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An Alberta flag is held aloft outside of the Alberta legislature building on Saturday, May 3, 2025.

The Canadian Medical Association (CMA) has

launched

a legal challenge to Alberta’s recent ban on puberty blockers and cross-sex hormones for youth under 16 who identify as transgender. The CMA argues that Alberta’s

Bill 26

, enacted in December last year, violates physicians’ Charter right to freedom of conscience. This raises a pertinent question: If a doctor is compelled by conscience to subject vulnerable youth to unproven treatments despite growing evidence of harm, should governments intervene to protect patients?

It is troubling that Canada’s most prominent medical body would oppose a law grounded in precisely the kind of evidence-based caution other nations are embracing. Countries like

Sweden

Finland

, and

England

have all conducted years-long investigations into the practices in their paediatric gender clinics and, after finding that potential benefits of puberty blockers were inconclusive or that the risks outweigh the benefits, have reverted to a cautious psychotherapeutic approach to helping gender-distressed youth.

The CMA, by contrast, calls Alberta’s move an “unprecedented government intrusion” into the doctor-patient relationship, claiming it forces doctors to choose between obeying the law and doing what they think is best for their patients. Yet it is becoming increasingly clear that, regardless of their good intentions, doctors who continue to prescribe these interventions could be inflicting

lasting harm

on the young people they seek to help in the form of infertility, reduced bone density, disrupted psychosocial development, and impaired sexual function.

The decision to build the case on freedom of conscience is a curious one. Conscience rights are meant to protect doctors’ right to refrain from providing treatments that violate their moral or ethical beliefs — such as in cases related to abortion or medical assistance in dying — not to grant them the right to perform interventions that lack solid evidence or violate medical ethics.

The CMA invoking conscience to justify harmful and unproven treatments turns the principle on its head. An Ontario court has

already found

that physicians’ conscience rights do not protect them from the requirement of making referrals to MAID practitioners. If conscience rights cannot protect a physician from taking an action that goes against a core belief, it’s unclear why such rights would empower them to perform what Finland refers to as an “

experimental practice

.”

 

Comments made to the media by CMA president Joss Reimer reveal an astonishingly poor understanding of the field of gender medicine. She

warned

that “ideological influence” does not help vulnerable patients, when in truth, the current approach to paediatric gender medicine in most Canadian provinces is a textbook case of ideology-based practice.

The entire field is built upon research out of the Netherlands that has been shown to be

methodologically flawed

, and the diagnosis of gender dysphoria is shaped by

political lobbying

intended to reduce stigma and distress.

What’s more, the Canadian Pediatric Society bases its recommendations on the field’s standards of care which are set by the

discredited

World Professional Association for Transgender Health (WPATH). In a

recently withdrawn

legal challenge to Alabama’s youth gender medicine ban, WPATH was forced to disclose over two million internal emails that

revealed

the organization blocked independent systematic reviews that showed low-quality evidence, consulted “social justice lawyers” when drafting its medical guidelines, and, at the Biden administration’s request, removed almost all lower age limits from its adolescent chapter to avoid undermining state-level legal battles.

Reimer also stated, without irony, that medical decisions should be based on “the best science.” Yet the best science — specifically the systematic reviews from Sweden, Finland, England, and a

team of researchers in Canada

— has all concluded the evidence base for paediatric medical transition is of very low certainty. Alberta’s Bill 26 reflects that consensus. The CMA’s position contradicts it.

This isn’t the first legal challenge to Alberta’s legislation. Late last year,

Egale Canada

— originally a gay rights charity that expanded into trans advocacy in the early 2000s — teamed up with the

Skipping Stone Foundation

and five families

to contest the law

. That move is surprising given early research conducted by leading figures in gender medicine, Psychologist/Sexologist Kenneth Zucker and Psychiatrist Susan Bradley, found that most children with early-onset gender dysphoria would grow up to be

gay

or

lesbian

if left untreated, and same-sex attracted teens are

overrepresented

in the

adolescent patients
who began flooding gender clinics

 in the 2010s and among

detransitioners.

 That a gay rights group would back medical interventions that have the potential to sterilize homosexual adolescents is a tragic reversal of purpose.

In an

interview

, Dr. Jake Donaldson, one of three Alberta doctors who filed the challenge alongside the CMA, inadvertently highlighted the questionable rationale for these extreme medical interventions. He believes that puberty blockers and cross-sex hormones help gender-distressed youth blend in better as members of the opposite sex, which makes them “safer and happier.” But even if that were true — and there is no high-quality evidence to suggest that it is — this approach only offers a superficial, short-term fix that ignores the deeper psychological struggles of these youth. And it can come at such immense long-term cost in the form of

sterility

,

sexual dysfunction

, and

lifelong medical dependence

.

“Medicine is a calling,” explained the CMA president in her

statement

. “Doctors pursue it because they are compelled to care for and promote the well-being of patients.”

Yet noble intentions are no safeguard against harm. History is littered with medical scandals. At the centre of each one, there were well-intentioned doctors who left a trail of devastation in their quest to help patients. The doctors who prescribed

thalidomide

didn’t do so with the intention of causing major birth defects; the obstetricians who sent expectant mothers for

prenatal X-rays

didn’t deliberately set out to cause childhood leukemia, and Walter Freeman

famously believed

his prefrontal lobotomies were a humane alternative to the deplorable conditions in insane asylums.

At this point, there is little doubt that paediatric gender medicine is destined to take its place in history alongside these medical catastrophes. Therefore, Alberta is not acting unreasonably; it is acting responsibly. By restricting unproven and irreversible treatments for minors, the province has commendably joined a global wave of governments re-asserting evidence and ethical principles in the face of medical groupthink. It is the CMA — not the Alberta government — that must reckon with its conscience.

Mia Hughes specializes in researching pediatric gender medicine, psychiatric epidemics, social contagion and the intersection of trans rights and women’s rights. She is the author of “The WPATH Files,” a senior fellow at the Macdonald-Laurier Institute, and director of Genspect Canada. 

