offensive.

The shock and awe that followed the decision might have been mitigated had the B.C. NDP approached decision-making with openness and honesty when it came to land use and Aboriginal title.

Instead, the provincial government has spent the last two years deliberately dodging public debate and consultation with all British Columbians on an issue that is shaking the foundations of their society.

Take the shíshálh Nation Agreement for example.

Signed behind closed doors in 2024, it

handed over

$104 million in payments, transferred six square kilometres of public land, and committed the province to negotiate recognition of Aboriginal title and to explore exclusive decision-making powers for the Nation within five years.

It was only revealed after the 2024 provincial election, with local residents furious at learning they had been left in the dark. Even the freshly elected NDP MLA Randene Neill admitted she too had no idea of the deal while running.

For the B.C. NDP, subterfuge is often the rule, not the exception.

At the most basic level, this is exemplified by the fact that they have choked off access to public information by charging $10 per ministry for Freedom of Information requests. Because the province treats its 28 ministries and agencies as separate “public bodies,” a single cross-government request now

costs $280

just to make a request. It is an unambiguously undemocratic policy that turns transparency into a privilege for those who have the means.

The Eby government’s application of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act (DRIPA) is another way by which ordinary British Columbians have had the rug pulled out from underneath them. Passed in 2019 by the provincial legislature, DRIPA commits the provincial government to implementing the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, a non-binding document adopted by the UN in 2007.

In March, residents of Okanagan Falls

voted

by 53 per cent to incorporate and become the province’s newest municipality, and learned what DRIPA could mean for them.

It was only well after the vote that the NDP asked the people of Okanagan Falls to

consider

a change of name to align with local Indigenous wishes, and to

possibly

surrender certain Crown land located within their proposed borders.

Some fear this could mean losing access to popular hiking trails and other attractions, and those in Okanagan Falls who have pushed to become a municipality rightfully feel cheated.

The province has promised further meetings and updates, but precedent suggests residents shouldn’t hold their breath. Reconciliation will not work unless it is a three-way process between Indigenous people, non-Indigenous people, and the Crown.

Historically, British Columbians could take it for granted that once they bought land, it was their property until they chose to sell. Courts are now

questioning

the relationship between

Aboriginal title and fee simple rights

, raising new doubts about the security of land ownership in B.C.

Even the NDP have been rattled by the Cowichan decision, given the implications, and have appealed the ruling. If reconciliation was ever a unifying cause in B.C., it is no longer, and the NDP are responsible.

Polling by Research Co. in 2023 found that while 65 per cent of British Columbians approved of reconciliation in principle, only half supported “economic reconciliation.” Changes to the B.C. Land Act, which dictates title and land use, have proven especially controversial.

Angus Reid

found

that 94 per cent of British Columbians agreed that changing the Land Act was a “major transformation,” while 75 per cent wanted a referendum on the matter, and with good reason.

The Land Act,

“provides for the application for and disposition of Crown land and for the cancellation, amendment, and abandonment of dispositions,” and has been greatly affected by DRIPA and Aboriginal title cases.

No British Columbian ever voted in a referendum for DRIPA. They never voted for the fundamental rules of their democracy to be altered, and they certainly never voted for private property to be thrown into question without their consent. The NDP do not make court rulings, but they have fostered a climate of mistrust, and have no roadmap to deal with the consequences of decisions like Cowichan.

David Eby and his NDP government have no mandate to keep behaving like they have no obligation to be honest and transparent with the public.

National Post


Canada’s legal toolkit is outdated, inadequate and built for an era that bears no relation to today’s sophisticated criminal landscape. The head of the Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police, Thomas Carrique,

reinforced

this grim reality last week.

Carrique warned that “geopolitical instability and social unrest” have forced law enforcement to try to combat transnational crime, extremism, drug trafficking and online exploitation with tools never designed for such challenges.

Loopholes as trivial as the inability to secure a warrant for a Canada Post parcel under 500 grams — despite its capacity to hold lethal fentanyl — highlight the disconnect between legal thresholds and criminal realities.

Police have been flagging these issues for 30 years, but warnings went unheeded. Now, like several other issues, it has taken unpleasant pressure from U.S. President Donald Trump to wake Canadians up to these issues. Bill C-2, the

strong borders act

, is only a start; real reform requires we go much further.

Today’s threats are not limited to the Hell’s Angels or traditional mafias. Foreign

state actors

 now exert unprecedented influence over organized crime 

in Canada

 and

the United States

, exploiting criminal networks as tools of hybrid warfare.

