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MONTREAL — The Quebec government is creating a committee to make recommendations on how to strengthen secularism in the province.

Announced this morning, the committee will study whether Quebec’s secularism law, Bill 21, is being respected.

The government says it will also document alleged religious infiltration of Quebec institutions.

The committee will analyze measures in place elsewhere in the world to reinforce state secularism, and will deliver a report by Aug. 20.

Quebec has already announced it plans to table new legislation to strengthen the province’s secularism rules, which ban public employees like teachers and police officers from wearing religious symbols on the job.

The government has suggested it may extend the ban on religious symbols to school staff other than teachers.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published March 10, 2025.

The Canadian Press


TORONTO — Ontario’s surcharge of 25 per cent on electricity exported to the United States goes into effect today, and the government says it could raise that amount even higher in response to further American escalation.

Premier Doug Ford has announced the price increase on the electricity the province sends to 1.5 million homes in three U.S. states as one of Ontario’s retaliatory measures against tariffs imposed on Canadian goods by President Donald Trump.

Ontario estimates that the surcharge will generate $300,000 to $400,000 in revenue for the province each day.

The province has also taken American alcohol off Liquor Control Board of Ontario shelves and banned U.S. companies from government procurement contracts, in addition to the federal government’s initial round of retaliatory tariffs on $30 billion worth of American goods.

Ontario says it could increase or decrease the electricity surcharge amount at any time in response to actions by the U.S. government.

The premier has also threatened to shut off power completely to Minnesota, New York and Michigan if the tariffs remain.

The electricity surcharge is being imposed by a directive from Energy Minister Stephen Lecce to the Independent Electricity System Operator, which will require any generator selling electricity to the U.S. to add what’s being called a Tariff Response Charge.

The IESO will then collect the money generated by the surcharge on behalf of the government on a monthly basis.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published March 10, 2025.

Allison Jones, The Canadian Press


President Donald Trump is dismissing business concerns over the uncertainty caused by his planned tariffs on a range of American trading partners and the prospect of higher prices and isn’t ruling out the possibility of a recession this year.

Also, Secretary of State Marco Rubio said Monday the Trump administration had finished its six-week purge of programs of the six-decade-old U.S. Agency for International Development, and said he would move the 18% of aid and development programs that survived under the State Department.

Here’s the latest:

China learned from Trump’s first trade war and changed its tactics when tariffs came again

The leaders of both Canada and Mexico got on the phone with Trump this past week to seek solutions after he slapped tariffs on their countries, but China’s president appears unlikely to make a similar call soon.

Beijing, which unlike America’s close partners and neighbors has been locked in a trade and tech war with the U.S. for years, is taking a different approach to Trump in his second term, making it clear that any negotiations should be conducted on equal footing.

China’s leaders say they are open to talks, but they also made preparations for the higher U.S. tariffs, which have risen 20% since Trump took office seven weeks ago. Intent on not being caught off guard as they were during Trump’s first term, the Chinese were ready with retaliatory measures — imposing their own taxes this past week on key U.S. farm imports and more.

After the U.S. this past week imposed another 10% tariff, on top of the 10% imposed on Feb. 4, the Chinese foreign ministry uttered its sharpest retort yet: “If war is what the U.S. wants, be it a tariff war, a trade war or any other type of war, we’re ready to fight till the end.”

▶ Read more about China and the U.S. in the trade war

Musk and DOGE try to slash government by cutting out those who answer to voters

For decades, conservatives in Congress have talked about the need to cut government deeply, but they have always pulled back from mandating specific reductions, fearful of voter backlash.

Now, DOGE is trying to do exactly that.

The dynamic of cutting government while also cutting out those who answer to voters has alarmed even some fiscal conservatives who have long pushed for Congress to reduce spending through the means laid out in the Constitution: a system of checks and balances that includes lawmakers elected across the country working with the president.

“Some members of the Trump administration got frustrated that Congress won’t cut spending and decided to go around them,” said Jessica Reidl of the conservative think tank The Manhattan Institute. Now, she said, “no one who has to face voters again is determining spending levels.”

▶ Read more about DOGE’s latest government staffing cuts

Trump downplays business concerns about uncertainty from his tariffs and prospect of higher prices

Trump is dismissing business concerns over the uncertainty caused by his planned tariffs on a range of American trading partners and the prospect of higher prices, and isn’t ruling out the possibility of a recession this year.

After imposing and then quickly pausing 25% tariffs on imports from Mexico and Canada that sent markets tumbling over concerns of a trade war, Trump said his plans for broader “reciprocal” tariffs will go into effect April 2, raising them to match what other countries assess.

Asked about the Atlanta Fed’s warning of an economic contraction in the first quarter of the year, Trump seemingly acknowledged that his plans could affect U.S. growth. Still, he claimed, it would ultimately be “great for us.”

Though Trump’s early implementation of tariffs has been inconsistent — with him imposing them, then pulling many back — he has been steadfast in endorsing the idea of 21st century protectionism. There have even been suggestions that higher import tariffs on the country’s foreign trading partners could eventually replace the federal income tax.