National Post


Algeria's Imane Khalif (left) fights against Tunisia's Homrani Ep Zayani Mariem (Blue) during the women's Fly finals at the Dakar arena in 2020.

Sex confirmation testing results for Olympic gold medalist Imane Khelif, an Algerian who has racked up numerous medals defeating women in boxing, were leaked Sunday. The

results

proved what many around the world already suspected — that Khelif is a biological male who had no business being in a boxing ring with women, and a letter on a passport won’t change that.

American sports journalist Alan Abrahamson posted on his website, 3 Wire Sports, an image of Khelif’s 2023 sex confirmation results which were performed in New Delhi by

Dr Lal Pathlabs

prior to the 2023 International Boxing Association (IBA) Women’s World Boxing Championships. The result reads: “chromosomal analysis reveals male karyotype,” meaning Khelif is a biological male with XY chromosomes. The report was also uploaded in full by

science writer

Colin Wright.

And as far as female sex confirmation tests go, this isn’t the first Khelif has failed. In addition to the test taken in New Delhi, Khelif failed the same test administered by IBA in Istanbul in 2022.

The leaked test results followed a

statement

Friday from the World Boxing Association, which announced it would be following the IBA, introducing its own mandatory sex testing for all boxers to ensure participant safety and a competitive level playing field for both men and women. The association made it clear that Khelif “will not be allowed to participate in the female category at the Eindhoven Box Cup or any World Boxing event until Imane Khelif undergoes sex testing.”

With two major boxing associations now backing sex-based eligibility, there’s hope that biological females will no longer have to square off against biological males, as China’s Yang Liu had to against Khelif, who defeated her for the gold medal in women’s welterweight boxing at the 2024 Paris Summer Olympic Games.

Five days into those Olympic Games, before their match, IBA released a

statement

expressing concern about the International Olympic Committee’s (IOC) “inconsistent application of eligibility criteria.” The IBA raised competitive fairness and safety concerns about IOC’s “differing regulations on these matters.”

IBA warned that Khelif and another boxer failed eligibility criteria for participating in the women’s competition after taking a “recognized test” which they claimed “conclusively indicated that both athletes did not meet the required necessary eligibility criteria and were found to have competitive advantages over other female competitors.” IBA noted that the decision to disqualify both athletes was made after a “meticulous review,” explaining that it is “extremely important and necessary to uphold the level of fairness and utmost integrity of the competition.”

For reasons of confidentiality, the statement did not reveal medical specifics about the athletes, or the test they took, which we now know from the leak was chromosomal.

How did the IOC determine that Khelif was eligible to compete against women in the Paris Summer Olympic Games?

They rejected the IBA’s disqualification, telling

reporters

“everyone competing in the women’s category is complying with the competition eligibility rules. They are women in their passports and it is stated that is the case.” In other words, no testing was performed.

This eligibility procedure is confirmed by an Aug. 1

statement

released eight days before Khelif would compete for the gold medal which began: “Every person has the right to practise sport without discrimination.” The IOC then suggested that Khelif and the other IBA-disqualified athlete were “victims of a sudden and arbitrary decision by the IBA,” which they referred to as an “aggression.”

The day before that statement, IOC spokesman Mark Adams

said

that the IOC’s position was for sports to try to balance fairness in female sport with inclusivity. “Federations need to make the rules to make sure that there is fairness, but at the same time with the ability for everyone to take part who wants to,” he said. “That’s a difficult balance. In the end it’s up to the experts for each discipline. They know very well where there is an advantage, and if that is a big advantage then that is clearly not acceptable. But that decision needs to be made at that level. “

The IOC doesn’t do any testing of its own, basing an athlete’s eligibility to compete on the gender of their passport, as indicated by its statement about Khelif. The IOC also defended Khelif’s participation by saying it followed the

2020 Tokyo boxing

rules, which has zero guidelines on either sex confirmation or the use of passports.

Strange. The Olympics are considered the pinnacle of success for many athletes. One would think it would have the strictest of rules for competition to uphold the prestige of the sport.

Turns out that boxing eligibility requirements are something the IOC only recently started managing for itself. The IBA has been the international governing body for amateur boxing since 1946, which has also included organizing boxing events at the Olympic Games. Traditionally, the IOC recognized the IBA’s management of the sport. This was apparently the case up until 2019 when the IOC initially suspended IBA, due to concerns about governance and financial transparency, and officially derecognized the IBA in 2023.

This led to the IOC taking it upon themselves to determine the eligibility of Khelif, who, by the way, did not even bother to follow through on an appeal to IBA’s disqualification to the

Court of Arbitration for Sport,

an independent tribunal that is recognized by the IOC and other sports federations.

Khelif took advantage of IOC’s nonsensical eligibility rules. Whether the IOC would have honoured Khelif’s disqualification prior to 2019 is unknown. Perhaps not, since, like too many sports institutions today, the IOC appears to privilege “inclusivity” over common sense.

As a result, Khelif was able to go on to compete against women in the Paris Summer Olympics, winning the

gold medal

on Aug. 9, shortly after both the IBA’s and IOC’s statements.

While Khelif didn’t appeal the scientific results of IBA’s sex confirmation tests, the boxer did show off the newly-won gold medal in mid August after what the Daily Mail called a “

stunning makeover,”

which involved donning pink makeup and a floral robe.

Apparently, this is what makes one a woman these days. This, and XY chromosomes.

Khelif told reporters after the gold medal win: “I am fully qualified to take part in this competition. I am a woman like any other woman. ‘I was born a woman. I have lived as a woman. I competed as a woman — there is no doubt about that.”

Now there is no doubt Khelif is not, biologically.

While Khelif,

according

to the IOC’s Mark Adams, was given a female birth certificate, and later, a passport with the same female distinction, and “lived her entire life as a woman,” this doesn’t change the Algerian athlete’s biological reality.