Whether it’s

raging antisemitism

,

hate crimes

and violent protests,

opioid supply chains

and illicit drugs,

surging auto theft

or

violent crime

and gang-related violence, foreign-influenced organized crime is increasingly interwoven into our public safety challenges. Yet our laws treat them as isolated domestic crimes, leaving police and prosecutors hamstrung.

Canada’s high thresholds for searches, surveillance and due process exist to protect rights, public trust and human dignity. But modern threats demand targeted carve-outs for organized crime and national security — preserving core rights while removing the handcuffs from those tasked with defending them.

Canada’s legal architecture has failed to keep pace with the evolving reality of hybrid threats and transnational organized crime. We impose high thresholds for surveillance and digital data access, even in serious organized crime cases, under Section 8 of the Charter.

Landmark cases such as

R. v. Tse

and

R. v. Spencer

restrict even emergency wiretaps and access to internet subscriber data, respectively, without prior judicial authorization. Other democracies, like the United Kingdom, allow

bulk data access

in comparable contexts.

Immediate access to counsel can

prematurely halt interrogations

in high-stakes cases — where the

United States

and

Australia

permit limited, supervised delays in terrorism and organized crime investigations.

The Jordan framework is a set of legal principles that determine whether a criminal trial has been delayed unreasonably, resulting in a rights violation. It enforces strict trial timelines of

18-30 months

, forcing the dismissal of complex cross-border cases that in the U.S. could proceed under exceptions in the

Speedy Trial Act

.

The

Stinchcombe

disclosure rule requires the Crown to share virtually all evidence publicly, deterring the use of intelligence from our allies in court for fear of compromising sources. Our allies employ measures like

public interest immunity

or classified information procedures to protect sensitive data.

Our organized crime provisions are similarly out of step. The Criminal Code sections pertaining to organized crime

(467.1–467.13)

require proof of a rigid organizational structure and a benefit motive, a framework ill-suited to the decentralized, cell-based and digital networks driving today’s transnational crime. In contrast, the

U.S. RICO Act

targets patterns of criminal behaviour, allowing prosecutions of crime leaders and facilitators in loosely co-ordinated syndicates.

Financial enforcement is equally weak. Between $45 billion and $113 billion

is laundered

in Canada each year, with British Columbia’s

Cullen Commission estimating

that upwards of $5.3 billion is laundered through B.C. real estate every year.

The absence of a robust beneficial ownership registry leaves shell corporations and trusts as attractive vehicles for “

snow-washing

” illicit funds. FINTRAC’s limited proactive authority contrasts sharply with the U.S.

FinCEN

’s ability to issue geographic targeting orders, freeze assets and compel cross-jurisdictional disclosure.

Jurisdictional gaps and enforcement silos further undermine our defences. Ports, airports and rail hubs often fall

outside the authority

of municipal and provincial police unless complex memoranda of understanding are in place, leaving vulnerabilities that organized crime exploits.

Intelligence is likewise siloed, with

CSIS unable

to readily convert its intelligence into admissible evidence — a problem the U.K. mitigates through

closed-material proceedings

.

Canada also lacks the means to compel internet service providers, payment processors and banks to sever support to foreign criminal enterprises, while the European Union’s Digital Services Act — an overly restrictive act we should not strive to emulate overall — contains important elements, such as provisions

empowering member states

to force takedowns of criminal platforms.

To address these gaps, Canada should introduce targeted carve-outs to the Stinchcombe disclosure requirements and the Jordan timelines for organized crime and national security cases and create secure protocols for using allied intelligence in prosecutions.

The Criminal Code’s organized crime sections should be modernized to include enforcement against decentralized networks alongside stronger wiretap and production order powers for digital and offshore data.

Financial transparency must be improved through a more robust and enforceable beneficial ownership registry and expanded FINTRAC powers.

Jurisdictional loopholes when dealing with federally controlled infrastructure should be closed by granting local police authority and embedding integrated intelligence-law enforcement prosecution teams.

Finally, Canada should adopt a closed-material procedure framework to enable the use of CSIS intelligence in court without compromising national security.

The strong borders act is a start, but it leaves our deep-rooted vulnerabilities untouched. Hybrid threats are already entrenched in our communities, financial systems and infrastructure. Without legal modernization, organized crime will continue to run roughshod over the sovereignty of our nation and the safety of Canadians.

National Post

Peter Copeland is deputy director of domestic policy at the Macdonald-Laurier Institute. Cal Chrustie is a former RCMP senior intelligence officer with deep experience in national security and transnational crime.