▶ Read more about concerns surrounding Trump’s tariffs

Trump loves the Gilded Age and its tariffs. It was a great time for the rich but not for the many

In Trump’s idealized framing, the United States was at its zenith in the Gilded Age, a time of rapid population growth and transformation from an agricultural economy toward a sprawling industrial system.

The desire to recreate that era is fueled by Trump’s fondness for tariffs and his admiration for the nation’s 25th president, William McKinley.

Though Trump’s early implementation of tariffs has been inconsistent — with him imposing them, then pulling many back — he has been steadfast in endorsing the idea of 21st century protectionism. There have even been suggestions that higher import tariffs on the country’s foreign trading partners could eventually replace the federal income tax.

Experts on the era say Trump is idealizing a time rife with government and business corruption, social turmoil and inequality. They argue he’s also dramatically overestimating the role tariffs played in stimulating an economy that grew mostly due to factors other than the U.S. raising taxes on imported goods.

And Gilded Age policies, they maintain, have virtually nothing to do with how trade works in a globalized, modern economy.

▶ Read more about Trump and the Gilded Age

The Associated Press




OTTAWA — Liberal MPs are gathering on Parliament Hill this afternoon to huddle after the party selected its new leader, former Bank of Canada governor Mark Carney.

Carney is heading into a day full of briefings and in the coming days will need to be sworn in as prime minister, tap his cabinet and sort out his party’s battle plans for the coming federal election — but the exact timeline for all these things remains unclear.

An early election call is widely expected to follow in the coming days or weeks after Carney is installed as prime minister, as the Liberal party looks to take advantage of the burst of momentum it gained over the past two months.

Like Prime Minister Justin Trudeau before him and even Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre, Carney won a resounding mandate from the party base — ultimately capturing 86 per cent of the vote.

Carney’s main rival Chrystia Freeland came in a distant second and said after the event that she always knew it would be an uphill battle, since the party establishment rallied around Carney’s candidacy.

The Conservatives slammed the result as a coronation and Poilievre called it a “sneaky” move to swap Trudeau with Carney so that the Liberals can try to win a fourth mandate.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published March 10, 2025.

Kyle Duggan, The Canadian Press


TORONTO — There had been warning signs for months.

There were the reports of dangerous flu-like symptoms in Asia. News of the lockdown that kept tens of millions of people inside their homes in China. Here at home, the growing ubiquity of blue surgical masks. The advice to sing “Happy Birthday” while washing your hands.

In March 2020, Ren Navarro recalled seeing large bottles of hand sanitizer at a beer event in Guelph, Ont., where she was a panellist. The Queen of Craft crowd was thinner than it should’ve been. It was being livestreamed for people at home.

“This was kind of like the unknowing precursor to what was going to happen,” she said in a recent interview.

Days later, Navarro awoke to news of a sweeping shutdown meant to rein in the spread of the novel coronavirus in Ontario — measures that would soon intensify and take hold across the country.

It was her 45th birthday.

“I just remember, at some point, sitting on the sofa and crying,” she said, even though she hadn’t planned anything special to mark the occasion. Soon came the official stay-at-home order. Her world was suddenly contained to a two-bedroom apartment in Kitchener, Ont., with her wife, two cats, and no work.

The World Health Organization’s declaration of a global pandemic on March 11, 2020, set into motion policies that would upend the lives of Canadians for years to come – from the closing of borders, to shutting down schools and businesses, to banning social gatherings.

“The early days of it was more of just like, how do I not lose my mind, and how do we stay safe from the thing that no one’s really explained to us?” said Navarro.

As time went on, the realization that she was living through a crisis of historic proportions set in, Navarro said.

“Looking back on it, I’m like, how did we survive?”

Five years later, some Canadians are remembering the COVID-19 pandemic as a time of chaos, fear and grief, but also of solidarity and reflection — and raising concerns that the lessons learned from the crisis are already being forgotten.

While not as severe as those in countries such as China, South Korea or India, the public health measures enacted in Canada included unprecedented restrictions as well as fiscal stimulus and social protection efforts, said Sanjay Ruparelia, an associate professor of politics and public administration at Toronto Metropolitan University.

At first, the federal and provincial governments “were very much generally working together and, I think for the most part, citizens here followed those public health instructions,” Ruparelia said, including staying at home.

Canadians showed a high level of social co-operation that reflected both cultural norms and a general trust that public authorities were doing the right thing, he said.

Not anymore.

The cohesion began to fray as the pandemic stretched on, partly due to disagreements over the balance of civil liberties and public safety, debates that were often fuelled by misinformation and disinformation about vaccines and the intentions of various institutions, he said.

That discontent culminated in the protests that saw a convoy of truckers descend on downtown Ottawa in early 2022. A worsening cost-of-living crisis also began to undermine trust in governments during the pandemic and in the years that followed, Ruparelia added.

The long-term effects of lockdowns and school closures, particularly on children and teens, are still unknown, he said, but what’s clear is that many of the changes that took place during that time seem to have faded from collective memory, giving rise to questions about Canada’s response to any future crises that require public co-operation and trust in the scientific consensus.