As Wright, an Evolutionary Biologist and Manhattan Institute Fellow,

points out

on his Substack, “If someone is born with XY chromosomes and internal testes due to a DSD like 5-ARD then the sex recorded on their birth certificate is a clerical error — not a truth that must shape our sporting policies.”

And even the potential explanation of Khelif having DSD (developmental sex differences), which, in males, might result in a micropenis or testes that have failed to descend, was only ever speculative. The truth is, we have no idea what’s going on beneath Khelif’s trunks.

Yet, those of us women who knew better at the time were told to stop being so hateful. We were supposed to shut up and enjoy watching a biological male punch the living daylights out of women, stealing medals they trained their whole lives to win.

Not only that. We were supposed to applaud this great achievement. This was progress, we were assured.

tnewman@postmedia.com

X:

@TLNewmanMTL

National Post


Transport Minister Marc Garneau speaks during question period in the House of Commons, Nov. 3, 2020.

It is a measure of the man that in a world where values, virtue, and self-sacrifice seem anachronistic, Marc Garneau embodied them.

Following his death on Wednesday at age 76 after a brief illness, there was lavish praise and kind words for Garneau whose life was devoted to serving his country.

As an astronaut, Garneau reached the stars, as a politician he served honourably and faithfully, despite his tawdry treatment at the hands of Justin Trudeau.

In a

statement

, Prime Minister Mark Carney said, “To those who worked alongside him, Marc was a trusted colleague and friend. To Canadians, he was a symbol of national pride and possibility.”

Mary Simon, the Governor General,

said

he left behind a legacy of integrity and professionalism.

Erin O’Toole, the former Conservative leader who also served as a captain in the air force,

said

of Garneau, who had been a commander and captain in the navy, that he represented the very best of Canada and had inspired countless people “including me.”

Garneau began his service to Canada by serving in the navy before joining the Canadian Astronaut Program. In 1984, he made history when he became the first Canadian in space as a payload specialist on the Space Shuttle Challenger. He went on to make two other space missions aboard the Endeavour.

“I have been around planet earth…about 450 times,” Garneau

recounted

at a Ted Talk in 2013.

He was president of the Canadian Space Agency from 2001 to 2005 and in 2008 was elected as a Liberal MP for Notre-Dame-de-Grâce–Westmount (formerly Westmount–Ville-Marie).

In 2013, he ran for the Liberal leadership against Trudeau, and in a debate that year, pointedly

asked

the future prime minister, “So please tell us what in your resume qualifies you to be the leader of the country.”

“I was never sure after that whether he held that against me,” Garneau

told

the CBC’s Rosemary Barton last year. “But on balance, I think he didn’t because he appointed me transport minister when we were finally elected.”

Garneau became transport minister in 2015 with one of his first acts being to introduce a passenger bill of rights for fliers. From January to October of 2021, he was foreign minister until suddenly being dropped without explanation by Trudeau and replaced by the more sycophantic Mélanie Joly.

“I don’t know why I was removed from cabinet,” Garneau told Barton.

But he appeared to show no animosity toward the prime minister.

“The prime minister is free to choose his cabinet and he can dismiss his cabinet,” he said. “But I never really got a satisfactory explanation as to why I was removed.”

However, it obviously hurt.

“I just had to suck it up. It was a punch in the gut. I was very disappointed.”

Trudeau’s treatment of Garneau was shabby and cavalier. It is often true that the public and press do not give the people in public service the credit they are due, but it is reprehensible when it is the prime minister of the day.

Later, in his autobiography, A Most Extraordinary Ride: Space, Politics and the Pursuit of a Canadian Dream, Garneau was

critical

of Trudeau accusing him of being ill-prepared and prioritizing politics and big pronouncements without any follow up.

He also wrote of his inability to have a meeting with Trudeau, instead having to go through the Prime Minister’s Office.

“The prime minister’s aloofness led me to conclude that he did not consider my advice useful enough to want to hear from me directly, relying instead on his staff,” Garneau wrote.

A clue to Garneau’s ostracism may be that, although he was a loyal servant to Canada, he was not in Trudeau’s closest circle.

“I think he was close to certain ministers, in some cases childhood friends, people that could knock on his door anytime. But I was not one of those people,” Garneau told Barton.

If Garneau was not a friend of Trudeau’s, he was certainly a hero to many and an exemplar to Canadians.

In a world which increasingly feels like it is dominated by narcissists and egotists, where virtue is an outdated concept, and values are whatever you want them to be, we are desperately in need of more Garneaus. Men, and women, who are willing to sacrifice self and devote themselves to looking after the welfare of others.

In his farewell

speech

in the House of Commons in 2023, Garneau said, “Nothing is perfect in this world, but I would like to think that I always did my best to try to make it better.”

Reading the tributes to Garneau they refer to his integrity, courage, humility, patriotism, kindness and intelligence and sense of duty, and it becomes clear that what he possessed was a moral compass.

John Locke, the 17th century English philosopher, described virtue as “the knowledge of a man’s duty.”

Garneau was a husband, father, naval officer, astronaut and politician who understood duty and did it.

Canada is poorer for his loss.

National Post


Ontario Premier Doug Ford speaks during the First Ministers' Meeting at TCU Place.

Ontario Premier Doug Ford has done something truly conservative. His government’s proposed

rule changes for colleges, universities and school boards

are aimed squarely at shifting power away from the diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) crowd and weakening their control over education.

It’s welcome news for anyone who thinks that public education should be about learning and diversity of ideas, not a playground for political activists.

Ford and his team are not selling their new Bill 33 as an attack on DEI, but that’s clearly what it is. Universities and colleges will be obliged to admit students on merit, rather than their membership in a targeted demographic. That should stem their ability to impose reverse discrimination to over-correct for perceived past injustices.