Conservative Party Leader Pierre Poilievre speaks after his win during the Battle River-Crowfoot byelection in Camrose, Alta., Monday, Aug. 18, 2025. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Jason Franson

Despite naysayers and a longest ballot committee, Pierre Poilievre handily won his seat in Battle River-Crowfoot Monday, which means he will be returning to Parliament in September.

Up until this point, Prime Minister Mark Carney has had it easy.

The Liberals haven’t faced the Conservative leader in the House of Commons since December. And due to Poilievre’s loss of the Carleton riding in the federal election, Carney has never had to face the opposition leader’s razor-like questioning in Parliament. That respite will be over soon. Poilievre’s return means Carney and the Liberal party’s cakewalk is over.

So far Carney has enjoyed public support for his policies and proposals, but Poilievre could be returning to the House at precisely the right time, as it becomes increasingly obvious that this country’s problems, from the gigantic deficit, to housing affordability to our relationship with the United States, are not so easily solved. With the Conservative leader grilling the prime minister day in and day out, these problems will only be magnified.

In fact, even out of Parliament, Poilievre has been successful at spotlighting criticisms of the Liberals EV mandate which he’s

described

as akin “to banning rural way of life.” The Conservatives are planning a nationwide campaign targeting the mandate, which a poll has suggested that Canadians think is “unrealistic” and should be shelved.

And there appears to be much more where that came from.

Earlier this month, Poilievre

challenged

Carney to “get shovels in the ground” for at least two energy projects by March 2026, a year after his swearing-in as prime minister. Carney campaigned on being committed to fast-tracking major project approvals in order to boost Canada’s economy against tariff threats from Trump.

Both the “

One Canadian Economy

” and “

Building Canada Act

” passed on June 26, but so far, no energy projects have manifested under Carney who is placing great emphasis on advancing the interests of clean growth and climate change. Poilievre has also repeated requests for Carney to repeal the industrial carbon tax and Impact Assessment Act in order to speed up private projects. Carney has explicitly

refused

to repeal both.

Carney positioned himself as the best man for the job to fight Trump’s proposed 25 per cent tariffs, later increased to 35 per cent, and to secure a new trade deal with U.S. President Donald Trump. Carney

failed

to reach a deal with Trump first by July 21 and then by Aug. 1. Carney claims negotiations will continue, but the elbows up facade has faded, providing more opportunities for Poilievre to criticize and differentiate his party.

Carney has made clear on many occasions that he isn’t a fan of being questioned, but, unless the prime minister refuses to show up to work, Poilievre will be there waiting to pounce, providing news reporters with regular punchy, quotable attacks.

It will much more difficult for Carney to defend obviously poor decisions such as his controversial

statement

that he intends to recognize Palestine as a state in September based on conditions that are not likely to be met that “Hamas must disarm; and that Hamas must play no role in the future governance of Palestine.” Carney hasn’t explained why a terrorist organization would suddenly choose to disarm after 18 years… for Mark Carney.

The real test will ultimately be public opinion, and Poilievre’s record of tearing apart Liberal policies will ensure September Parliament will be a trial by fire for Carney.

The prime minister’s polling numbers won’t remain positive indefinitely. Despite a survey from early August showing Carney’s

approval rating

at a somewhat-positive 56 per cent, only 36 per cent of Canadians seem to think the country is heading in the right direction.

And of course they don’t. All of the same problems that existed under former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau are not only still there, and they appear to be getting worse.

As Post columnist Tristin Hopper

points out

, capital is fleeing the country, government is collecting more tax than ever before, never before has the gap between Canadian and U.S. GDP been wider, insolvencies haven’t been this high since the Great Recession, housing is still unaffordable, and somehow, there are more bureaucrats on the government payroll than ever.

Some might argue that this was all a product Trudeau’s leadership, even though Carney advised the Liberals on economic policy informally during COVID and formally, since September 2024 when they

appointed

him as the Chair of the Liberal Party’s Task Force on Economic Growth until he became leader of the party.

This problem will be two-fold for Carney in September. Not only will he have to face questions about policy decisions since he has become prime minister, but his relationship with Brookfield means that some of his personal interests and business relations may also be a subject for debate once Parliament convenes in the fall.

Poilievre, on the other hand, is a much better known quantity — often attacked for being a “career politician.” One of the benefits of being a career politician is that everyone already knows where he stands, and they already know his life story. It would be strange for a skeleton to suddenly emerge from Polievre’s closet at this point.

Carney came in as a fresh face, but the party itself, especially notable cabinet ministers, didn’t change much, they were just shuffled — Joly, Miller, Guilbeault, Freeland, Anand, Hajdu, Champagne and Fraser — just shifted around in a game of political musical chairs, as if these ministers would suddenly perform better in their latest positions.