“That’s something that just upended our lives and had a huge impact on so many spheres of politics, society and our economies, (and) suddenly it’s almost like a sense of amnesia — it didn’t happen, or we’ve forgotten it happened,” he said.

The virus spared no region, but its trajectory — and the steps taken to contain it — varied across provinces, territories and populations.

Quebec and Ontario, the two most populous provinces, were the hardest hit as the pandemic carved a deadly path through their vulnerable long-term care systems.

Atlantic Canada saw comparatively few infections, which experts attributed to geography and low population density as well as the so-called Atlantic Bubble that limited access to the region from the rest of Canada but allowed residents to travel freely within the four provinces’ borders without isolating.

Meanwhile, Nunavut remained the only part of Canada without any confirmed cases for months before recording its first in Sanikiluaq in the fall of 2020.

For many, the early days of the pandemic were spent scrambling for information in the face of uncertainty, as official reports and a steady stream of news updates charted the deadly toll of the virus.

Rapidly evolving rules and public-health advice sparked new routines and practices across the country, from sanitizing groceries and stockpiling toilet paper to banging pots and pans in a show of support for health-care staff and putting teddy bears in windows for children to see.

Images of empty grocery shelves, cordoned-off playgrounds and packed virtual meetings are displayed in a pandemic archive run by Ontario’s Brock University, while diary-like submissions from residents in the Niagara Region pay tribute to lost loved ones and lay out anxieties about the long-term ramifications of closures.

Even mundane details seemed like they could be worth preserving for future generations, said Jocelyn Titone, a Brock employee who contributed to the archive.

A video that was making the rounds at the time led Titone to adopt an elaborate food-cleaning system that included wiping down all groceries outside her home in St. Catharines, Ont., and rinsing produce with water and vinegar after washing, a memory that resurfaces to this day whenever she smells a particular cleaning product, she said.

“It sounds silly now. You’re telling me I’m to tell my grandkids that these are things that we did,” she said.

“We sanitized our groceries and hung out with each other six feet apart, outside, in the freezing weather, just to see each other, or drove by somebody’s house with signs to wish them a happy 50th birthday, because that was the only way we could really celebrate, other than just giving them a call.”

Those little rituals punctuated what often felt like overwhelming and unrelenting demands on her time and energy, said Titone, who suddenly found herself juggling full-time work in a new position and round-the-clock care for her two children, then three and five, during the lockdown.

The stress was compounded by grief when her grandfather died in the U.S. in August 2020, and while his death wasn’t due to COVID-19, pandemic rules meant she couldn’t say goodbye in person or attend his funeral, she said.

“It was the worst mental health experience of my life,” she said. As restrictions loosened, Titone began spending more time outside, rekindled her love of reading and started keeping a gratitude journal on her phone, small steps that helped her recalibrate, she said.

For Heather Breadner, the lockdown meant the abrupt closure of her yarn store in Lindsay, Ont. — and the birth of a new project she now considers her life’s work.

As the death toll rose, Breadner and two friends set out to craft a blanket out of knitted squares to honour those whose lives were lost to the virus. At the time, some 4,000 people in Canada had died due to COVID-19, she said. The tally surpassed 50,000 in early 2023 and continues to increase, though at a slower rate.

The trio shared their plan on social media, thinking the project could provide a welcome distraction from the anxieties of the pandemic, she said.

More than a thousand knitters answered the call, something for which Breadner said she will forever be grateful.

So far, the group has assembled some 7,000 squares, working away at the blanket while watching movies in their spare time, she said. Another 5,000 or so still need to be added, with more potentially on the way, she said.

“Particularly at the five-year anniversary mark, I feel it’s so important, because I feel like the further away we get from those early days, the further we get away from the fact that it’s still happening,” said Breadner, whose cousin is included in the memorial.

“There are still people who are going into hospitals and not coming out, and there’s still empty chairs at tables … because there’s still people dying from COVID,” she said.

When the lockdown brought her advocacy and consulting work to a grinding halt, Navarro was forced to take a break for the first time in a while, she said.

The pause was bewildering at first, but eventually led her to take stock of her life and career, she said. She invested in a Zoom account and expanded her diversity work beyond the beer industry to include post-secondary and other sectors, a move that likely saved her business, she said.

For a while, pandemic restrictions forced people to slow down and break away from the hectic pace of modern life, while fear and isolation pushed them to reconnect with neighbours, friends and family members, Navarro said.

“But now we’re back into the work capitalism and we don’t care about people,” she said. “It’s almost like the lockdown years didn’t happen and we didn’t learn anything from it.”

This report by The Canadian Press was first published March 10, 2025.

Paola Loriggio, The Canadian Press




NEW YORK (AP) — To billionaire Elon Musk and his cost-cutting team at the Department of Government Efficiency, Karen Ortiz may just be one of many faceless bureaucrats. But to some of her colleagues, she is giving a voice to those who feel they can’t speak out.