The government intends to take far more direct control over school boards. “Progressives” who run many big city boards will have little remaining authority and the province will be able to countermand pretty much any move it doesn’t like.

For starters, the Ford government is banning ideologically driven school renaming. So much for the

Toronto District School board’s plan

to erase the names of Sir John A. Macdonald, Egerton Ryerson and Henry Dundas from its schools on the grounds that these historical figures are tied to “systems of oppression.”

The legislation also mandates a return of school resource officers in areas where police services provide them. Seventeen school boards have prevented police from working in schools because of the supposed harm it causes to racialized students.

Both these moves are intended to block the historical revisionism and anti-police attitude found in some school boards.

So far, the most vociferous reaction has come from the university sector. School trustees have not yet found a compelling argument against their neutering.

The

Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations said

it is “particularly troubled by language around admissions criteria, which appears to target initiatives aimed at increasing representation from equity-seeking groups.”

The Ontario Undergraduate Student Alliance

voiced a similar concern,

saying it “is worried about how this move will decrease pathways for under-represented students. Many institutions across Ontario have made efforts to lower barriers to access for students with disabilities, low-income, first-generation, Indigenous, and racialized students.”

The fact that admission based on merit is perceived as highly controversial within the university world shows how far the sector has departed from the mainstream. The proposed legislation does not define what merit is. The government will consult with universities on that, but surely merit must involve some combination of academic achievement and personal characteristics.

What it should not include is extra points for applicants who belong to special designated groups. Any publicly funded institution should treat people equally, not equitably. The two words sound similar but they are miles apart in current meaning. Equity admissions give extra weight to individuals from groups that have previously been under-represented. It might be a noble idea, but it’s still a form of discrimination.

The core flaw of the DEI world view is the idea that people are primarily defined by their membership in a group. Further, certain groups can only succeed if the bar is lowered for them. That can be insulting and inherently racist, and yet its proponents think they’re battling racism.

The changes for school boards are far more extensive than those for colleges and universities. The legislation gives the government sweeping power to keep the boards tightly focused on student success and sound financial management. In effect, the education minister is now the trustee in chief for boards across the province.

As

Education Minister Paul Calandra put it,

“We are making it clear that school boards must put students first — not politics, not bureaucracy — and that we will act decisively when they fall short of that responsibility.”

Ontario Public Service Employees Union president JP Hornick said,

“Bill 33 is a power grab, and a dangerous one.” But the provincial government already had power over school boards. What it is doing now is offering enhanced oversight and more control, if necessary.

It’s certainly required. While most school boards are meeting the government’s expectations, some are

failing spectacularly

.

Trustees in the Thames Valley District School Board, which covers the area around London, Ont., thought it just fine to spend almost $40,000 on an offsite retreat, while those in a Brantford-area Catholic board

spent nearly $190,000 on a trip for four trustees to Italy to buy art

. The $190,000 includes $63,000 in legal fees to manage the fallout. Other boards are facing large deficits. They blame provincial underfunding, but their job is to manage within the money the province gives them.

The Ford government wants trustees who focus on student learning and fiscal responsibility. It will be no accident if that profound change deters future social-justice warriors looking to launch a political career.

National Post

randalldenley1@gmail.com

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Prime Minister Mark Carney answers during question period in the House of Commons on Parliament Hill in Ottawa on Tuesday, June 3, 2025. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Sean Kilpatrick

The 45th Canadian Parliament officially began on May 26. There are already some early signs that it may not last very long.

Prime Minister Mark Carney and the Liberals suffered an

embarrassing defeat

in a June 2 vote in the House of Commons. Conservative interim leader Andrew Scheer’s sub-amendment to the throne speech, which called for a “firm commitment” to present a spring economic statement or budget “that incorporates measures aimed at unleashing Canada’s economic potential,” passed by a vote of 166-164.

This surprising result was aided by the fact that four Liberal MPs didn’t vote due to the long-standing procedural measure of

paired abstentions

. This is when the parties represented in the House agree to have an MP sit out a vote and be paired with an MP of a different party who can’t attend for a particular reason.

In fairness, this was a non-binding vote. Confidence in the Liberal government wasn’t being put to the test that day. At the same time, in spite of chief government whip Mark Gerretsen suggesting “we knew the outcome of what that vote was going to be,” it’s still a humiliating moment. While there have been a tiny number of instances of a federal government losing a non-binding vote, resolution or motion, it’s highly unusual to have it happen this early in a parliament’s life — and to have it linked to the Throne Speech.

As it happens, Carney and the Liberals survived a second crisis with the Throne Speech the following day when it was adopted by the House of Commons in a peculiar fashion.

Political commentators and columnists were briefly caught off-guard on June 4 when the NDP announced they would vote

against

the Throne Speech. The Conservatives seemed like a good bet to join them. Bloc Quebecois leader Yves-François Blanchet even

told

the media that “we have no news about how the caucus is going to vote.”

This had suddenly become an interesting situation. The minority Liberal government has 169 MPs. One of them, Francis Scarpaleggia, is the Speaker of the House. Only Green Party leader Elizabeth May appeared to be onside with the Liberals. If the Conservatives, NDP and BQ all voted against the Throne Speech, this would have been regarded as a vote of no confidence in Carney’s Liberal government. This would have likely led to the dissolution of Parliament and a new federal election.

The whole scenario seemed rather far-fetched. Going back to the polls so early wouldn’t be desirable for most Canadians. The voters would blame one or more of the parties for causing this situation. Meanwhile, Elections Canada revealed that the

estimated cost

for running this year’s federal election was $570 million. It would be difficult to convince the Canadian taxpayers, who foot this lofty bill, that they would need to spend this amount (or more) once again in 2025 — with no guarantee that it would lead to a different result.

I felt the BQ would “ultimately side with the Liberals,” as I

wrote

on X. That being said, I acknowledged “there’s a real possibility that they’ll vote them down.” It was difficult to figure out what was exactly going on at that point and time.