This all spells political trouble for Carney. And it begs another question: Which Carney can Canadians expect in House of Commons in the fall? Brookfield Carney? Former bank governor Carney? Climate Carney? Elbows up Carney?

Who knows where those elbows have gone. They certainly haven’t solved trade issues with Trump nor were they invited to what is being referred to as a successful meeting in Washington, D.C. about the future of Ukraine.

It looks like Carney’s going to need some elbow grease to explain this and more to the returning Opposition leader in the fall.

@TLNewmanMTL

tnewman@postmedia.com


To you with failing hands we throw … the stent? Really? Shall Canadians rally round the oxygen monitor and stand by to repel bacteria? So the polls show.

The

National Post reports

an Angus Reid survey finding that a significant majority of us favour compulsory voluntary service by the youth of today. Which might sound like a bracingly traditional Jordan Peterson clean-your-room, stand-up-straight, shoulders-back attitude until you read the fine print, which would risk making Peterson ill if he

weren’t already

. Because it turns out we want to conscript them to work in health care so we get stuff we didn’t pay for, not to defend the country because

if ye break faith

and so on.

According to the survey, 74 per cent of respondents want young people to have to give a year of their lives to bolstering our failing, structurally unsound socialized medical system. Respondents were also in favour of mandatory service in support of the environment (73 per cent), “youth services” (72 per cent), whatever it might be, and “civil protection” (70 per cent). But when it comes to (ugh) national defence, just 43 per cent supported it, with 44 per cent opposed.

Spending on comfort while barbarians undermine the city walls lacks prudence as well as dignity. As I observed in a long-ago graduate-school debate about American national security, it didn’t matter how wonderfully progressive the Dutch social welfare system was in 1940 when the Nazis came calling. And we too seem to have our priorities backward.

If I might confuse the government by discussing principles of political economy, there are good reasons why national defence is considered a binding duty on those able to contribute to it. First is the “free rider” problem that everyone benefits from successful protection of the community, especially, at least in a narrow and hedonistic sense, if you send some other chump to die for your freedom while you recline comfortably at home.

Second is the moral consideration that, as John Stuart Mill famously if uncharacteristically

put it

, “War is an ugly thing, but not the ugliest of things: the decayed and degraded state of moral and patriotic feeling which thinks that nothing is worth a war, is much worse.” Which comes from, yes, his “Principles of Political Economy.”

Mill was no warmonger. As he immediately continued, “When a people are used as mere human instruments for firing cannon or thrusting bayonets, in the service and for the selfish purposes of a master, such war degrades a people.”

But not all wars are like Russian President Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine, let alone Hamas’s attack on Israel. As the anything-but-bellicose Mill added, “A war to protect other human beings against tyrannical injustice; a war to give victory to their own ideas of right and good, and which is their own war, carried on for an honest purpose by their free choice, — is often the means of their regeneration.”

Arguably we could use it. Especially as, to continue quoting Mill because few have ever matched his clarity, “A man who has nothing which he is willing to fight for, nothing which he cares more about than he does about his personal safety, is a miserable creature who has no chance of being free, unless made and kept so by the exertions of better men than himself.”

As when we also find polls showing that

Canadians are pleased

with our pitiful assistance to Ukraine, though our allies

beg to differ

. And of course the Carney government plans to recognize Hamas while pretending not to, speaking of degraded and miserable.

As for the rest of us, the Angus poll suggests that we’re happy to conscript young people who are unable to find jobs thanks to our irresponsible immigration policy to … give us stuff. We want free health care and will use other people’s kids as involuntary labour (a.k.a., “slaves”) to get it. And they should fix the environment while we slurp smoothies. Oh, and do something about youth, plus shoulder the burden of “civil protection” that even the government

apparently now realizes

is overstretching our feeble, neglected military.

Our emergency management minister, incidentally a preposterous job title, actually said of soldiers fighting fires: “this is not their primary responsibility.” Though I wouldn’t bet she knows what is. Or that we do. Because when it comes to handouts, we’re all about enjoying the fruits of others’ labour. But when it comes to stepping up to discharge a classic, and classical, legitimate public responsibility, not so much.

As that passage from Mill concludes, “As long as justice and injustice have not terminated their ever-renewing fight for ascendancy in the affairs of mankind, human beings must be willing, when need is, to do battle for the one against the other.” Or just grab the loot through the Treasury window while others toil and suffer.