Ortiz is an administrative judge at the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission — the federal agency in charge of enforcing U.S. workplace anti-discrimination laws that has undergone tumultuous change since President Donald Trump took office. Like millions of other federal employees, Ortiz opened an ominous email on Jan. 28 titled “Fork in the Road” giving them the option to resign from their positions as part of the government’s cost-cutting measures directed by Trump and carried out by DOGE under Musk, an unelected official.

Her alarm grew when her supervisor directed administrative judges in her New York district office to pause all their current LGBTQ+ cases and send them to Washington for further review in order to comply with Trump’s executive order declaring that the government would recognize only two “immutable” sexes — male and female.

Ortiz decried management’s lack of action in response to the directive, which she said was antithetical to the EEOC’s mission, and called upon some 185 colleagues in an email to “resist” complying with “illegal mandates.” But that email was “mysteriously” deleted, she said.

The next day, after yet another frustrating “Fork in the Road” update, Ortiz decided to go big, emailing the EEOC’s acting chair Andrea Lucas directly and copying more than 1,000 colleagues with the subject line, “A Spoon is Better than a Fork.” In it, Ortiz questioned Lucas’s fitness to serve as acting chair, “much less hold a license to practice law.”

“I know I take a great personal risk in sending out this message. But, at the end of the day, my actions align with what the EEOC was charged with doing under the law,” Ortiz wrote. “I will not compromise my ethics and my duty to uphold the law. I will not cower to bullying and intimidation.”

Ortiz is just one person, but her email represents a larger pushback against the Trump administration’s sweeping changes to federal agencies amid an environment of confusion, anger and chaos. It is also Ortiz’s way of taking a stand against the leadership of a civil rights agency that last month moved to dismiss seven of its own cases representing transgender workers, marking a major departure from its prior interpretation of the law.

Right after sending her mass email, Ortiz said she received a few supportive responses from colleagues — and one calling her unprofessional. Within an hour, though, the message disappeared and she lost her ability to send any further emails.

But it still made it onto the internet. The email was recirculated on Bluesky and it received more than 10,000 “upvotes” on Reddit after someone posted it with the comment, “Wow I wish I had that courage.”

“AN AMERICAN HERO,” one Reddit user deemed Ortiz, a sentiment that was seconded by more than 2,000 upvoters. “Who is this freedom fighter bringing on the fire?” wrote another.

The EEOC did not feel the same way. The agency revoked her email privileges for about a week and issued her a written reprimand for “discourteous conduct.”

Contacted by The AP, a spokesperson for the EEOC said: “We will refrain from commenting on internal communications and personnel matters. However, we would note that the agency has a long-standing policy prohibiting unauthorized all-employee emails, and all employees were reminded of that policy recently.”

A month later, Ortiz has no regrets.

“It was not really planned out, it was just from the heart,” the 53-year-old told The Associated Press in an interview, adding that partisan politics have nothing to do with her objections and that the public deserves the EEOC’s protection, including transgender workers. “This is how I feel and I’m not pulling any punches. And I will stand by what I wrote every day of the week, all day on Sunday.”

Ortiz said she never intended for her email to go beyond the EEOC, describing it as a “love letter” to her colleagues. But, she added, “I hope that it lights a fire under people.”

Ortiz said she has received “a ton” of support privately in the month since sending her email, including a thank-you letter from a California retiree telling her to “keep the faith.” Open support among her EEOC colleagues beyond Reddit and Bluesky, however, has proven more elusive.

“I think people are just really scared,” she said.

William Resh, a University of Southern California Sol Price School of Public Policy professor who studies how administrative structure and political environments affect civil servants, weighed in on why federal workers may choose to say nothing even if they feel their mission is being undermined.

“We can talk pie in the sky, mission orientation and all these other things. But at the end of the day, people have a paycheck to bring home, and food to put on a table and a rent to pay,” Resh said.

The more immediate danger, he said, is the threat to one’s livelihood, or inviting a manager’s ire.

“And so then that’s where you get this kind of muted response on behalf of federal employees, that you don’t see a lot of people speaking out within these positions because they don’t want to lose their job,” Resh said. “Who would?”

Richard LeClear, a U.S. Air Force veteran and EEOC staffer who is retiring early at 64 to avoid serving under the Trump administration, said Ortiz’s email was “spot on,” but added that other colleagues who agreed with her may fear speaking out themselves.

“Retaliation is a very real thing,” LeClear said.

Ortiz, who has been a federal employee for 14 years and at the EEOC for six, said she isn’t naive about the potential fallout. She has hired attorneys, and maintains that her actions are protected whistleblower activity. As of Friday, she still had a job but she is not a lifetime appointee and is aware that her health care, pension and source of income could all be at risk.

Ortiz is nonetheless steadfast: “If they fire me, I’ll find another avenue to do this kind of work, and I’ll be okay. They will have to physically march me out of the office.”

Many of Ortiz’s colleagues have children to support and protect, which puts them in a more difficult position than her to speak out, Ortiz acknowledged. She said her legal education and American citizenship also put her in a position to be able to make change.

Her parents, who came to the United States from Puerto Rico in the 1950s with limited English skills, ingrained in her the value of standing up for others. Their firsthand experience with the Civil Rights Movement, and her own experience growing up in mostly white spaces in Garden City on Long Island, primed Ortiz to defend herself and others.