No-one would have ever guessed how this political crisis (of sorts) would end, however.

The Throne Speech was ultimately

adopted

“on division.” What does this mean? In a nutshell, some MPs wanted their displeasure or opposition to be

put on the record

in Hansard, but they didn’t want to go through the process of a recorded vote. While this is an acceptable procedural manoeuvre, it left a bad taste in people’s mouths. There’s also been no indication which opposition parties or politicians supported the government’s reply to the Throne Speech. It may take us a while to figure out their identities, or we may never find out at all.

Meanwhile, some political observers were surprised the Liberals found themselves in this situation to begin with. They shouldn’t be.

In spite of the fact that Carney’s minority government is substantially larger than the two previous minority governments of his predecessor, Justin Trudeau, he’s actually in a more precarious position. Why? There’s only a 25-seat difference between the Liberals and Conservatives, which could potentially decrease with by-elections and floor crossers. The NDP has seven seats, no official party status and barely a political pulse. The BQ slipped down to 22 seats and doesn’t have the trust of a federalist party like the Liberals. The sole Green representative is May, which isn’t enough for Carney to ensure his legislation will get passed — and avoid future votes of no confidence.

Long story short, a larger minority government doesn’t necessarily ensure or guarantee political stability on Parliament Hill. Carney’s early political hurdles suggest he’s likely going to face some real difficulties in the fall session in gaining support and unity with important pieces of legislation. This can only continue for so long before the opposition parties get fed up with the Liberals and bring them down. We could potentially be looking at a short-lived minority government that’s defeated much earlier than most originally expected.

National Post


An auto theft in progress.

First Reading is a Canadian politics newsletter curated by the National Post’s own Tristin Hopper. To get an early version sent directly to your inbox, sign up here.

TOP STORY

Despite Canada’s reputation as a safer version of the U.S., newly compiled data is showing that crime has worsened to the point where, on some metrics, Canadian cities are becoming more lawless than the U.S.

Americans are still getting shot and murdered at higher rates than Canadians, but when it comes to theft, carjackings and break-ins, figures show that some Canadian cities are doing worse than their American counterparts.

In fact, two Canadian jurisdictions — Kelowna, B.C., and Lethbridge, Alta. — now rank worse than any other urban area south of the border.

In 2022, Lethbridge recorded 5,521 property crimes per 100,000 people, an average of one crime each year for every 18 residents. The worst-ranked U.S. city for property crime, Pueblo, Colo., saw property crimes hit 4,911 per 100,000.

This is all according to

an 85-page “snapshot”

of U.S. and Canadian crime rates compiled by the Fraser Institute.

Researcher Livio Di Matteo took city-specific crime data from Statistics Canada and the FBI and compared it across the 18 years from 2004 to 2022.

When Di Matteo compared rates of “average annual property crimes” across metropolitan areas, he found that Canada was now in the lead after years of trailing the U.S.

An introduction framed the figures as a check on the notion that Canada is “a peaceable kingdom marked by less crime.”

An infographic accompanying the report highlights that of the 86 U.S. and Canadian cities surrounding the Great Lakes, it’s Canada’s that have the worst rates of property crime.

Thunder Bay and London, Ont. were the two worst-ranked cities of the 86. And the property crime stats for Windsor, Ont., were higher than for Detroit, located just across the river.

In a news release, the Fraser Institute wrote that the average Torontonian is now more likely to be a victim of property crime than the average New Yorker.

The report warns that comparing U.S. and Canadian crime rates is an imperfect science, in part because of the two countries’ differing views of what constitutes a crime.

As one example, Canadian law adopts a broad definition of sexual assault that creates a single category for “any unwanted sexual act.” In the U.S., meanwhile, sex crimes are still stratified into specific categories such as

rape

.

The two countries also can’t be compared in terms of “crime severity.” Since 2009, Canada’s leading crime metric

has been the Crime Severity Index

, a tool that not only measures the quantity of crimes committed in a given year, but also tries to weight them in terms of relative damage or societal impact. The U.S., though, has no such metric.

As such, the Fraser Institute report had to work with raw figures of police-reported crime, differentiated only by whether a crime was violent or non-violent.

The “comparability” of the two countries’ crime figures could be skewed by something as simple as police being more diligent in counting petty crime as compared to more serious offences. But Di Matteo wrote that it was still an acceptable way “to indicate overall crime patterns.”

And for most of the 2004-2022 period, the average Canadian city did indeed post lower rates of property crime than the average American city. These averages then became tied in 2020 and 2021, with Canada pulling ahead in 2022.

The year 2022 happens to be when Canada was seized by a number of unprecedented crime waves, including a wave of arsons against churches, and a massive spike in car thefts that would eventually cause Canada to be dubbed by the BBC as an “auto theft capital of the world.”

But while the average Canadian city-dweller might be more likely to get their car broken into, they still trail the United States in terms of being hurt or killed by crime. On the measure of “violent crimes per 100,000 population,” the Fraser Institute report found that while Canada has seen violent crime increase in recent years, the U.S. remains well in the lead.

This remains most dramatic in terms of homicide rate. Canada has a relatively consistent murder rate of two homicides for every 100,000 people. In recent years, the U.S. homicide rate has come close to nearly tripling that amount.

The Fraser Institute report was published on March 18, and was largely overlooked amid Mark Carney’s swearing-in as prime minister and the start of the 45th general election on March 23.

Last week, it was highlighted in a widely circulated social media post by Dubai-based influencer Mario Nawfal. “Canada’s biggest cities are now clocking higher property crime rates than the American metros most people think of first when they hear the word ‘crime,’” wrote Nawfal.

 

IN OTHER NEWS

 Another Conservative MP has warned the House of Commons that if they don’t shape up, Alberta might divorce them. Calgary MP Shuvaloy Majumdar didn’t explicitly threaten Alberta separation (and he’s said he remains pro-Canada), but he said that if Ottawa doesn’t deliver some oil and gas infrastructure the Carney government is going to be walking into “a constitutional crisis.”