Like, whatever man. The True North Smug and Free Money.

National Post


President Donald Trump stands before greeting Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelenskyy as he arrives at the White House, Monday, Aug. 18, 2025, in Washington. (AP Photo/Alex Brandon)

One thing you can say about the presidency of Donald Trump is that it’s seldom boring. Just this week we’ve had the spectacle of the U.S. president fawning over a tyrant from Russia the way a kid at a hockey game might gawk goggle-eyed at Connor McDavid or Nathan MacKinnon, followed by a mad dash across the Atlantic as the elected heads of Europe rushed desperately to Washington in hopes of stopping Trump from unilaterally announcing any new bad ideas before they could get there to dissuade him.

This is what it’s like now to keep the world from tumbling into the sort of chaos it’s spent the better part of the past century carefully working to avoid. Leaders from Germany, France, the United Kingdom and elsewhere, along with worthies from NATO and the European Union, need to be forever on their guard against the danger the current occupant of the Oval Office could go off in some mad direction and threaten the stability of the western world.

They seem to have succeeded this time, if only temporarily, before it was too late. The last time Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelenskyy visited the White House he was berated by Vice President JD Vance for failing to dress in a manner appropriate to the occasion. This time he was careful to pack a dark jacket, though no tie, and things went off swimmingly. Everyone was jolly and the vice president behaved himself. Zelenskyy even offered a

quip

about his outfit that had everyone smiling.

How long it lasts is anyone’s guess. Not long, if almost 10 years of Donald Trump in Washington is anything to go by. Other than handshakes and displays of camaraderie nothing of substance came from the gathering. The after-meeting statements were a study in contradiction. Trump insisted everyone was totally excited about the improved prospects for peace; President Emmanuel Macron of France said he’s not convinced Russia wants the war to end. Trump doesn’t believe a ceasefire is necessary; German Chancellor Friedrich Merz said he can’t imagine progress without one. Zelenskyy indicated he’s prepared to meet Putin face-to-face, but gave no indication he’s willing to surrender Ukraine territory or meet any of the other rigid conditions the Russian president demands.

The Putin-Zelenskyy meeting is the core of Trump’s vision for the next step of the process. “I think he wants to make a deal. I think he wants to make a deal for me,” Trump burbled to Macron. He harbours a conviction — tied to his belief in himself as the world’s greatest dealmaker — that if he can only get the two in the same room everything can be sorted out and the slaughter will be over. Ideally, when that happens he can start getting ready for a visit to Oslo and his acceptance of the Nobel peace prize he’s been telling everyone is his due. He claims he’s ended

six

wars in his seven months as president, almost one per month. “I thought this maybe would be the easiest one,” he said of the Ukraine conflict. Norwegian media

reported

that he called Prime Minister Jonas Støre out of the blue one day in July to press his claim to the prize.

While Trump fixates on arranging a second summit and winning his prize, what the Europeans want is a firm pledge of security guarantees for Ukraine against any further Russian aggression. No one knows precisely what that means, but proposals suggest some kind of international military force that would convince the Kremlin the price of another attack would be too high to contemplate. That’s what NATO’s Article 5 already represents: a pledge that an attack on one is treated as an attack on all. Ukraine isn’t a member of NATO and Putin insists it can never be; so what Europe wants is a non-NATO pledge that has the same effect as NATO.

Trump won’t say whether U.S. forces would be part of it. Washington would act as “coordinator,” is all he’ll concede. Given that U.S. backing would be vital to the credibility of any guarantee, that would leave Europe and much of the West dependent on the continued good will and reliability of a president whose actions have made it crystal clear he can’t be relied on for anything but uncertainty.

If Trump gets his way, on the other side of the bargaining table would be a Russian leader who has offered no indication he’s willing to make even the slightest shift in the strategies he’s pursued since he launched his invasion three years ago. He left Fairbanks having made no concessions while receiving several in return. We have only Trump’s assurance that Putin is willing to meet with Zelenskyy, with no confirmation from Moscow that such is the case. “We don’t know whether the Russian president will have the courage to attend such a summit,” Germany’s Merz

noted

frankly.

Putin makes no bones that he despises the Ukraine president. He’s

denounced

him as “a disgrace to the Jewish people,” dismissed his leadership as illegitimate and derided Ukraine’s government as a “neo-Nazi regime.” He

justifies

Russia’s invasion as a necessary evil to “finally eradicate Nazism.”