“It’s in my DNA,” she said. “I will use every shred of privilege that I have to lean into this.”

Ortiz received her undergraduate degree at Columbia University, and her law degree at Fordham University. She knew she wanted to become a judge ever since her high school mock trial as a Supreme Court justice.

Civil rights has been a throughline in her career, and Ortiz said she was “super excited” when she landed her job at the EEOC.

“This is how I wanted to finish up my career,” she said. “We’ll see if that happens.”

________

The Associated Press’ women in the workforce and state government coverage receives financial support from Pivotal Ventures. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.

Claire Savage, The Associated Press






WARREN, Mich. (AP) — Bernie Sanders is standing alone on the back of a pickup truck shouting into a bullhorn.

He’s facing several hundred ecstatic voters huddled outside a suburban Detroit high school — the group that did not fit inside the high school’s gym or two overflow rooms. The crowd screams in delight when he tells them that a combined total of 9,000 people had shown up for the rally.

“What all of this tells me, is not just in Michigan or in Vermont, the people of this country will not allow us to move toward oligarchy. They will not allow Trump to take us into authoritarianism,” Sanders yelled. “We’re prepared to fight. And we’re going to win.”

At 83 years old, Sanders is not running for president again. But the stooped and silver-haired democratic socialist has emerged as a leader of the resistance to Donald Trump’s second presidency. In tearing into Trump’s seizure of power and warning about the consequences of firing tens of thousands of government workers, Sanders is bucking the wishes of those who want Democrats to focus on the price of eggs or “roll over and play dead.”

For now, at least, Sanders stands alone as the only elected progressive willing to mount a national campaign to harness the fear and anger of the sprawling anti-Trump movement.

He drew a crowd of 4,000 in Kenosha, Wisconsin, on Friday night. He faced another 2,600 or so the next morning a few hours away in Altoona, Wisconsin, a town of less than 10,000 residents. And his crowd of 9,000 in suburban Detroit exceeded his own team’s expectations. By design, each stop was in a swing U.S. House district represented by a Republican.

Sanders, who was just elected to his fourth Senate term from Vermont, conceded that this is not the role he expected to play at this stage of his career.

In fact, his team intentionally waited in the early weeks of the Trump presidency to launch what they are now calling his “stop oligarchy tour” to see if a high-profile Democrat would fill the leadership void. Instead, Sanders — who is not a Democrat himself despite allying with Senate Democrats and running twice for the party’s presidential nomination — has people wondering if he’s considering another White House bid.

“This is like presidential campaign rallies, isn’t it? But I’m not running for president, and this is not a campaign,” Sanders told The Associated Press. “You gotta do what you gotta do. The country’s in trouble and I want to play my role.”

The divided Democratic resistance

Since losing the White House, Democrats across Washington have struggled to coalesce behind a consistent message or messenger to stop Trump’s aggressive moves to slash the government workforce, weaken federal oversight and empower tech titan Elon Musk to execute his vision.

There has been no centralized movement to organize the anti-Trump resistance.

“You look around — who else is doing it? No one,” Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., said of Sanders’ efforts. “My hope is that the dam will break in terms of Democrats going on the offense … We need to take the argument directly to the people.”

Ocasio-Cortez, a longtime Sanders ally, said she would join him on the road in the coming weeks. She’s also planning solo appearances in Republican-held congressional districts in Pennsylvania and New York — and perhaps others in places where Republicans have declined to hold in-person town halls where they might face protests.

“It’s not about whether Bernie should or shouldn’t be doing this. It’s about that we all should,” she said. “But he is unique in this country, and so long as we are blessed to have that capacity on our side, I think we should be thankful for it.”

Beyond Sanders’ tour, angry voters have so far relied on grassroots groups like Indivisible to organize a series of local protests. They have been effective in pressuring Trump’s allies in some cases. A number of House Republicans facing angry questions have criticized Musk or questioned the cuts being carried out at his allies’ behest.

Indivisible co-founder Ezra Levin, who has been critical of many Democratic leaders, praised Sanders for stepping up.

“I wish more Democrats were traveling the country, including to red states, to rally the the majority against Musk and Project 2025,” Levin said. “Sure as hell beats (House Democratic leader Hakeem) Jeffries traveling the country for his children’s book tour during a constitutional crisis.”

During last month’s congressional recess, Jeffries made two appearances to promote a children’s book about democracy. He has also traveled to support House Democrats. This past weekend, he was in Selma, Alabama, to mark the 60th anniversary of Bloody Sunday.

The truth is that few, if any, Democratic leaders have the capacity to draw such crowds on short notice or organize the related logistics on a national scale. The party’s nascent class of 2028 presidential prospects, a group that includes California Gov. Gavin Newsom, Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, and Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro, have limited national profiles and they have been reluctant to step too far into the national spotlight so far.

Connecticut Sen. Chris Murphy, among the more outspoken Trump critics in Congress, said that Democrats must be better organized.