The NDP’s interim leader Don Davies has announced that his party

will vote “no” on accepting the terms of the Carney government’s throne speech

(Davies said it wasn’t “worker-centred” enough). Since the Liberals are governing as a minority, this means that either the Conservatives or the Bloc Québécois will have to vote “yes” on the speech,

lest the government fall on a confidence vote and Canada be plunged into another federal election.

The opposition could always weasel out of a decision by simply abstaining on the vote, given that polls are showing that any election would probably just deliver the same result as last time. But the whole exercise has illustrated that

Prime Minister Mark Carney’s grip on power may not be as strong as he’s indicated.

It was only two weeks ago that he was speaking of having a “mandate of change.”

And in the unlikely instance that the 45th parliament ends up dissolving almost immediately due to a procedural vote on the speech from the throne,

this will technically mean that we dragged King Charles III here for nothing.

 Amid all the new political rhetoric about fast-tracking “nation-building” projects, the caveat is usually added that any such projects will be pursued in line with “constitutional obligations to Indigenous Peoples.” On Tuesday, however, Justice Minister Sean Fraser told reporters that this didn’t mean First Nations had a “veto” over things like mines and pipelines. Fraser is indeed correct. In most cases, the Crown only has a duty to “consult” First Nations, and can ignore them after said consultation is done. But Fraser apologized anyway following criticism from the Assembly of First Nations, saying it betrayed the spirit of “partnership” they’re going for.

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Surrounded by MPs and officials, Public Safety Minister Gary Anandasangaree speaks to reporters about Bill C-2, the Strong Borders Act, on June 3, 2025.

Once upon a time, not so long ago,

the Liberals auditioned for government in Ottawa

with a promise to do away with obnoxiously enormous omnibus bills, in which dozens of separate issues are crammed into the same legislation.

The usual result, often by design, is that contentious issues don’t get the scrutiny they deserve. The Liberals long ago having discovered that they only dislike omnibus bills when Conservatives draft them, the party’s 2025 platform wisely did not promise any change on that front.

And they’re right out of the gate with a doozie

of an omnibus bill: Bill C-2, the Strong Borders Act, which seems likely to keep many lawyers gainfully employed for years fighting and defending it in court.

There are two main objections to the bill: New restrictions on who can apply for asylum status in Canada; and making it easier for police to obtain your internet-user information. It’s certainly conceivable that the latter might help police make the border safer. It could disrupt smuggling operations, be they fentanyl, drugs or human beings.

But if you go look at the bill

, you’ll see these new measures aren’t about the border. They’re about

everything

.

Section 487.0121 would allow police, without a warrant, to ask an internet service provider (ISP) if someone is a subscriber; whether the ISP “possesses … any information … in relation to that subscriber” (though it wouldn’t grant access to specific data); the city in which the ISP’s services were provided; and when the services were provided.

Police must only demonstrate they had “reasonable grounds to suspect (that) an offence has been or will be committed under this Act

or any other Act of Parliament

” (my italics).

Producing additional data attached to IP addresses would require a warrant, but not in “exigent circumstances.” Do you trust police and courts to assure exigency? I don’t.

You don’t often hear Canadian police forces argue they have all the tools they need to fight crime. And there’s a long history of Canadian governments, Conservative and Liberal alike, leveraging hot-button issues to try to broaden police or intelligence-service powers. Then public safety minister

Vic Toews immortalized himself in 2012

defending internet-monitoring legislation by suggesting Canadians can either “stand with us or with the child pornographers,” but other governments have used terrorism, “revenge porn” and other justifications in the past.

This sure looks like an attempt to leverage Trumpian mayhem for the same purposes. It will and should be fought on those grounds.

It’s especially unfortunate because Bill C-2 also proposes to inject some relatively hardhearted sanity into our perennially out-of-control refugee system — changes that by rights would be debated on their own, without invoking Donald Trump’s name every 30 seconds, because these problems are not at all of the president’s making. For example, Bill C-2 proposes a one-year deadline for being in Canada, after which you won’t be able to apply for asylum, which is a clear response to the number of temporary residents trying to hang on in Canada using the refugee system. And it proposes expanding the Safe Third Country Agreement such that anyone crossing illegally from the U.S. would be ineligible to claim asylum, no matter how long they lie low upon arrival.

These are reasonable measures, completely in keeping with countries with far better human-rights records than Canada’s. Someone doesn’t just suddenly remember being persecuted after a year of not mentioning it. The principle of seeking asylum in the first technically safe country you arrive in may be unrealistic: no one willing to risk their lives for a better life in the United States or Canada is likely to settle on Mexico, considering

the ordeals most refugees from Central America have already been through.

But when a country like Canada accepts hundreds of refugee claims a year from the U.S and Europe, you know things have been taken to an extreme.

Providing asylum to transgender Americans

is one of Canadian progressives’ causes du jour. Providing asylum to transgender people in less developed countries, including far scarier places to be transgender — Uganda, Honduras, Nigeria, Russia —  is of conspicuously less concern, for two basic reasons: One, as ever, we enjoy sticking it to Uncle Sam; and two, most casual refugee advocacy in this country is 100 per cent predicated on what we see and hear in the news.

Canadians hear roughly 100 per cent more news about Trump’s America than they do from the rest of the world (except sometimes news about Canada) combined.

The United States has several transgender “sanctuary cities,”

from Los Angeles to Madison, Wis., to Boston to New York City. Not to say it’s

easy

to live anywhere in Trump’s America as a transgender person … but then, we’re constantly told how godawful it is to live in

Canada

as a transgender person.

A parliamentary petition sponsored by Green MP Elizabeth May

 proposes that the unspecified, supposedly ongoing “removal of Canadian federal rights and freedoms of the 2SLGBTQIA+ target group be considered a form of genocide.”