It’s difficult to picture the former spy executing the reversal necessary to backtrack on all that. Weakness is death in Putin’s Russia. Certainly few of the people heading western democracies express much faith in him. His strategy throughout the war has been to prolong it as long as possible in the belief Russia’s greater size and willingness to endlessly sacrifice more bodies will eventually wear down Ukraine’s defences and its will to go on. His dealings with Washington have been expressly aimed at soft-soaping the president into letting him play out the string. So far he’s been successful in exploiting Trump’s peculiar infatuation to buy more time.

An agreement as Washington envisions it thus would require Ukraine to trust in Donald Trump, and Trump to depend on the reliability of Vladimir Putin. We know from experience what would likely happen if the two combatants got together and emerged with nothing to show for it: rather than accept his grand plan had failed, Trump would wash his hands of it and fix on a scapegoat, probably Ukraine as the weaker of the two. Without the prospect for personal glory, his interest would quickly fade.

Even if Ukraine does receive a pledge of security guarantees, Europe would do well to gird for the worst. If I was president of Poland or Latvia, I’d be building tanks and stocking missiles in large numbers.

National Post


Conservative Party Leader Pierre Poilievre celebrates the win during the Battle River-Crowfoot byelection in Camrose, Alta., Monday, Aug. 18, 2025. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Jason Franson

Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre easily won Monday’s Battle River-Crowfoot byelection with 80.4 per cent of the vote. If anyone actually expected a different outcome in this extremely safe Alberta riding, they were fooling themselves.

While his victory wasn’t surprising, the fact that he was in this potentially precarious position to begin with certainly was.

Poilievre had served as an MP since 2004 in two Ottawa-based ridings: Nepean-Carleton (redistricted in 2012) and Carleton. He lost to little-known Liberal candidate Bruce Fanjoy in the April 28 election. Several factors likely contributed to it, including: voters having turned away from Conservative candidates in the Ottawa region, concerns related to U.S. President Donald Trump and tariffs, and, as Poilievre suggested in a July 12 interview with CBC’s The House, his campaign promise to cut public service jobs led to a “very aggressive campaign, particularly the public sector unions … to defeat me on that basis.”

No matter the reason or reasons, Poilievre needed to find a new parliamentary seat. This occurred when Conservative MP Damien Kurekresigned from his Battle River-Crowfoot seat and opened the doors to a byelection.

Battle River-Crowfoot has long been regarded as one of the safest Conservative ridings in Canada. Many residents in this rural Alberta riding have a fiscally conservative approach to politics and economics and socially conservative sensibilities. While the independence movement in Western Canada has some sway in these parts, its overall impact clearly didn’t affect the byelection result.

The safeness of the seat didn’t stop a slew of comments from the media and candidates like Bonnie Critchley, the independent military veteran who finished a surprising second in Battle River-Crowfoot, that Poilievre was an outsider in this race, and so would be at a disadvantage. While it’s true that he had never lived in the riding, he was born and raised in Calgary and didn’t move to Ottawa until 2000. Nevertheless the separatists in the riding pushed the narrative that because he called himself patriot, he didn’t have the riding’s best interests at heart — or the province’s. They also pointed to his support of equalization payments and supply management as evidence of this.

It didn’t amount to much. This is one of the safest Conservative seats in Canada, and any perceived weaknesses in Poilievre’s policies and beliefs was clearly exaggerated by his opponents.

The riding’s current boundaries were created during the federal re-election distribution in 2012. There hasn’t been a close election result to date. Kevin Sorenson won with 47,552 votes, or 80.91 per cent of the vote, in 2015. He was replaced by Damien Kurek, who won with 53,309 votes (85.49 per cent), 41,819 votes (71.3 per cent) and 53,684 votes (82.84 per cent) in 2019, 2021 and 2025, respectively.

It’s true that byelections have historically witnessed smaller voter turnouts and occasional upsets. The Longest Ballot Committee, an activist movement that has flooded ballots in several ridings with pro-proportional representation candidates with little to electoral effect, attempted to be a minor nuisance in the race, as they had been in Carleton. All that being said, only a village idiot would have believed a non-Conservative candidate would win in Battle River-Crowfoot.

Some of Poilievre’s critics in the political and media chattering classes to openly muse whether he had forced Kurek to abandon his seat. Just asking questions, as the nattering nabobs of negativity often like to say. The allegation was baseless, and Kurek has denied it on several occasions. (The former MP became a principal at Upstream Strategy Group, a government relations and public affairs consultancy firm, on July 4.) Poilievre described Kurek’s decision as “selfless.”

Then again, what if Poilievre had actually done this?