“People are desperate to be plugged into action right now. People see the threat. They are anxious and angry and motivated and they want to be sent in a direction to help,” he said.

Murphy acknowledged that Sanders still has plenty of detractors within the Democratic Party who view him and his progressive policy ideas — replacing private and job-based health insurance with a government-funded “Medicare for All” plan, free public college, and the “Green New Deal” on climate policy — as too radical.

Indeed, it was just five years ago when Democrats coalesced around Joe Biden to effectively block Sanders from winning the party’s 2020 presidential nomination.

“There still are a lot of folks who view Bernie as a danger to the party,” Murphy said, “whereas I see his message as the core of what we need to build on.”

Sanders was a staunch supporter of Biden over the last four years but criticized the Democratic Party in the aftermath of Kamala Harris’ loss last fall, declaring that Trump’s victory was possible only because Democrats had “abandoned” the working class.

United Auto Workers President Shawn Fain, who introduced Sanders in Michigan, said more Democrats need to “follow his lead to focus on working-class people and working-class issues.”

“They’ve got to take a hard look in the mirror, in my opinion, and decide who the hell they want to represent,” Fain said of Democrats. “We’ve been clear as a union, if they aren’t looking out for working-class people, we’re not going to be there for them.”

The voters speak

The voters who packed venues across Wisconsin and Michigan over the weekend composed a diverse group, including some who did not support Sanders’ past presidential campaigns. Most said that Democratic leaders have not done enough to stop Trump.

“I’m here because I’m afraid for our country. The last six weeks have been horrible,” said Diana Schack, a 72-year-old retired lawyer who attended her first Sanders rally on Saturday. “I am becoming a more avid Bernie fan, especially in light of the work he’s doing traveling around the country. These are not normal times.”

In Kenosha the night before, Amber Schulz, a 50-year-old medical worker, demanded that her party “step up and do something.”

“Bernie is the only politician I trust,” she said.

Tony Gonzales, 56, an independent from Pleasant Prairie, Wisconsin, said he’s worried that Trump will “dismantle historic American standards” and try to stay in office beyond this term. The Constitution bars presidents from serving more than two terms, even as Trump has suggested he deserves a third.

“It’s a dangerous time right now,” Gonzales said. “What Bernie has to say — and the turnout — is important. His voice is still being heard.”

Sanders delivered the same fiery populist message over the weekend that he has for decades, seizing on the nation’s economic inequality to call for free health care, free public higher education and stronger social safety net programs. Sanders was especially focused on the team of billionaires Trump has appointed to serve as leaders in his administration, including Musk and a half dozen others.

“They want to dismantle the federal government and cut programs that working people desperately need,” Sanders warned.

“Yes, the oligarchs are enormously powerful. They have endless amounts of money. They control our economy. They own much of the media, and they have enormous influence over our political system,” he continued. “But from the bottom of my heart, I believe that if we stand together, we can beat them.”

It’s unclear how long that Sanders, an octogenarian who was hospitalized for a heart condition during his 2020 campaign, will continue in this role. A spokesperson said Sanders hasn’t had any health issues since the 2019 episode.

He is not expected to slow down anytime soon. Sanders is leaning on his 2020 presidential campaign manager, Faiz Shakir, to organize his stops, backed by a handful of former presidential campaign staffers working on a contract basis.

Shakir, who lost his bid to become the new chair of the Democratic National Committee, acknowledged strategic differences within the party about how best to combat Trump.

Last month, veteran political strategist James Carville penned an opinion piece calling for Democrats to “roll over and play dead,” betting that Trump and his party would ultimately suffer a political backlash from voters for going too far.

“One theory is you can play dead; you can strategically retreat,” Shakir said. “Or, you play alive, and you go out to people and you talk to them with conviction and integrity.”

Steve Peoples, The Associated Press







Fulbright scholar Aubrey Lay was supposed to get paid for three months of work by the U.S. government through his teaching assistantship at a school for Ukrainian refugees in Estonia. Instead, he only got about one week’s pay and no word on when he might see the rest of his grant.

Lay is among scholars around the world who depend on State Department funding to participate in long-established programs like Fulbright and say their payments were abruptly cut off after being notified that officials were reviewing their activities. The move appears to be in line with the White House’s initiative to sharply slash government spending, a shakeup that has affected scores of federal agencies.

The government faces even more dramatic changes in the coming weeks and months. President Donald Trump has directed agencies to prepare plans for widespread layoffs, known as reductions in force, that likely will require more limited operations at agencies providing critical services.

The funding freeze has sparked panic among thousands of scholars who area stranded outside their home countries without clarity on the future of their programs or the money needed to support themselves.

In February, the U.S. State Department temporarily paused spending in an effort to review its programs and activities, according to NAFSA, an association of international educators. That included programs such as Fulbright, Gilman and Critical Language international scholarships.

In the weeks since officials enacted the pause, some scholars and advocacy groups have said the flow of funds dried up for people’s grants, yet there is no communication from U.S. officials on whether that will change.

The State Department did not immediately respond to an inquiry by The Associated Press about the funding freeze.