Refugee advocates will argue, reasonably enough, that the solution for a self-styled humanitarian beacon like Canada would be to devote enough resources to the refugee-determination system such that we could adjudicate them quickly and efficiently. But no government ever,

ever

does that. We have a backlog of 280,825 asylum claims — roughly 0.7 per cent of the Canadian population.

Something has to give. And that something has absolutely nothing to do with Canadians’ IP addresses.

National Post

cselley@postmedia.com

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Hamas fighters during hostage release on February 1, 2025.
(Photo by Saeed Jaras / Middle East Images / Middle East Images via AFP) (Photo by SAEED JARAS/Middle East Images/AFP via Getty Images)

It is taken as a central tenet in responsible governance that terrorism is not an acceptable method of statecraft. Deliberately murdering innocent people for political ends is to be condemned and not rewarded.

But not anymore.

On May, 19, the Carney government released a

joint statement

with the leaders of the United Kingdom and France saying that he is “committed to recognizing a Palestinian state as a contribution to achieving a two-state solution and are prepared to work with others to this end.” This begs the question: after decades of not doing so, what materially has changed?

Over the last 20 months, following the Hamas terror invasion of southern Israel and subsequent mass murder, rape, torture and kidnapping of Israeli and other civilians, much has changed. Hamas surely knew that its attacks on October 7, 2023 would not destroy Israel (and could very well lead to its overthrow by the Jewish state, the destruction of Gaza and deaths of countless innocent Palestinians), yet it pursued this invasion, knowing that there was a potential for tangible benefit.

Hamas knew exactly what it was doing. After all, Hamas is not just a genocidal terrorist organization dedicated to Israel’s destruction, but a savvy media operator, disseminating manipulated casualty figures that have been widely and uncritically embraced around the world, leading to international condemnation of Israel and for the world to refocus its attention to the plight of the Palestinians, a cause that at the time was receding from the headlines.

Hamas knew that condemnations of its attack would be short-lived, and that Israel would almost instantly be seen as the villain, which was part of its goal while also seeking to obstruct Saudi Arabia’s making peace and normalizing relations with Israel by joining the Abraham Accords.

There is a direct line between Hamas’ October 7 massacres and the proposed recognition of a Palestinian state by the Carney government. If there had been no invasion 20 months ago, there likely would not be any such recognition. Those attacks may not have guaranteed such a recognition, but a recognition would not have taken place without them.

What, exactly, would Canada be recognizing? Gaza has been under the despotic rule of Hamas for nearly 20 years; is that the regime which Ottawa would be granting with formal recognition, even though Hamas remains a banned

terrorist organization

in Canada? If not Hamas, then whom, since there is no other Palestinian governance in place in that territory.

Hamas is a terrorist organization that murders its political opponents, while the Palestinian Authority is a corrupt kleptocracy that continues to funnel money to the families of dead terrorists through its

pay-to-slay program

. Its leader, Mahmoud Abbas, is a dictator who this past January started his

twenty-first year of his first four-year term

.

The Palestinian Authority doesn’t exercise effective control over defined borders and the Palestinian territories lack the essential institutions of a functioning state, including an

independent judiciary

,

transparent financial oversight

, and stable governance structures. The Palestinian Authority governs parts of Judea & Samaria or in media parlance, the “West Bank”, but its control is partial, its institutions are riddled with corruption, ineptitude and inefficiency, and elections have not been held in nearly two decades. The split between Hamas and the Palestinian Authority has resulted in two rival governments with no unified leadership, making effective governance and national cohesion impossible.

Moreover, both regimes suppress fundamental rights. In Gaza, LGBTQ+ individuals face brutal persecution, Christians have fled in large numbers, and women’s rights are severely restricted.

Free expression is suppressed in both areas, with journalists and political dissidents frequently harassed, jailed or executed. The judicial systems are not independent, and

opposition voices are silenced

through threats or imprisonment. Hamas maintains an armed militia and refuses to disarm or recognize Israel, while the Palestinian Authority continues to glorify terrorists and to promote incitement through media and education. Until the Palestinian leadership can ensure unified, transparent, and rights-respecting governance — and commit to peace by renouncing terrorism, pursuing demilitarization and recognizing Israel as a Jewish state — statehood remains both practically and morally untenable.

Consequently, recognizing a Palestinian state under these conditions would not just be a reward for Palestinian terrorism, but a recipe for disaster for the very people it purports to help.

Instead, observers have long maintained that the only legitimate path to Palestinian statehood is through a negotiated solution directly with Israel. Jerusalem has offered many such proposals in the past, including

offering the Palestinians all of Gaza

, 95 per cent of the West Bank, and more, only to be rejected in favour of violence.

In 2005,

Israel forcibly withdrew

all its citizens from Gaza unilaterally. Gaza was turned into a launching pad for terrorism against Israel.

The Palestinian leadership, whether Hamas or the supposedly ‘moderate’ Palestinian Authority (PA), have made clear that they have no interest in accepting the existence of a Jewish state next door. While the PA at least plays moderate to Western audiences, Hamas continues to make clear that it will never stop fighting for the violent destruction of Israel, and has stated they will

continue to carry out

as many October 7-style massacres as necessary.

That is the state the Carney government will reportedly be rewarding with statehood and Canada would be wise to heed the words of John Kelley, Acting USUN Alternate Representative at the UN Security Council, who on May 28

proclaimed

that: “The United States stands with Israel in unequivocally rejecting any effort to unilaterally recognize a Palestinian state or impose conditions on Israel — which would be an unconscionable reward for the heinous Hamas attack on Israel that massacred and brutally kidnapped Israelis and Americans.”

By recognizing a Palestinian state, part of which is currently governed by a banned terrorist organization, Ottawa would be rewarding terrorism in the truest sense: showing Hamas that thanks to its mass murder of Israeli civilians nearly 20 months ago, it would help bring about a Palestinian state.