No Member of Parliament is entitled to hold a parliamentary seat in a particular riding until the end of time. (Some of them may think so in the quieter moments, but that’s just delusional.) If there’s a reason or necessity to step down, he or she may not like it privately but it’s always important to be a team player publicly. It’s also not unusual for party leaders to run in seats perceived as being safe entry points to Parliament Hill. Former prime ministers Brian Mulroney, Jean Chretien and Stephen Harper all had to do this in their political careers. There have also been instances where it didn’t work out, including former prime minister Arthur Meighen’s stunning 1942 byelection loss in the old Toronto riding of York South.

Poilievre didn’t face the same political fate as Meighen before him. He now has a new seat in the House of Commons and a renewed opportunity to become our national leader. When the fall session of Parliament begins, his focus will be squarely on toppling Prime Minister Mark Carney’s Liberal government in short order. As it should be.

National Post


U.S. President Donald Trump, right, greets Russian President Vladimir Putin at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson, Alaska on Friday.

U.S. President Donald Trump never did specify in which 24-hour period he would end the Ukraine war. Eventually, the war will end, and he will brag that THE DAY HAS COME. After all, the First World War ended at the 11th hour of the 11th day of the 11th month. Given that bombing continued even that very November morning, it ended in one hour!

Trump’s much-promised day was not in February when Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy visited the White House at the end of a month-long campaign by Trump and Vice-President JD Vance to force a Ukrainian surrender, in which they blamed Ukrainians for starting the war in the first place by not pre-emptively surrendering.

The day did not come last week in Alaska, when Trump literally rolled out the red carpet for Russian President Vladimir Putin. Trump had demanded a ceasefire from Putin, promising severe consequences otherwise. Putin instead continued bombing even while Trump capitulated to him in Anchorage. The “severe consequence” was the honour of a military flyover and a ride in the presidential limo.

What would have happened had Putin ordered a ceasefire? Perhaps we were spared the osculatory intimacy of the late Soviet period, when Leonid Brezhnev and East Germany’s Erich Honecker creeped out the world with the socialist fraternal kiss. That is not Trump’s style, but for Putin his affection is extravagant.

Putin pines for the late Soviet period. He wants Ukraine back, he has de facto got Belarus back and Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia know he wants them back, which is why they joined NATO the first chance they got. His foreign minister, Sergey Lavrov, arrived in Alaska wearing a white “C.C.C.P.” sweater — the Cyrillic spelling of U.S.S.R. Somewhere in China, President Xi Jinping’s factories are making “Make the U.S.S.R. Great Again” hats to ship to his ally in Moscow.

Trump had planned a lunch for Putin, but the meeting was cut short. The Russian bear was likely already full, having gorged himself on the TACOs already provided. TACO stands for “Trump Always Chickens Out,” but in Alaska it meant “Trump Abandons the Ceasefire Obligation.”

Alarmed at what further severe consequences Putin will be granted for continuing to bomb Ukraine, Zelenskyy and all of Europe — the leaders of NATO, the European Union, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy and Finland — rushed to Washington on Monday.

It was an unprecedented diplomatic display, a united front desperately trying to persuade Trump to abandon last week’s position on Ukraine — TACOs are served! — in favour of his ceasefire position of the previous week. It’s now wholly impossible to determine what Trump’s Ukraine policy is, so rapidly does it change.

Perhaps Putin abbreviated the meeting because he got all that he could reasonably imagine getting — no ceasefire, no additional sanctions, no confiscation of frozen assets, no severe consequences, implied American approval for the annexation of Ukrainian territory.

The only apparent concession Putin made — claimed by the Trump administration — was a promise to accept American security assistance after the most strategic parts of Ukraine are sacrificed. But Russia and the United States made security assurances to each other, and to Ukraine, in 1994. Twenty years later, Putin began his 11-year war against his neighbour.

Had Trump even a fraction of the moral courage and diplomatic competence of former U.S. president Ronald Reagan — whose motto he mimics, while understanding neither “peace” nor “strength” — he would have insisted that Putin return at least some of the

20,000 Ukrainian children

he has kidnapped.

The forced removal of Ukrainian children — some indoctrinated against their own homeland and forced into Russian military service — is the grounds on which Putin was

indicted

for war crimes by the International Criminal Court. TACO again: “Trump Absent on Children’s Outrage.”

Instead, Trump hid behind the skirt of the first lady, delivering an anodyne letter from Melania Trump generically in favour of sparing children the horror of war. During the Reagan administration, every high level Soviet-American meeting included the mention, by name, of specific dissidents.