Lay found the lack of communication from U.S. officials troublesome. He was also left wondering about the future of the program that his grandmother also participated in decades ago. After it was established in 1946, the program has become a flagship for the U.S. government’s mission toward cross-cultural engagement. Worst for him is what it will mean for his students, particularly if he is forced to leave early.

“I don’t want to be one more thing that is changing and uncertain in their lives,” Lay said. “I can’t bear that thought.”

Lay said he will be OK for another month, but he worries about participants with no extra money saved.

“The clarity that I’ve gotten is that nobody knows what’s going on?” he said. “The clarity that I’ve gotten is that every time I’ve asked anybody, they don’t know what’s happening, and they are just as confused as I am, as we all are.”

Thousands of scholars are in similar positions to Lay, according to the Fulbright Association, which is a nonprofit group comprising alumni. In a newsletter email, the association said the halt in funding impact “over 12,500 American students, youth, and professionals currently abroad or scheduled to participate in State Department programs in the next six months.”

Aside from U.S. citizens, the Fulbright Association also said the pause has cut funding for U.S. programs hosting more than 7,400 people.

Halyna Morozova, a Fulbright scholar from Kyiv teaching Ukrainian to students at Southern Illinois University Edwardsville, said she was at the airport Feb. 28 after what felt like a never-ending day. Trump berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy earlier that day in an extraordinary Oval Office meeting. The future of her country along with her family back home weighed heavily on her mind.

Then she got an email from the Institute of International Education, commonly referred to as IIE, which administers the Fulbright scholarship.

“IIE is currently authorized to send you a partial stipend equivalent to one week of your anticipated upcoming stipend payment,” the email said. “We will update you on future payments as soon as possible.”

Morozova panicked. She usually gets $750 each month. Now, she has to stretch $187.50 to make ends meet.

“It was very scary, I would say, not just because I am lost in another country,” she said. “We don’t know if we will ever get another stipend here, and if they have enough money to buy our tickets home. So there are a lot of things that are not clear and not certain.”

Olga Bezhanova, a professor who manages Morozova and two other scholars, said the exchange program has been in place for nearly two decades at her university, becoming a bedrock of their language education. Now, she is trying to see if her university will supplement the funds being withheld by the federal government. If that doesn’t work out, she said she was unsure of what else could be done.

“I have to look into the faces of these wonderful people, and they’re asking me: ‘Is this America? What is this?’” she said. “This is a mess.”

___

Olivia Diaz is a corps member for The Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. Report for America is a nonprofit national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms to report on undercovered issues.

Olivia Diaz And Heather Hollingsworth, The Associated Press


OTTAWA — Even when Mark Carney was still in high school, his friends bugged him about whether he would become prime minister one day.

His answer was one fit for a future politician: to never confirm nor deny.

Carney, a devout catholic who hails from Fort Smith, N.W.T. and turns 60 next week, cleared his first major political test on Sunday, winning the Liberal leadership by wowing party faithful.

The globe-trotting, two-time central banker who navigated the Canada and UK economies during times of crisis comes otherwise untested at the ballot box and will become Canada’s next prime minister over the coming days.

The only practical experience he has in the political arena — aside from many years of allowing speculation to build up that he might launch a bid to lead the party — he gleaned during the past two months of an unusually short leadership race called to replace outgoing Prime Minister Justin Trudeau.

Carney’s campaign would not make him available for an interview with The Canadian Press at any point during the race, despite multiple requests.

His friends say it’s his other qualities, not his political acumen — his core liberal values, his sterling resume, strategic mind and witty banter — that make him catnip to Liberals.

Carney’s days as bank governor earned him a reputation in Ottawa as a gruff but cerebral policy wonk.

Former Liberal environment minister Catherine McKenna vouches that he’s personable and witty behind the scenes.

“While you often see him and he looks quite serious, he’s quite a funny guy,” she said.

“It’s always hard because you see politicians in a very particular context. Sometimes that’s standing behind a podium and those are artificial situations. He’s a real person, he’s smart and he cares greatly about Canada.”

One such moment, where he broke through the stodgy official Ottawa atmosphere 12 years ago, came as speculation swirled that he might run for Liberal leadership.

The then-Bank of Canada governor shrugged off the suggestion he might run to become an MP.

“Why don’t I become a circus clown?” he joked.

McKenna and Carney have kids around the same age and have been friends for more than a decade. At one point, their friend group decided they needed to become more adventurous, so they challenged each other to come up with ideas and went whitewater kayaking in the Ottawa River and spent time learning how to curl.

“So, you have the bank governor curling and everyone’s just hanging out … curling or drinking beers and watching, having fun,” she said.

McKenna, who has seen him speak on the world stage about climate change and economic opportunity, has endorsed his candidacy even though Carney has pledged to reverse part of a capstone government policy she championed during her tenure in office: the consumer carbon price.

McKenna said that was “a tough pill” to swallow, but blames the opposition to the policy on Conservative politicians who whipped up anger over the policy and endorses Carney’s environmental plan as one that’s “well thought out.”

Carney has played up his past as a hockey goalie — once playing as a backup for Harvard — and his love of the Edmonton Oilers during the campaign, as he crafted his public image.