There is no precedent in modern history where a group has achieved statehood through terrorism, nor should there be. Rewarding violence against civilians with political recognition sends a dangerous message: that terrorism is an effective path to legitimacy. Such a move would undermine the principles of international law, peace and diplomacy, and encourage other extremist groups to adopt similar strategies.

Appeasing violence by granting statehood not only legitimizes terrorism but also weakens the moral authority of the Western world. It tells the world that attacking civilians and rejecting peaceful solutions can lead to political rewards, a message that would have far-reaching and destabilizing consequences domestically and worldwide.

It turns out that terrorism really does pay. And if that’s the case, it means the world can expect to see a lot more of it. After all, why negotiate when you can just murder your way to statehood?

Mike Fegelman is the Executive Director of HonestReporting Canada, a non-profit organization ensuring fair and accurate Canadian media coverage of Israel. www.HonestReporting.ca.

National Post


(Watch the full video directly below. If using the National Post iPhone app, the video is at the top of the post.)

Do recent attacks on Jewish institutions, Israel’s heightened travel advisory for Canada and an RCMP brief suggesting violent extremism is a prominent national security threat suggest horrific attacks like those that took place in Washington, D.C., and Boulder, Colo., could happen here?

When lies about starvation and bombings circulate, antisemitism escalates, argues political strategist Anthony Koch, in an interview with the National Post’s Terry Newman. “This is the natural conclusion of what we’ve been seeing increasing — both in Canada, the United States and around the world — since October 7,” says Koch, who discusses his own faith and appeals to Canadian Jews not to hide their identities, even in these troubling times.


This handout picture released by the Israeli army shows former Israeli hostage Emily Damari with her mother Amanda at an undisclosed location in Israel on January 19, 2025 after she was released. (Photo by Israeli Army / AFP)

There are many heroes to have emerged from the flames of Hamas’ attack on Israel two Octobers ago, but none quite like Emily Damari. And none quite like now, as June marks the start of LGBT Pride month — and even more antisemitic violence reaches the U.S. Damari, a 28 year-old Israeli-Briton, was among the 33 hostages returned this winter after nearly 500 days of captivity in Gaza. And as she revealed over the weekend, Damari, is also a

lesbian

— a fact kept quiet during the 15 months she was held by Hamas, which likely saved her life.

This is bravery of unfathomable proportions — both by Emily and her family,

particularly her mother Mandy,

who somehow ensured her daughter remained in the spotlight without risking too much spotlight which could have made her sexuality known. And, of course, the bravery demonstrated by Emily’s partner, Orel — compelled to refer to Damari as a mere “friend,” as she fought for her release.

I may have personally known homophobia for much of my life, but nothing like Emily, who faced an almost certain (and brutal) death had her gayness been revealed. Back in 2016, in fact,

Hamas infamously murdered

one of their own commanders for suspected homosexuality. Just imagine what they would have done to a female, Jewish, Israeli hostage. “From their perspective, they think it’s a sickness,” said Damari in an interview with Israeli television news. “Hamas couldn’t know I was gay!”

Beyond the sheer steeliness displayed by Damari is what her story says about the failure — and folly — of the pro-Palestinian crowd over the past 18 months. These are people that deny and defy logic at every turn. Indeed, I seethe knowing that while #queersforpalestine twits were marauding across cities worldwide, an actual queer — Emily Damari — was in Gaza knowing that at any moment her queerness could end her life. Yet since news of Damari’s release — no major LGBT group has saluted her valour.

There have been no articles in leading American LGBT media brands such as The Advocate and Them. And no public commendations from major LGBT advocacy organizations — such as GLAAD, whose annual media awards last May devolved into an orgy of Israel bashing.

Meanwhile, feminists have also kept silent about Damari, despite her ordeal at the hands of, perhaps, the most misogynistic political entity besides the Taliban. Remember the crowds that Hamas gathered for the creepy release ceremonies that accompanied the hostages’ release in winter. Notice anything strange: There are almost no women — anywhere. Only men and machine guns. This is the misogynistic reality Emily Damari contended with for over a year.

Mostly, Damari’s story makes me proud: Proud to be a Zionist – proud to be a Jew. I’m proud to know that Israel is the only nation in the Middle East where gay Arabs and Muslims — and, yes, Jews, too — are protected by the state. So much so that queers from the West Bank seek and receive asylum after fleeing for their lives from Jenin or Ramallah. Sure, anti-Zionists will reduce Israel’s LGBT bona fides to mere pinkwashing or propaganda. And let them.

Meanwhile, I challenge anyone to find me an out “queer” in Gaza or the West Bank. Not gay Arabs and Muslims in the West, who pimp for Gaza without ever stepping foot in Gaza. But actual, identifiable Palestinian gays and lesbians advocating for their own destiny in their own nation. Back in 2022, 25 year-old

Ahmed Abu Marhia

tried to be out and proud in the West Bank after returning from the relative openness of Israel. His fate: He was beheaded in Hebron. Because the only out queer person in the Palestinian territories, recently, appears to have been Emily Damari.

Ultimately it’s Damari herself for whom I feel the most pride — hardly surprised when we learned she volunteered to remain in Gaza so that 65 year-old

Keith Siegel

could be released first (he finally returned home shortly after Damari). The emotions are strong when I think of Damari strutting her way back into Israel to mom Mandy and her partner, Orel a few months back. For those of us hip to such things, Damari (

a lifelong soccer devotee

) was immediately and unmistakably queer — her gait cocky and confident and even so slightly butch.

Even after months with Hamas, it was almost impossible to believe that Emily Damari was still Emily Damari: Out and proud from her first moment out of captivity. This is the bravery the #queersforpalestine madfolk never match — and a bravery I’ll display myself the next time I worry about holding another man’s hand on a New York City subway.

David Christopher Kaufman is a columnist and editor at the New York Post.