At his 1988 summit with Mikhail Gorbachev,

Reagan insisted

on meeting publicly with Soviet dissidents, to the great annoyance of his hosts. Reagan

defended

their human rights in Moscow; Trump could not speak for abducted children on his own Alaskan soil.

Trump is fundamentally sympathetic with Putin’s cause, even if he’s frustrated that Putin is an obstacle to his lust for the Nobel Peace Prize. Recall that when Putin invaded Ukraine in 2014, U.S. President Barack Obama and John Kerry, then secretary of state, repeatedly inveighed against his “19th-century thinking” — a worldview of imperial expansion.

Putin batted that away, arguing to the Russian Duma that this was about the 10th-century, that Russia and Ukraine were a single spiritual, fraternal and cultural entity that must be ruled politically, even tyrannically, from Moscow.

Obama and Kerry considered “19th-century” to be a criticism. Trump loves the 19th-century. James Monroe, Andrew Jackson and William McKinley are his favourite presidents. He loves tariffs and territorial expansion.

He loves the “near abroad” thinking of Putin, and speaks of Canada, Greenland and Panama in the same way that Putin speaks of Ukraine. His second inaugural address made that clear: “We gave (the canal) to Panama, and we’re taking it back.”

Trump is not attempting to take back even a square inch of Ukrainian territory from Putin, and not even a single stolen child. The 24-hours on Monday in Washington were an act of gratitude that the 24-hours in Alaska were not even worse.

National Post


Air Canada employees walk the picket line in Calgary on Monday.

For over a year, the federal government has kept up a high-stakes game of collective bargaining bait-and-switch. But with the Air Canada dispute, the facade has fallen, and Ottawa’s shabby pantomime has been exposed.

In November 2023, then-labour minister Seamus O’Regan announced

federal legislation

prohibiting companies from using replacement workers during strikes. According to O’Regan, relying on scabs doesn’t just poison the work environment, it

weakens collective bargaining

itself, undermining negotiations and inflicting lasting damage on labour relations.

Inviting companies to keep up the pretense of bargaining while amassing an army of replacement workers is inimical to fair and effective collective bargaining. Lasting peace in the workplace requires pressuring both sides to compromise and settle their differences, knowing that in the event of failure, they will both suffer economic harm.

Employers protested the new law,

warning

that anti-scab legislation would trigger more and longer strikes. Never mind that the number of

work stoppages

has been in free-fall for decades, and is now a shadow of what it was in the 1970s. Out of every 25 contract disputes in federally regulated industries that are referred to the Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service,

24 are settled

without a stoppage.

But behind the theatrics, the government was moving in a very different direction. Ottawa would try to prohibit not just scabs, but major strikes altogether, regardless of the devastating consequences such a policy would have on free and fair collective bargaining.

In June 2024, the government asked the Canada Industrial Relations Board to end the legal strike of a union seeking its first collective agreement with WestJet. Later that year, it terminated stoppages and collective bargaining in freight rail (August), marine ports (November) and Canada Post (December). Now the government has moved to end a legal walkout at Air Canada, barely hours into the strike.

This pattern of repeatedly terminating legal, constitutionally protected strikes would be astonishing for any government, let alone one ostensibly committed to voluntary collective bargaining.

The signal to employers could not be clearer: don’t bother with serious bargaining, since we’ve got your back if employees try to walk out. Why worry about a ban on scab labour, when the government will terminate strikes before they even get underway?

Large employers now expect that Ottawa will ride to their rescue, to the point where they apparently don’t feel the need to prepare customers or the public for a possible stoppage — as many Air Canada passenger are now

complaining

.

Provincial governments have also picked up Ottawa’s message. Quebec has adopted

its own legislation

granting itself the power to outlaw legal strikes when the government decides it’s necessary.

The federal government appears to believe that the best deals are imposed by arbitrators rather than struck at the negotiating table. If so, it is mistaken. Industrial relations experts

point out

that in such circumstances, imposed settlements are more likely to instill bitterness and resentment rather than lasting workplace harmony.

Air Canada flight attendants are fed up with the federal government’s sleight-of-hand. These workers have real grievances about

unpaid work

and

low wages

, and they’re insisting their employer take them seriously. Unsurprisingly,

most
Canadians

sympathize with them. Hard work for low pay is widespread,

unpaid overtime work

is rampant and a meaningful right to disconnect from work is a distant dream for many.

Air Canada’s mostly female flight attendants are courageously demanding the company recognize the value of their work, and that the government uphold their constitutional rights. They are calling on the government to actually deliver what it promised: respect for collective bargaining.

National Post

Chris Roberts is national director, social and economic policy at the Canadian Labour Congress.