He once told CBC host George Stroumboulopoulos that he was just OK at the sport.

“I opened the gate for a lot of good hockey players,” he said in a 2011 interview.

“That speaks to Mark. He’s just a very humble guy,” said John Hecker, a longtime friend of Carney’s who went to Saint Francis Xavier high school with him in Edmonton, where they played soccer and basketball.

“Physical activity has been a big part of his life and I remember it’s gotten him — not in trouble, but his security detail in London wasn’t happy with him when he wanted to jog into work each morning rather than get picked up and dropped off.”

Carney was raised Catholic in Edmonton, Alta., where his father Bob Carney, a school teacher, ran unsuccessfully as a Liberal candidate in Edmonton–South in 1980 against the Progressive Conservative incumbent Doug Roche.

Roche, now 96, appeared at Mark Carney’s campaign launch on Jan. 16 to get a sense of what he’s like working a crowd.

“He complimented me when I said that the best man didn’t win — meaning his father — and he said, ‘Oh yeah, the best man did win’, meaning me. It was a pleasant little thing, you know,” Roche said.

The former MP and senator has attended church with Carney in the past and thinks he has what it takes for federal political arena after watching the recent leadership debates — even though he described him as an “anti-politician” and a stark contrast to Trudeau’s persona.

“He’s not a showman. He has a certain technocratic manner to him. It may be that at this particular moment our country’s going through, partly in reaction to Trump and Trumpism, that this may be what people are looking for. He doesn’t come off as aggrandizing,” he said.

“He thinks in terms of social justice and speaks in terms of the boardroom.”

His decade-plus career in the financial sector took him all over the world, from New York to Tokyo, reportedly earning him millions at the investment bank Goldman Sachs at one point, although he has not disclosed his personal finances as his predecessor did during his party leadership run.

Carney spent a large chunk of his career as a public servant — eventually becoming the UK’s first non-British central bank governor.

It’s controversial for central bank governors to take roles in partisan politics, since the independent institutions must be seen to be above the political fray in their decision making or risk its credibility being undermined.

Now, his previously rosy record captaining Canada’s central bank through the economic crisis of 2008 is coming under increasing scrutiny, especially after former prime minister Stephen Harper cast doubt on it in a recent letter that appeared in Conservative fundraising emails.

Carney portrayed himself during the leadership race as a political outsider, although he does have many ties to ranking figures from Trudeau’s inner circle and prominent politicians across the country.

He co-captained the Oxford Blues hockey team with former justice minister David Lametti and is the godfather to the son of his main opponent in the leadership race, Chrystia Freeland.

He’s married to Diana Fox Carney, a climate and finance policy consultant at the Eurasia Group, where she works closely with Gerald Butts, a close friend and former top aide to Trudeau who donated to Carney’s campaign.

Carney’s political inexperience was put under the spotlight during the last stretch of his leadership run, when he denied that his role at his old firm Brookfield Asset Management overlapped with a final decision on moving its headquarters to New York.

The Opposition Conservatives quickly pounced on that, revealing a letter he signed just in December approving the move.

Carney now helms the Liberal party but does not currently hold a seat in Parliament.

His political mettle will be tested soon enough, with political Ottawa chattering about the next federal election likely to be just around the corner, and a call expected in the coming weeks after he’s sworn in as prime minister.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published March 9, 2025.

Kyle Duggan, The Canadian Press


WEST PALM BEACH, Fla. (AP) — Air Force fighter jets intercepted a civilian aircraft flying in the temporarily restricted airspace near Donald Trump’s Florida home Sunday, bringing the number of violations to more than 20 since the president took office on Jan. 20.

North American Aerospace Defense Command said in a statement that Sunday’s incident, which took place as Trump finished a round of golf at his West Palm Beach golf course, saw F-16s deploy flares to get the attention of the civilian pilot. Jets also conducted an intercept on Saturday morning shortly after Trump arrived at the course from his private Mar-a-Lago club and residence.

The airspace intrusions in the heavily congested south Florida airspace have prompted fighter jet intercepts but did not alter Trump’s schedule or impact his security, officials said. NORAD says the flares may have been visible from the ground but that they burn out quickly and don’t pose danger.

Federal officials maintain a permanent flight restriction over Trump’s club that expands to a radius of 30 nautical miles when the president is in residence.

Violations, and intercepts, are relatively routine, but NORAD is raising alarm over the frequency of the intrusions since Trump’s inauguration, saying it has responded to more than 20 incidents and blames civilian pilots for not following regulations requiring them to check for airspace restrictions before taking off.

“Adherence to TFR procedures is essential to ensure flight safety, national security, and the security of the President,” Gen. Gregory Guillot, the commander of NORAD and US Northern Command said in a statement. “The procedures are not optional, and the excessive number of recent TFR violations indicates many civil aviators are not reading Notice to Airmen, or NOTAMS, before each flight as required by the FAA, and has resulted in multiple responses by NORAD fighter aircraft to guide offending aircraft out of the TFR.”

Zeke Miller, The Associated Press